Contents — 67 sections

Book 1, Part 1
Book 1, Part 2
Book 1, Part 3
Book 1, Part 4
Book 1, Part 5
Book 1, Part 6
Book 1, Part 7
Book 2, Part 1
Book 2, Part 2
Book 2, Part 3
Book 2, Part 4
Book 2, Part 5
Book 2, Part 6
Book 2, Part 7
Book 3, Part 1
Book 3, Part 2
Book 3, Part 3
Book 3, Part 4
Book 3, Part 5
Book 3, Part 6
Book 4, Part 1
Book 4, Part 2
Book 4, Part 3
Book 4, Part 4
Book 4, Part 5
Book 4, Part 6
Book 4, Part 7
Book 5, Part 1
Book 5, Part 2
Book 5, Part 3
Book 5, Part 4
Book 5, Part 5
Book 5, Part 6
Book 5, Part 7
Book 6, Part 1
Book 6, Part 2
Book 6, Part 3
Book 6, Part 4
Book 6, Part 5
Book 6, Part 6
Book 7, Part 1
Book 7, Part 2
Book 7, Part 3
Book 7, Part 4
Book 7, Part 5
Book 7, Part 6
Book 7, Part 7
Book 8, Part 1
Book 8, Part 2
Book 8, Part 3
Book 8, Part 4
Book 8, Part 5
Book 8, Part 6
Book 9, Part 1
Book 9, Part 2
Book 9, Part 3
Book 9, Part 4
Book 9, Part 5
Book 9, Part 6
Book 9, Part 7
Book 10, Part 1
Book 10, Part 2
Book 10, Part 3
Book 10, Part 4
Book 10, Part 5
Book 10, Part 6
Book 10, Part 7

Book 1, Part 1

1The coming of Aeneas into Italy, and his achievements there; the reign of Ascanius in Alba, and of the other Sylvian kings. Romulus and Remus born. Amulius killed. Romulus builds Rome; forms a senate; makes war upon the Sabines; presents the opima spolia to Jupiter Feretrius; divides the people into curiae; his victories; is deified. Numa institutes the rites of religious worship; builds a temple to Janus; and having made peace with all his neighbours, closes it for the first time; enjoys a peaceful reign, and is succeeded by Tullus Hostilius. War with the Albans; combat of the Horatii and Curiatii. Alba demolished, and the Albans made citizens of Rome. War declared against the Sabines: Tullus killed by lightning. Ancus Marcius renews the religious institutions of Numa; conquers the Latins, confers on them the right of citizenship, and assigns them the Aventine hill to dwell on; adds the hill Janiculum to the city; enlarges the bounds of the empire. In his reign Lucumo comes to Rome; assumes the name of Tarquinius; and, after the death of Ancus, is raised to the throne. He increases the senate, by adding to it a hundred new senators; defeats the Latins and Sabines; augments the centuries of knights; builds a wall round the city; makes the common sewers; is slain by the sons of Ancus after a reign of thirty-eight years; and is succeeded by Servius Tullius. He institutes the census; closes the lustrum, in which eighty thousand citizens are said to have been enrolled; divides the people into classes and centuries; enlarges the Pomaerium, and adds the Quirinal, Viminal, and Esquiline hills to the city; after a reign of forty years, is murdered by L. Tarquin, afterwards surnamed Superbus. He usurps the crown. Tarquin makes war on the Volsci, and, with the plunder taken from them, builds a temple to Jupiter Capitolinus. By a stratagem of his son, Sextus Tarquin, he reduces the city of Gabii; after a reign of twenty-five years is dethroned and banished, in consequence of the forcible violation of the person of Lucretia by his son Sextus. L. Junius Brutus and L. Tarquinius Collatinus first created consuls.

1.pr.1WHETHER in tracing the history of the Roman people, from the foundation of the city, I shall employ myself to a useful purpose, I am neither very certain, nor, if I were, dare I say: inasmuch as I observe, that it is both an old and hackneyed practice, later authors always supposing that they will either adduce something more authentic in the facts, or, that they will excel the less polished ancients

1.pr.2in their style of writing. Be that as it may, it will, at all events, be a satisfaction to me, that I too have contributed my share to perpetuate the achievements of a people, the lords of the world; and if, amidst so great a number of historians, my reputation should remain in obscurity, I may console myself with the celebrity and lustre of those who shall

1.pr.3stand in the way of my fame. Moreover, the subject is both of immense labour, as being one which must be traced back for more than seven hundred years, and which, having set out from small beginnings, has increased to such a degree that it is now distressed by its own magnitude. And, to most readers, I doubt not but that the first origin and the events immediately succeeding, will afford but little pleasure, while they will be hastening to these later times, in which the strength of this overgrown people has for

1.pr.4a long period been working its own destruction. I, on the contrary, shall seek this, as a reward of my labour, viz. to withdraw myself from the view of the calamities, which our age has witnessed for so many years, so long as I am reviewing with my whole attention these ancient times, being free from every care that may distract a writer's

1.pr.5mind, though it cannot warp it from the truth. The traditions which have come down to us of what happened before the building of the city, or before its building was contemplated, as being suitable rather to the fictions of poetry than to the genuine records of history, I have no intention either to affirm or refute. This indulgence is conceded to antiquity, that by blending things human with divine, it

1.pr.6may make the origin of cities appear more venerable: and if any people might be allowed to consecrate their origin, and to ascribe it to the gods as its authors, such is the renown of the Roman people in war, that when they represent Mars, in particular, as their own parent and that of their founder, the nations of the world may submit to

1.pr.7this as patiently as they submit to their sovereignty. —But in whatever way these and such like matters shall be attended to, or judged of, I shall not deem of great importance. I would have every man apply his mind seriously to consider these points, viz. what their life and what their manners were; through what men and by what measures, both in peace and in war, their empire was acquired and extended; then, as discipline gradually declined, let him follow in his thoughts their morals, at first as slightly giving way, anon how they sunk more and more, then began to fall headlong, until he reaches the present

1.pr.8times, when we can neither endure our vices, nor their remedies. This it is which is particularly salutary and profitable in the study of history, that you behold instances of every variety of conduct displayed on a conspicuous monument; that from thence you may select for yourself and for your country that which you may imitate; thence note what is shameful in

1.pr.9the undertaking, and shameful in the result, which you may avoid. But either a fond partiality for the task I have undertaken deceives me, or there never was any state either greater, or more moral, or richer in good examples, nor one into which luxury and avarice made their entrance so late, and where poverty and frugality were so much and so long honoured; so that the less wealth there was, the less desire was there. Of late, riches have introduced avarice, and excessive pleasures a longing for them, amidst luxury

1.pr.10and a passion for ruining ourselves and destroying every thing else. But let complaints, which will not be agreeable even then, when perhaps they will be also necessary, be kept aloof at

1.pr.11least from the first stage of commencing so great a work. We should rather, if it was usual with us (historians) as it is with poets, begin with good omens, vows and prayers to the gods and goddesses to vouchsafe good success to our efforts in so arduous an undertaking.

1.1.1Now first of all it is sufficiently established that, Troy having been taken, the utmost severity was shown to all the other Trojans; but that towards two, Aeneas and Antenor, the Greeks forbore all the rights of war, both in accordance with an ancient tie of hospitality, and because they had ever been the advisers of peace, and of the restoration of Helen —then

1.1.2that Antenor after various vicissitudes came into the innermost bay of the Adriatic Sea, with a body of the Heneti, who having been driven from Paphlagonia in consequence of a civil commotion, were in quest both of a settlement and a leader, their king Pylaemenes having been lost at Troy;

1.1.3and that the Heneti and Trojans, having expelled the Euganei, who dwelt between the sea and the Alps, took possession of the country; and the place where they first landed is called Troy; from whence also the name of Trojan is given to the canton;

1.1.4but the nation in general is called Veneti: that Aeneas was driven from home by a similar calamity, but the fates leading him to the founding of a greater empire, he came first to Macedonia: that he sailed from thence to Sicily in quest of a settlement: that from Sicily he made for the Laurentine territory; this place also has the name of Troy.

1.1.5When the Trojans, having disembarked there, were driving plunder from the lands, —as being persons to whom, after their almost immeasurable wandering, nothing was left but their arms and ships, —Latinus the king, and the Aborigines, who then occupied those places, assembled in arms from the city and country to repel the violence of the new-comers.

1.1.6On this point the tradition is two-fold: some say, that Latinus, after being overcome in battle, made first a peace, and then an alliance with Aeneas: others, that when the armies were drawn out in battle-array, before the signals were sounded, Latinus advanced to the front of the troops and invited the leader of the adventurers to a conference.

1.1.7That he then inquired who they were, whence (they had come), or by what casualty they had left their home, and in quest of what they had landed on the Laurentine territory:

1.1.8after he heard that the host were Trojans, their chief Aeneas, the son of Anchises and Venus, and that, driven from their own country and their homes, which had been destroyed by fire, they were seeking a settlement and a place for building a town, struck with admiration of the noble origin of the nation and of the hero, and their spirit, alike prepared for peace or war, he confirmed the assurance of future friendship by giving his right hand:

1.1.9that upon this a compact was struck between the chiefs, and mutual greetings passed between the armies: that Aeneas was hospitably entertained by Latinus: that Latinus, in the presence of his household gods, added a family league to the public one, by giving Aeneas his daughter in marriage.

1.1.10This event confirms the Trojans in the hope of at length terminating their wanderings by a fixed and permanent settlement.

1.1.11They build a town. Aeneas calls it Lavinium, after the name of his wife. In a short time, too, a son was the issue of the new marriage, to whom his parents gave the name of Ascanius.

1.2.1The Aborigines and Trojans were soon after attacked together in war. Turnus, king of the Rutulians, to whom Lavinia had been affianced before the coming of Aeneas, enraged that a stranger had been preferred to himself, made war on Aeneas and Latinus together.

1.2.2Neither side came off from that contest with cause for rejoicing. The Rutulians were vanquished; the victorious Aborigines and Trojans lost their leader Latinus.

1.2.3Upon this Turnus and the Rutulians, diffident of their strength, have recourse to the flourishing state of the Etruscans, and their king Mezentius; who holding his court at Cœre, at that time an opulent town, being by no means pleased, even from the commencement, at the founding of the new city, and then considering that the Trojan power was increasing much more than was altogether consistent with the safety of the neighbouring states, without reluctance joined his forces in alliance with the Rutulians.

1.2.4Aeneas, in order to conciliate the minds of the Aborigines to meet the terror of so serious a war, called both nations Latins, so that they might all be not only under the same laws, but also the same name.

1.2.5Nor after that did the Aborigines yield to the Trojans in zeal and fidelity towards their king Aeneas; relying therefore on this disposition of the two nations, who were now daily coalescing more and more, although Etruria was so powerful, that it filled with the fame of its prowess not only the land, but the sea also, through the whole length of Italy, from the Alps to the Sicilian Strait, though he might have repelled the war by means of fortifications, yet he led out his forces to the field.

1.2.6Upon this a battle ensued successful to the Latins, the last also of the mortal acts of Aeneas. He was buried, by whatever name human and divine laws require him to be called, on the banks of the river Numicius. They call him Jupiter Indiges.

1.3.1Ascanius, the son of Aeneas, was not yet old enough to take the government upon him; that government, however, remained secure for him till the age of maturity.

1.3.2In the interim, the Latin state and the kingdom of his grandfather and father was secured for the boy under the regency of his mother (such capacity was there in Lavinia). I have some doubts (for who can state as certain a matter of such antiquity) whether this was the Ascanius, or one older than he, born of Creusa before the fall of Troy, and the companion of his father in his flight from thence, the same whom, being called Iulus, the Julian family call the author of their name.

1.3.3This Ascanius, wheresoever and of whatever mother born, (it is at least certain that he was the son of Aeneas,) Lavinium being overstocked with inhabitants, left that flourishing and, considering these times, wealthy city to his mother or stepmother, and built for himself a new one at the foot of Mount Alba, which, being extended on the ridge of a hill, was, from its situation, called Longa Alba.

1.3.4Between the founding of Lavinium and the transplanting this colony to Longa Alba, about thirty years intervened. Yet its power had increased to such a degree, especially after the defeat of the Etrurians, that not even upon the death of Aeneas, nor after that, during the regency of Lavinia, and the first essays of the young

1.3.5prince's reign, did Mezentius, the Etrurians, or any other of its neighbours dare to take up arms against it.

1.3.6A peace had been concluded between the two nations on these terms, that the river Albula, now called Tiber, should be the common boundary between the Etrurians and Latins.

1.3.7After him Sylvius, the son of Ascanius, born by some accident in a wood, ascends the throne. He was the father of Aeneas Sylvius, who afterwards begot Latinus Sylvius.

1.3.8By him several colonies, called the ancient Latins, were transplanted. From this time, all the princes, who reigned at Alba, had the surname of Sylvius. From Latinus sprung Alba; from Alba, Atys; from Atys, Capys; from Capys, Capetus; from Capetus, Tiberinus, who, being drowned in crossing the river Albula, gave it a name famous with posterity.

1.3.9Then Agrippa, the son of Tiberinus; after Agrippa, Romulus Silvius ascends the throne, in succession to his father. The latter, having been killed by a thunderbolt, left the kingdom to Aventinus, who being buried on that hill, which is now part of the city of Rome, gave his name to it.

1.3.10After him reigns Proca; he begets Numitor and Amulius. To Numitor, his eldest son, he bequeaths the ancient kingdom of the Sylvian family.

1.3.11But force prevailed more than the father's will or the respect due to seniority: for Amulius, having expelled his brother, seizes the kingdom; he adds crime to crime, murders his brother's male issue; and under pretence of doing his brother's daughter, Rhea Sylvia, honour, having made her a vestal virgin, by obliging her to perpetual virginity he deprives her of all hopes of issue.

1.4.1But, in my opinion, the origin of so great a city, and the establishment of an empire next in power to that of the gods, was due to the Fates.

1.4.2The vestal Rhea, being deflowered by force, when she had brought forth twins, declares Mars to be the father of her illegitimate offspring, either because she believed it to be so, or because a god was a more creditable author of her offence.

1.4.3But neither gods nor men protect her or her children from the king's cruelty: the priestess is bound and thrown into prison; the children he commands to be thrown into the current of the river.

1.4.4By some interposition of providence, the Tiber having overflowed its banks in stagnant pools, did not admit of any access to the regular bed of the river; and the bearers supposed that the infants could be drowned in water however still;

1.4.5thus, as if they had effectually executed the king's orders, they expose the boys in the nearest land-flood, where now stands the ficus Ruminalis (they say that it was called Romularis). The country thereabout was then a vast wilderness.

1.4.6The tradition is, that when the water, subsiding, had left the floating trough, in which the children had been exposed, on dry ground, a thirsty she-wolf, coming from the neighbouring mountains, directed her course to the cries of the infants, and that she held down her dugs to them with so much gentleness, that the keeper of the king's flock found her licking the boys with her tongue.

1.4.7It is said his name was Faustulus; and that they were carried by him to his homestead to be nursed by his wife Laurentia. Some are of opinion that she was called Lupa among the shepherds, from her being a common prostitute, and that this gave rise to the surprising story.

1.4.8The children thus born and thus brought up, when arrived at the years of manhood, did not loiter away their time in tending the folds or following the flocks, but roamed and hunted in the forests.

1.4.9Having by this exercise improved their strength and courage, they not only encountered wild beasts, but even attacked robbers laden with plunder, and afterwards divided the spoil among the shepherds. And in company with these, the number of their young associates daily increasing, they carried on their business and their sports.

1.5.1They say, that the festival of the lupercal, as now celebrated, was even at that time solemnized on the Palatine hill, which, from Palanteum, a city of Arcadia, was first called Palatium, and afterwards Mount Palatine.

1.5.2There they say that Evander, who belonged to the tribe of Arcadians, that for many years before had possessed that country, appointed the observance of a feast, introduced from Arcadia, in such manner, that young men ran about naked in sport and wantonness, doing honour to Pan Lycaeus, whom the Romans afterwards called Inuus.

1.5.3That the robbers, through rage at the loss of their booty, having lain in wait for them whilst intent on this sport, as the festival was now well known, whilst Romulus vigorously defended himself, took Remus prisoner; that they delivered him up, when taken, to king Amulius, accusing him with the utmost effrontery.

1.5.4They principally alleged it as a charge against them, that they had made incursions upon Numitor's lands, and plundered them in a hostile manner, having assembled a band of young men for the purpose.

1.5.5Upon this Remus was delivered to Numitor to be punished. Now, from the very first, Faustulus had entertained hopes that the boys whom he was bringing up were of the blood royal; for he both knew that the children had been exposed by the king's orders, and that the time at which he had taken them up agreed exactly with that period: but he had been unwilling that the matter, as not being yet ripe for discovery, should be disclosed, till either a fit opportunity or necessity should arise.

1.5.6Necessity came first; accordingly, compelled by fear, he discovers the whole affair to Romulus. By accident also, whilst he had Remus in custody, and had heard that the brothers were twins, on comparing their age, and observing their turn of mind entirely free from servility, the recollection of his grand-children struck Numitor; and on making inquiries he arrived at the same conclusion, so that he was well nigh recognising Remus.

1.5.7Thus a plot is concerted for the king on all sides. Romulus, not accompanied by a body of young men, (for he was unequal to open force,) but having commanded the shepherds to come to the palace by different roads at a fixed time, forces his way to the king; and Remus, with another party from Numitor's house, assists his brother, and so they kill the king.

1.6.1Numitor, at the beginning of the fray, having given out that enemies had invaded the city, and assaulted the palace, after he had drawn off the Alban youth to secure the citadel with a garrison and arms, when he saw the young men, after they had killed the king, advancing to congratulate him, immediately called an assembly of the people, and represented to them the unnatural behaviour of his brother towards him, the extraction of his grand-children, the manner of their birth and education, and how they came to be discovered;

1.6.2then he informed them of the king's death, and that he was killed by his orders.

1.6.3When the young princes, coming up with their band through the middle of the assembly, saluted their grandfather king, an approving shout, following from all the people present, ratified to him both that title and the sovereignty. Thus the government of Alba being committed to Numitor, a desire seized Romulus and Remus to build a city on the spot where they had been exposed and brought up. And there was an overflowing population of Albans and of Latins.

1.6.4The shepherds too had come into that design, and all these readily inspired hopes, that Alba and Lavinium would be but petty places in comparison with the city which they intended to build. But ambition of the sovereignty, the bane of their grandfather, interrupted these designs, and thence arose a shameful quarrel from a beginning sufficiently amicable. For as they were twins, and the respect due to seniority could not determine the point, they agreed to leave to the tutelary gods of the place to choose, by augury, which should give a name to the new city, which govern it when built.

1.7.1Romulus chose the Palatine and Remus the Aventine hill as their stands to make their observations. It is said, that to Remus an omen came first, six vultures; and now, the omen having been declared, when double the number presented itself to Romulus, his own party saluted each king; the former claimed the kingdom on the ground of priority of time, the latter on account of the number of birds.

1.7.2Upon this, having met in an altercation, from the contest of angry feelings they turn to bloodshed; there Remus fell from a blow received in the crowd.

1.7.3A more common account is, that Remus, in derision of his brother, leaped over his new-built wall, and was, for that reason, slain by Romulus in a passion; who, after sharply chiding him, added words to this effect: So shall every one fare, who shall dare to leap over my fortifications. Thus Romulus got the sovereignty to himself; the city, when built, was called after the name of its founder.

1.7.4His first work was to fortify the Palatine hill where he had been educated. To the other gods he offers sacrifices according to the Alban rite; to Hercules, according to the Grecian rite, as they had been instituted by Evander. There is a tradition, that Hercules, having killed Geryon, drove his oxen, which were extremely beautiful, into those places; and that, after swimming over the Tiber, and driving the cattle before him, being fatigued with travelling, he laid himself down on the banks of the river, in a grassy place, to refresh them with rest and rich pasture.

1.7.5When sleep had overpowered him, satiated with food and wine, a shepherd of the place, named Cacus, presuming on his strength, and charmed with the beauty of the oxen, wished to purloin that booty, but because, if he had driven them forward into the cave, their footsteps would have guided the search of their owner thither, he therefore drew the most beautiful of them, one by one, by the tails, backwards into a cave.

1.7.6Hercules, awaking at daybreak, when he had surveyed his herd, and observed that some of them were missing, goes directly to the nearest cave, to see if by chance their footsteps would lead him thither. But when he observed that they were all turned from it, and directed him no other way, confounded, and not knowing what to do, he began to drive his cattle out of that unlucky place.

1.7.7Upon this, some of the cows, as they usually do, lowed on missing those that were left; and the lowings of those that were confined being returned from the cave, made Hercules turn that way. And when Cacus attempted to prevent him by force, as he was proceeding to the cave, being struck with a club, he was slain, vainly imploring the assistance of the shepherds.

1.7.8At that time Evander, who had fled from the Peloponnesus, ruled this country more by his credit and reputation than absolute sway. He was a person highly revered for his wondrous knowledge of letters, a discovery that was entirely new and surprising to men ignorant of every art; but more highly respected on account of the supposed divinity of his mother Carmenta, whom these nations had admired as a prophetess, before the coming of the Sibyl into Italy.

1.7.9This prince, alarmed by the concourse of the shepherds hastily crowding round the stranger, whom they charged with open murder, after he heard the act and the cause of the act, observing the person and mien of the hero to be larger, and his gait more majestic, than human, asked who he was?

1.7.10As soon as he was informed of his name, his father, and his native country, he said, Hail! Hercules! son of Jupiter, my mother, a truth-telling interpreter of the gods, has revealed to me, that thou shalt increase the number of the celestials;

1.7.11and that to thee an altar shall be dedicated here, which some ages hence the most powerful people on earth shall call Ara Maxima, and honour according to thy own institution.

1.7.12Hercules having given him his right hand, said, That he accepted the omen, and would fulfil the predictions of the fates, by building and consecrating an altar. There for the first time a sacrifice was offered to Hercules of a chosen heifer, taken from the herd, the Potitii and Pinarii, who were then the most distinguished families that inhabited these parts, having been invited to the service and the entertainment.

1.7.13It so happened that the Potitii were present in due time, and the entrails were set before them; when they were eaten up, the Pinarii came to the remainder of the feast.

1.7.14From this time it was ordained, that while the Pinarian family subsisted, none of them should eat of the entrails of the solemn sacri- fices. The Potitii, being instructed by Evander, discharged this sacred function as priests for many ages, until the office, solemnly appropriated to their family, being delegated to public slaves, their whole race became extinct.

1.7.15This was the only foreign religious institution which Romulus adopted, being even then an abettor of immortality attained by merit, to which his own destinies were conducting him.

1.8.1The duties of religion having been duly performed, and the multitude summoned to a meeting, as they could be incorporated into one people by no other means than fixed rules, he gave them a

1.8.2code of laws, and judging that these would be best respected by this rude class of men, if he made himself dignified by the insignia of authority, he assumed a more majestic appearance both in his other appointments, and especially by taking twelve lictors to attend him.

1.8.3Some think that he chose this number of officers from that of the birds, which in the augury had portended the kingdom to him. I do not object to be of the opinion of those who will have it that the apparitors (in general), and this particular class of them, and even their number, was taken from their neighbours the Etrurians, from whom were borrowed the curule chair, and the gown edged with purple; and that the Etrurians adopted that number, because their king being elected in common from twelve states, each state assigned him one

1.8.4lictor. Meanwhile the city increased by their taking in various lots of ground for buildings, whilst they built rather with a view to future numbers, than for the population which they then

1.8.5had. Then, lest the size of the city might be of no avail, in order to augment the population, according to the ancient policy of the founders of cities, who, after drawing together to them an obscure and mean multitude, used to feign that their offspring sprung out of the earth, he opened as a sanctuary, a place which is now enclosed as you go down to the two

1.8.6groves. Hither fled from the neighbouring states, without distinction whether freemen or slaves, crowds of all sorts, desirous of change: and this was the first accession of strength to

1.8.7their rising greatness. When he was now not dissatisfied with his strength, he next sets about forming some means of directing that strength. He creates one hundred senators, either because that number was sufficient, or because there were only one hundred who could name their fathers. They certainly were called Fathers, through respect, and their descendants, Patricians.

1.9.1And now the Roman state was become so powerful, that it was a match for any of the neighbouring nations in war, but, from the paucity of women, its greatness could only last for one age of man; for they had no hope of issue at home, nor had they any intermarriages with their neighbours.

1.9.2Therefore, by the advice of the Fathers, Romulus sent ambassadors to the neighbouring states to solicit an alliance and the privilege of intermarriage for his new subjects.

1.9.3That cities, like every thing else, rose from very humble beginnings. That those which the gods and their own merit aided, gained great power and high renown.

1.9.4That he knew full well, both that the gods had aided the origin of Rome, and that merit would not be wanting. Wherefore that, as men, they should feel no reluctance to mix their blood and race with men.

1.9.5No where did the embassy obtain a favourable hearing: so much did they at the same time despise, and dread for themselves and their posterity, so great a power growing up in the midst of them. They were dismissed by the greater part with the repeated question, Whether they had opened any asylum for women also, for that such a plan only could obtain them suitable matches?

1.9.6The Roman youth resented this conduct bitterly, and the matter unquestionably began to point towards violence. Romulus, in order that he might afford a favourable time and place for this, dissembling his resentment, purposely prepares games in honour of Neptunus Equestris; he calls them Consualia.

1.9.7He then orders the spectacle to be proclaimed among their neighbours; and they prepare for the celebration with all the magnificence they were then acquainted with, or were capable of doing, that they might render the matter famous, and an object of expectation.

1.9.8Great numbers assembled, from a desire also of seeing the new city; especially their nearest neighbours, the Caeninenses, Crustumini, and Antemnates. Moreover the whole multitude of the Sabines came, with their wives and children.

1.9.9Having been hospitably invited to the different houses, when they had seen the situation, and fortifications, and the city crowded with houses, they became astonished that the Roman power had increased so rapidly.

1.9.10When the time of the spectacle came on, and while their minds and eyes were intent upon it, according to concert a tumult began, and upon a signal given the Roman youth ran different ways to carry off the virgins by force. A great number were carried off at hap-hazard, according as they fell into their hands.

Book 1, Part 2

1.9.11Persons from the common people, who had been charged with the task, conveyed to their houses some women of surpassing beauty, destined for the leading senators.

1.9.12They say that one, far distinguished beyond the others for stature and beauty, was carried off by the party of one Thalassius, and whilst many inquired to whom they were carrying her, they cried out every now and then, in order that no one might molest her, that she was being taken to Thalassius; that from this circumstance this term became a nuptial one.

1.9.13The festival being disturbed by this alarm, the parents of the young women retire in grief, appealing to the compact of violated hospitality, and invoking the god, to whose festival and games they had come, deceived by the pretence of religion and good faith.

1.9.14Neither had the ravished virgins better hopes of their condition, or less indignation. But Romulus in person went about and declared, That what was done was owing to the pride of their fathers, who had refused to grant the privilege of marriage to their neighbours; but notwithstanding, they should be joined in lawful wedlock, participate in all their possessions and civil privileges, and, than which nothing can be dearer to the human heart, in their common children.

1.9.15He begged them only to assuage the fierceness of their anger, and cheerfully surrender their affections to those to whom fortune had con signed their persons. [He added,] That from injuries love and friendship often arise; and that they should find them kinder husbands on this account, because each of them, besides the performance of his conjugal duty, would endeavour to the utmost of his power to make up for the want of their parents and native country.

1.9.16To this the caresses of the husbands were added, excusing what they had done on the plea of passion and love, arguments that work most successfully on women's hearts.

1.10.1The minds of the ravished virgins were soon much soothed, but their parents by putting on mourning, and tears and complaints, roused the states. Nor did they confine their resentment to their own homes, but they flocked from all quarters to Titus Tatius, king of the Sabines; and because he bore the greatest character in these parts, embassies were sent to him.

1.10.2The Caeninenses, Crustumini, and Antemnates were people to whom a considerable portion of the outrage extended. To them Tatius and the Sabines seemed to proceed somewhat dilatorily. Nor even do the Crustumini and Antemnates bestir themselves with sufficient activity to suit the impatience and rage of the Caeninenses.

1.10.3Accordingly the state of the Caeninenses by itself makes an irruption into the Roman territory. But Romulus with his army met them ravaging the country in straggling parties, and by a slight engagement convinces them, that resentment without strength is of no avail.

1.10.4He defeats and routs their army, pursues it when routed, kills and despoils their king in battle, and having slain their general takes the city at the first assault.

1.10.5From thence having led back his victorious army, and being a man highly distinguished by his exploits, and one who could place them in the best light, went in state to the capitol, carrying before him, suspended on a frame curiously wrought for that purpose, the spoils of the enemy's general, whom he had slain, and there after he had laid them down at the foot of an oak held sacred by the shepherds, together with the offering, he marked out the bounds for a temple of Jupiter, and gave a surname to the god:

1.10.6Jupiter Feretrius, he says, I, king Romulus, upon my victory, present to thee these royal arms, and to thee I dedicate a temple within those regions which I have now marked out in my mind, as a receptacle for the grand spoils, which my suc- cessors, following my example, shall, upon their killing the kings or generals of the enemy, offer to thee. This is the origin of that temple, the first consecrated at Rome.

1.10.7It afterwards so pleased the gods both that the declaration of the founder of the temple should not be frustrated, by which he announced that his posterity should offer such spoils, and that the glory of that offering should not be depreciated by the great number of those who shared it. During so many years, and amid so many wars since that time, grand spoils have been only twice gained, so rare has been the successful attainment of that honour.

1.11.1Whilst the Romans are achieving these exploits, the army of the Antemnates, taking advantage of their absence, makes an incursion into the Roman territories in a hostile manner. A Roman legion being marched out in haste against these also, surprise them whilst straggling through the fields.

1.11.2Accordingly the enemy were routed at the very first shout and charge: their town taken; and as Romulus was returning, exulting for this double victory, his consort, Hersilia, importuned by the entreaties of the captured women, beseeches him to pardon their fathers, and to admit them to the privilege of citizens; that thus his power might be strengthened by a reconciliation.

1.11.3Her request was readily granted. After this he marched against the Crustumini, who were commencing hostilities; but as their spirits were sunk by the defeat of their neighbours, there was still less resistance there.

1.11.4Colonies were sent to both places, but more were found to give in their names for Crustuminum, because of the fertility of the soil. Migrations in great numbers were also made from thence to Rome, chiefly by the parents and relatives of the ravished women.

1.11.5The last war broke out on the part of the Sabines, and proved by far the most formidable: for they did nothing through anger or cupidity; nor did they make a show of war, before they actually began it.

1.11.6To prudence stratagem also was added. Sp. Tarpeius commanded the Roman citadel; Tatius bribes his maiden daughter with gold, to admit armed soldiers into the citadel: she had gone by chance outside the walls to fetch water for the sacrifice.

1.11.7Those who were admitted crushed her to death by heaping their arms upon her; either that the citadel might seem rather to have been taken by storm, or for the purpose of establishing a precedent, that no faith should, under any circumstances, be kept with a traitor.

1.11.8A story is added, that the Sabines commonly wore on their left arm golden bracelets of great weight, and large rings set with precious stones, and that she bargained with them for what they had on their left hands; hence that their shields were thrown upon her instead of the golden presents.

1.11.9There are some who say that in pursuance of the compact to deliver up what was on their left hands, she expressly demanded their shields, and that appearing to act with treachery, she was killed by the reward of her own choosing.

1.12.1The Sabines, however, kept possession of the citadel, and on the day after, when the Roman army, drawn up in order of battle, filled up all the ground lying between the Palatine and Capitoline hills, they did not descend from thence into the plain, till the Romans, fired with resentment, and with a desire of retaking the citadel, advanced to attack them.

1.12.2Two chiefs, one on each side, animated the battle, viz. Mettus Curtius on the part of the Sabines, Hostus Hostilius on that of the Romans. The latter, in the front ranks, supported the Roman cause by his courage and bravery, on disadvantageous ground.

1.12.3As soon as Hostus fell, the Roman line immediately gave way and was beaten to the old gate of the Palatium.

1.12.4Romulus, himself too carried away with the general rout, raising his arms to heaven, says, O Jupiter, commanded by thy birds, I here laid the first foundation of the city on the Palatine hill. The Sabines are in possession of the citadel, purchased by fraud. From thence they are now advancing hither, sword in hand, having already passed the middle of the valley.

1.12.5But do thou, father of gods and men, keep back the enemy at least from hence, dispel the terror of the Romans, and stop their shameful flight.

1.12.6Here I solemnly vow to build a temple to thee as Jupiter Stator, as a monument to posterity, that this city was saved by thy immediate aid.

1.12.7Having offered up this prayer, as if he had felt that his prayers were heard, he cries out, At this spot, Romans, Jupiter, supremely good and great, commands you to halt, and renew the fight. The Romans halted as if they had been commanded by a voice from heaven; Romulus himself flies to the foremost ranks.

1.12.8Mettus Curtius, on the part of the Sabines, had rushed down at the head of his army from the citadel, and driven the Romans in disorder over the whole ground now occupied by the forum. He was already not far from the gate of the Palatium, crying out, We have defeated these perfidious strangers, these dastardly enemies. They now feel that it is one thing to ravish virgins, another far different to fight with men.

1.12.9On him, thus vaunting, Romulus makes an attack with a band of the most courageous youths. It happened that Mettus was then fighting on horseback; he was on that account the more easily repulsed: the Romans pursue him when repulsed: and the rest of the Roman army, encouraged by the gallant behaviour of their king, routs the Sabines.

1.12.10Mettus, his horse taking fright at the din of his pursuers, threw himself into a lake; and this circumstance drew the attention of the Sabines at the risk of so important a person. He, however, his own party beckoning and calling to him, acquires new courage from the affection of his many friends, and makes his escape. The Romans and Sabines renew the battle in the valley between the hills; but Roman prowess had the advantage.

1.13.1At this juncture the Sabine women, from the outrage on whom the war originated, with hair dishevelled and garments rent, the timidity of their sex being overcome by such dreadful scenes, had the courage to throw themselves amid the flying weapons, and making a rush across, to part the incensed armies, and assuage their fury;

1.13.2imploring their fathers on the one side, their husbands on the other, that as fathers-in-law and sons-in-law they would not contaminate each other with impious blood, nor stain their offspring with parricide, the one their grandchildren, the other their

1.13.3children. If you are dissatisfied with the affinity between you, if with our marriages, turn your resentment against us; we are the cause of war, we of wounds and of bloodshed to our husbands and parents. It were better that we perish than live widowed or fatherless without one or other of

1.13.4you. The circumstance affects both the multitude and the leaders. Silence and a sudden suspension ensue. Upon this the leaders come forward in order to concert a treaty, and they not only conclude a peace, but form one state out of

1.13.5two. They associate the regal power, and transfer the entire sovereignty to Rome. The city being thus doubled, that some compliment might be paid to the Sabines, they were called Quirites, from

1.13.6Cures. As a memorial of this battle, they called the place where the horse, after getting out of the deep marsh, first set Curtius in shallow water, the Curtian Lake. This happy peace following suddenly a war so distressing, rendered the Sabine women still dearer to their husbands and parents, and above all to Romulus

1.13.7himself. Accordingly, when he divided the people into thirty curiae, he called the curiae by their names. Since, without doubt, the number of the Sabine women was considerably greater than this, it is not recorded whether those who were to give their names to the curiae were selected on account of their age, or their own or their husbands' rank, or by

1.13.8lot. At the same time three centuries of knights were enrolled, called Ramnenses, from Romulus; Tatienses, from Titus Tatius. The reason of the name and origin of the Luceres is uncertain.

1.14.1Thenceforward the two kings held the regal power not only in common, but in concord also. Several years after, some relatives of king Tatius beat the ambassadors of the Laurentes, and when the Laurentes commenced proceedings according to the law

1.14.2of nations, the influence of his friends and their importunities had more weight with Tatius.

1.14.3He therefore drew upon himself the punishment due to them; for he is slain at Lavinium, in a tumult which arose on his going thither to an anniversary sacrifice. They say that Romulus resented this with less severity than the case required, either by reason of their association in the kingly power being devoid of cordiality, or because he believed that he was justly killed.

1.14.4He therefore declined going to war; in order, however, that the ill-treatment of the ambassadors and the murder of the king might be expiated, the treaty was renewed between the cities of Rome and Lavinium. With this party, indeed, peace continued, contrary to expectation; another war broke out much nearer home, and almost at the very gates. The Fidenates, thinking that a power too near to themselves was growing to a height, resolve to make war, before their strength should become as great as it was apparent it would be. An armed body of young men being sent in, all the land is laid waste between the city and Fidenae.

1.14.5Then turning to the left, because the Tiber confined them on the right, they continue their depredations to the great consternation of the peasantry. The sudden alarm reaching the city from the country, served as the first announcement.

1.14.6Romulus, roused at this circumstance, (for a war so near home could not admit of delay,) leads out his army: he pitches his camp a mile from Fidenae.

1.14.7Having left there a small garrison, marching out with all his forces, he commanded a party of his soldiers to lie in ambush in a place hidden by thick bushes which were planted around. Then advancing with the greater part of the foot and all the horse, and riding up to the very gates of the city in a disorderly and menacing manner, he drew out the enemy, the very thing he wanted.

1.14.8The same mode of fighting on the part of the cavalry likewise made the cause of the flight, which was to be counterfeited, appear less surprising: and when, the horse seeming irresolute, as if in deliberation whether to fight or fly, the infantry also retreated, the enemy suddenly rushed from the crowded gates, after they had made an impression on the Roman line, are drawn on to the place of ambuscade in their eagerness to press on and pursue.

1.14.9Upon this the Romans, rising suddenly, attack the enemy's line in flank. The standards of those who had been left behind on guard, advancing from the camp, further increase the panic.

1.14.10The Fidenates, thus dismayed with terrors from so many quarters, turn their backs almost before Romulus, and those who had accompanied him on horseback, could wheel their horses round; and those who a little before had pursued men pretending to fly, now ran back to the town in much greater disorder, for their flight was in earnest.

1.14.11They did not however get clear of the enemy: the Romans pressing on their rear rush in as it were in one body before the gates could be shut against them.

1.15.1The minds of the Veientes being excited by the contagious influence of the Fidenatian war, both from the tie of consanguinity, for the Fidenates also were Etrurians, and because the very proximity of situation, in case the Roman arms should be turned against all their neighbours, urged them on, they made an incursion on the Roman territories, more to commit depredations than after the manner of a regular war.

1.15.2Accordingly, without pitching a camp, or awaiting the approach of the enemy's army, they returned to Veii, carrying with them the booty collected from the lands; the Roman army on the other side, when they did not find the enemy in the country, being prepared for and determined on a decisive action, cross the Tiber.

1.15.3And when the Veientes heard that they were pitching a camp, and intended to advance to the city, they came out to meet them, that they might rather decide the matter in the open field, than be shut up and fight from their houses and walls.

1.15.4Here the Roman king obtained the victory, his power not being aided by any stratagem, merely by the strength of his veteran army: and having pursued the routed enemies to their walls, he made no attempt on the city, strong as it was by its fortifications, and well defended by its situation: on his return he lays waste their lands, rather from a desire of revenge than booty.

1.15.5And the Veientes, being humbled by that loss no less than by the unsuccessful battle, send ambassadors to Rome to sue for peace.

1.15.6A truce for one hundred years was granted them after they were fined a part of their land. These are the principal transactions which occurred during the reign of Romulus, in peace and war, none of which seem inconsistent with the belief of his divine original, or of the deification attributed to him after death, neither his spirit in recovering his

1.15.7grandfather's kingdom, nor his project of building a city, nor that of strengthening it by the arts of war and peace.

1.15.8For by the strength attained from that outset under him, it became so powerful, that for forty years after it enjoyed a profound peace. He was, however, dearer to the people than to the fathers; but above all others he was most beloved by the soldiers. And he kept three hundred of them armed as a body-guard not only in war but in peace, whom he called Celeres.

1.16.1After performing these immortal achievements, while lie was holding an assembly of the people for reviewing his army, in the plain near the lake of Capra, on a sudden a storm having arisen, with great thunder and lightning, enveloped the king in so dense a mist, that it took all sight of him from the assembly. Nor was Romulus after this seen on earth.

1.16.2The consternation being at length over, and fine clear weather succeeding so turbulent a day, when the Roman youth saw the royal seat empty, though they readily believed the fathers who had stood nearest him, that he was carried aloft by the storm, yet, struck with the dread as it were of orphanage, they preserved a sorrowful silence for a considerable time.

1.16.3Then, a commencement having been made by a few, the whole multitude salute Romulus a god, son of a god, the king and parent of the Roman city; they implore his favour with prayers, that he would be pleased always propitiously to preserve his own offspring.

1.16.4I believe that even then there were some, who silently surmised that the king had been torn in pieces by the hands of the fathers; for this rumour also spread, but was not credited; their admiration of the man, and the consternation felt at the moment, attached importance to the other report.

1.16.5By the contrivance also of one individual, additional credit is said to have been gained to the matter. For Proculus Julius, whilst the state was still troubled with regret for the king, and felt incensed against the senators, a person of weight, as we are told, in any matter however

1.16.6important, comes forward to the assembly, Romans, he says, Romulus, the father of this city, suddenly descending from heaven, appeared to me this day at day-break. While I stood covered with awe, and filled with a religious dread, beseeching him to allow me to see him face to face, he said, Go tell the Romans, that the gods so will, that my Rome should become the capitol of the world.

1.16.7Therefore let them cultivate the art of war, and let them know and hand down to posterity, that no human power shall be able to withstand the Roman arms.

1.16.8Having said this, he ascended up to heaven. It is surprising what credit was given to the man on his making this announcement, and how much the regret of the common people and army, for the lids of Romulus, was assuaged upon the assurance of his immortality.

1.17.1Meanwhile ambition and contention for the throne actuated the minds of the fathers; factions had not yet sprung up from individuals, because, among a new people, no one person was eminently distinguished above the rest: the contest was carried on between the different orders.

1.17.2The descendants of the Sabines wished a king to be elected out of their body, lest, because there had been no king on their side since the death of Tatius, they might lose their claim to the crown according to the compact of equal participation. The old Romans spurned the idea of a foreign prince.

1.17.3Amid this diversity of views, however, all were anxious that there should be a king, they not having yet tasted the sweets of liberty.

1.17.4Fear then seized the senators, lest the minds of the surrounding states being incensed against them, some foreign power should attack the state, now without a government, and the army without a leader. It was therefore their wish that there should be some head, but no one could bring himself to give way to another.

1.17.5Thus the hundred senators divide the government among them, ten decuries being formed, and one selected from each decury, who was to have the chief direction of affairs.

1.17.6Ten governed; one only was attended with the insignia of authority and the lictors: their power was limited to the space of five days, and it passed through all in rotation, and the interval between a kingly government lasted a year. From the circumstance it was called an Interregnum, a term which holds good even now.

1.17.7But the people began to murmur, that their slavery was multiplied, and that they had got a hundred sovereigns instead of one, and they seemed determined to bear no authority but that of a king, and that one of their own choosing.

1.17.8When the fathers perceived that such schemes were in agitation, thinking it advisable to offer them, of their own accord, what they were sure to lose; they thus conciliate the favour of the people by yielding to them the supreme power, yet in such a manner as to grant them no greater privilege than they reserved to themselves.

1.17.9For they decreed, that when the people should choose a king, the election should be valid, if the senate approved. And the same forms are observed at this day in passing laws and electing magistrates, though their efficacy has been taken away; for before the people begin to vote, the senators declare their approbation, whilst the result of the elections is still uncertain.

1.17.10Then the interrex, having called an assembly of the people, addressed them in this manner: Do you, Romans, choose yourselves a king, and may it prove fortunate, happy, and auspicious to you; so the fathers have determined.

1.17.11Then, if you choose a prince worthy to succeed Romulus, the fathers will confirm your choice. This concession was so pleasing to the people, that, not to be outdone in generosity, they only voted, and required that the senate should determine who should be king of Rome.

1.18.1The justice and piety of Numa Pompilius was at that time celebrated. He dwelt at Cures, a city of the Sabines, and was as eminently learned in all laws human and divine, as any man could be in that age.

1.18.2They falsely represent that Pythagoras of Samos was his instructor in philosophy, because there appears no other person to refer to. Now it is certain that this philosopher, in the reign of Servius Tullius, more than a hundred years after this, held assemblies of young men, who eagerly imbibed his doctrine, in the most distant part of Italy, about Metapontus, Heraclea, and Croton.

1.18.3But from these places, even had he flourished at the same time, what fame of his (extending) to the Sabines could have aroused any one to a desire of learning, or by what intercourse of language (could such a thing have been effected)? Besides, how could a single man have safely passed through so many nations differing in language and

1.18.4customs? I presume, therefore, that his mind was naturally furnished with virtuous dispositions, and that he was not so much versed in foreign sciences as in the severe and rigid discipline of the ancient Sabines, than which class none was in former times more

1.18.5strict. The Roman fathers, upon hearing the name of Numa, although they perceived that the scale of power would incline to the Sabines if a king were chosen from them, yet none of them ventured to prefer himself, or any other of his party, or any of the citizens or fathers, to that person, but unanimously resolved that the kingdom should be conferred on Numa

1.18.6Pompilius. Being sent for, just as Romulus before the building of the city obtained the throne by an augury, he commanded the gods to be consulted concerning himself

1.18.7also. Upon this, being conducted into the citadel by an augur, (to which profession that office was made a public one and perpetual by way of honour,) he sat down on a stone facing the south: the augur took his seat on his left hand with his head covered, holding in his right a crooked wand free from knots, which they called lituus; then taking a view towards the city and country, after offering a prayer to the gods, he marked out the regions from east to west, the parts towards the south he called the right, those towards the north, the

1.18.8left; and in front of him he set out in his mind a sign as far as ever his eye could reach. Then having shifted the lituus into his left hand, placing his right hand on the head of Numa, he prayed in this

1.18.9manner: O father Jupiter, if it is thy will that this Numa Pompilius, whose head I hold, should be king of Rome, I beseech thee to give sure and evident signs of it within those bounds which I have

1.18.10marked. Then he stated in set terms the omens which he wished to be sent; and on their being sent, Numa was declared king and came down from the stand.

1.19.1Having thus obtained the kingdom, he sets about establishing anew, on the principles of laws and morals, the city recently established by violence and arms. When he saw that their minds, as having been rendered ferocious by military life, could not be reconciled to those principles during the continuance of wars, considering that a fierce people should be mollified by the disuse of arms, he erected at the foot of Argiletum a temple of Janus, as an index of peace and war; that when open, it might show the state was engaged in war, and when shut, that all the neighbouring nations were at peace with it.

1.19.2Twice only since the reign of Numa hath this temple been shut; once when T. Manlius was consul, at the end of the first Punic war; and a second time, which the gods granted our age to see, by the emperor Augustus Caesar, after the battle of Actium, peace being established by sea and land.

1.19.3This being shut, after he had secured the friendship of the neighboring states around by alliance and treaties, all anxiety regarding dangers from abroad being removed, lest their minds, which the fear of enemies and military discipline had kept in check, should become licentious by tranquillity, he considered, that, first of all, an awe of the gods should be instilled into them, a principle of the greatest efficacy with a multitude ignorant and uncivilized as in those times. But as it could not sink deeply into their minds without some fiction of a miracle, he pretends that he holds nightly interviews with the goddess Egeria; that by her direction he instituted the sacred rites which would be most acceptable to the gods, and appointed proper priests for each of the deities.

1.19.4And, first of all, he divides the year into twelve months, according to the course of the moon; and because the moon does not make up thirty days in each month, and some days are wanting to the complete year as constituted by the solstitial revolution, he so portioned it out by inserting intercalary months, that every twenty-fourth year, the lengths of all the intermediate years being completed, the days should correspond to the same place of the sun (in the heavens) whence they had set out. He likewise made a distinction of the days into pro- fane and sacred, because on some it was likely to be expedient that no business should be transacted with the people.

Book 1, Part 3

1.20.1Next he turned his attention to the appointment of priests, though he performed many sacred rites himself, especially those which now belong to the flamen of Jupiter.

1.20.2But, as he imagined that in a warlike nation there would be more kings resembling Romulus than Numa, and that they would go to war in person, he appointed a residentiary priest as flamen to Jupiter, that the sacred functions of the royal office might not be neglected, and he distinguished him by a fine robe, and a royal curule chair. To him he added two other famines, one for Mars, another for Quirinus.

1.20.3He also selected virgins for Vesta, a priesthood derived from Alba, and not foreign to the family of the founder. That they might be constant attendants in the temple, he appointed them salaries out of the public treasury; and by enjoining virginity, and other religious observances, he made them sacred and venerable.

1.20.4He selected twelve Salii for Mars Gradivus, and gave them the distinction of an embroidered tunic, and over the tunic a brazen covering for the breast. He commanded them to carry the celestial shields called Ancilia, and to go through the city singing songs, with leaping and solemn dancing.

1.20.5Then he chose out of the number of the fathers Numa Marcius, son of Marcus, as pontiff, and consigned to him an entire system of religious rites written out and sealed, (showing) with what victims, upon what days, and in what temples the sacred rites were to be performed; and from what funds the money was to be taken for these expenses.

1.20.6He placed all religious institutions, public and private, under the cognisance of the pontiff, to the end that there might be some place where the people should come to consult, lest any confusion in the divine worship might be occasioned by neglecting the ceremonies of their own country, and introducing foreign ones.

1.20.7(He ordained) that the same pontiff should instruct the people not only in the celestial ceremonies, but also in (the manner of performing) funeral solemnities, and of appeasing the manes of the dead; and what prodigies sent by lightning or any other phenomenon were to be attended to and expiated. To elicit such knowledge from the divine mind, he dedicated an altar on the Aventine to Jupiter Elicius, and consulted the god by auguries as to what (prodigies) should be expiated.

1.21.1The whole multitude having been diverted from violence and arms to the considering and adjusting these matters, both their minds had been engaged in doing something, and the constant watchfulness of the gods now impressed upon them, as the deity of heaven seemed to interest itself in human concerns, had filled the breasts of all with such piety, that faith and religious obligations governed the state, no less than fear of the laws and of punishment.

1.21.2And while the people were moulding themselves after the morals of the king, as their best example, the neighbouring states also, who had formerly thought that it was a camp, not a city, situate in the midst of them to disturb the general peace, were brought (to feel) such respect for them that they considered it impious that a state, wholly occupied in the worship of the gods, should

1.21.3be molested. There was a grove, the middle of which was irrigated by a spring of running water, issuing from a dark grotto. As Numa went often thither alone, under pretence of conferring with the goddess, he dedicated the place to the Muses, because their meetings with his wife Egeria were

1.21.4held there. He also instituted a yearly festival to Faith alone, and commanded the priests to be carried to her temple in an arched chariot drawn by two horses, and to perform the divine service with their hands wrapt up to the fingers, intimating that Faith ought to be protected, and that her seat ought to be sacred even in men's

1.21.5right hands. He instituted many other sacred rites, and dedicated places for performing them, which the priests call Argei. But the greatest of all his works was his maintenance of peace, during the whole period of his reign, no less than of his

1.21.6royal prerogative. Thus two kings in succession, by different me- thods, the one by war, the other by peace, aggrandized the state. Romulus reigned thirty-seven years, Numa forty-three: the state was both strong and well versed in the arts of war and peace.

1.22.1Upon the death of Numa, the administration returned again to an interregnum. After that the people appointed as king, Tullus Hostilius, the grandson of that Hostilius who had made the noble stand against the Sabines at the foot of the citadel.

1.22.2The fathers confirmed the choice. He was not only unlike the preceding king, but was even of a more warlike disposition than Romulus. Both his youth and strength, and the renown of his grandfather, stimulated his ambition. Thinking therefore that the state was becoming languid through quiet, he every where sought for pretexts for stirring up war.

1.22.3It happened that some Roman and Alban peasants had mutually plundered each other's lands. C. Cluilius at that time governed Alba.

1.22.4From both sides ambassadors were sent almost at the same time, to demand restitution. Tullus ordered his to attend to nothing before their instructions. He knew well that the Alban would refuse, and that so war might be proclaimed on just grounds. Their commission was executed more remissly by the Albans.

1.22.5For being courteously and kindly entertained by Tullus, they politely avail themselves of the king's hospitality. Meanwhile the Romans had both been first in demanding restitution, and, upon the refusal of the Albans, had proclaimed war after an interval of thirty days: of this they give Tullus notice. Upon this he granted the Alban ambassadors an opportunity of stating what they came to demand.

1.22.6They, ignorant of all, waste some time in making apologies: That it was with the utmost reluctance they should say any thing which was not pleasing to Tullus; but they were compelled by their orders. That they had come to demand restitution; and if this be not made, they were commanded to declare war.

1.22.7To this Tullus made answer, Go tell your king, that the king of the Romans takes the gods to witness, which of the two nations hath with contempt first dismissed the ambassadors demanding restitution, that on it they may visit all the calamities of this war. The Albans carry home these tidings.

1.23.1War was prepared for on both sides with the utmost vigour, very like to a civil war, in a manner between parents and children: both being Trojan offspring; for from Troy came Lavinium, from Lavinium Alba, and the Romans were descended from the race of Alban kings.

1.23.2But the result of the war rendered the quarrel less distressing, for they never came to any action; and, when the houses only of one of the cities had been demolished, the two states were incorporated into one.

1.23.3The Albans first made an irruption into the Roman territories with a large army. They pitch their camp not above five miles from the city, and surround it with a trench, which, for several ages, was called the Cluilian trench, from the name of the general, till, in process of time, the name, together with the thing itself, were both forgotten.

1.23.4In that camp Cluilius, the Alban king, dies; the Albans create Mettus Fuffetius dictator. In the mean time, Tullus being in high spirits, especially on the death of the king, and giving out that the supreme power of the gods, having begun at the head, would take vengeance on the whole Alban nation for this impious war, having passed the enemy's camp in the night-time, marches with a hostile army into the Alban territory.

1.23.5This circumstance drew out Mettus from his camp likewise; he leads his forces as near as he can to the enemy; from thence he commands a herald, despatched by him, to tell Tullus that a conference was expedient before they came to an engagement; and that if he would give him a meeting, he was certain he should adduce matters which concerned the interest of Rome not less than that of Alba.

1.23.6Tullus not slighting the proposal, though the advances made were of little avail, draws out his men in order of battle; the Albans on their part come out also.

1.23.7As both armies stood in battle-array, the chiefs, with a few of the principal officers, advance into the middle between them. Then the Alban commences thus: That injuries and the non-restitution of property according to treaty, when demanded, were the cause of this war, methinks I both heard our King Cluilius (assert), and I doubt not, Tullus, but that you state the same thing. But if the truth is to be told, rather than that which is plausible, the desire of dominion stimulates two kindred and neighbouring states to arms.

1.23.8Nor do I take upon myself to determine whether rightly or wrongly: be that his consideration who commenced the war. The Albans have made me their leader for carrying on the war. Of this, Tullus, I would wish to warn you; how powerful the Etruscan state is around us, and round you particularly, you know better (than we), inasmuch as you are nearer them. They are very powerful by land, extremely so by sea.

1.23.9Recollect that, when you shall give the signal for battle, these two armies will presently be a spectacle to them; and they may fall on us wearied and exhausted, victor and vanquished together. Therefore, in the name of heaven, since, not content with certain liberty, we are incurring the dubious risk of sovereignty and slavery, let us adopt some method, whereby, without much loss, without much blood of either nation, it may be decided which shall rule the other.

1.23.10—The proposal is not displeasing to Tullus, though both from the natural bent of his mind, as also from the hope of victory, he was rather inclined to violence. After some consideration, a plan is adopted on both sides, for which Fortune herself afforded the materials.

1.24.1It happened that there were in each of the two armies three brothers born at one birth, unequal neither in age nor strength. That they were called Horatii and Curiatii is certain enough; nor is there any circumstance of antiquity more celebrated; yet in a matter so well ascertained, a doubt remains concerning their names, to which nation the Horatii and to which the Curiatii belonged. Authors claim them for both sides; yet I find more who call the Horatii Romans. My inclination leads me to follow them.

1.24.2The kings confer with the three brothers, that they should fight with their swords each in defence of their respective country; (assuring them) that dominion would be on that side on which victory should be.

1.24.3No objection is made; time and place are agreed on. Before they engaged, a compact is entered into between the Romans and Albans on these conditions, that the state whose champions should come off victorious in that combat, should rule the other state without further dispute. Different treaties are made on different terms, but they are all concluded in the same general method.

1.24.4We have heard that it was then concluded as follows, nor is there a more ancient record of any treaty. A herald asked king Tullus thus, Do you command me, O king, to conclude a treaty with the pater patratus of the Alban people? After the king had given command, he said, I demand vervain of thee, O king.

1.24.5To which the king replied, Take some that is pure. The herald brought a pure blade of grass from the citadel; again he asked the king thus, Dost thou, O king, appoint me the royal delegate of the Roman people, the Quirites? including my vessels and attendants?

1.24.6The king answered, That which may be done without detriment to me and to the Roman people, the Quirites, I do. The herald was M. Valerius, who appointed Sp. Fusius pater patratus, touching his head and hair with the vervain. The pater patratus is appointed ad jusjurandum patrandum, that is, to ratify the treaty; and he goes through it in a great many words, which, being expressed in a long set form, it is not worth while repeating.

1.24.7After setting forth the conditions, he says, Hear, O Jupiter; hear, O pater patratus of the Alban people, and ye, Alban people, hear. As those (conditions), from first to last, have been recited openly from those tablets or wax without wicked fraud, and as they have been most correctly understood here this day, from those conditions the Roman people will not be the first to swerve.

1.24.8If they first swerve by public concert, by wicked fraud, on that day do thou, O Jupiter, so strike the Roman people, as I shall here this day strike this swine; and do thou strike them so much the more, as thou art more able and more powerful.

1.24.9When he said this, he struck the swine with a flint stone. The Albans likewise went through their own form and oath by their own dictator and priests.

1.25.1The treaty being concluded, the twin-brothers, as had been agreed, take arms. Whilst their respective friends exhortingly reminded each party "that their country's gods, their country and parents, all their countrymen both at home and in the army, had their eyes then fixed on their arms, on their hands; naturally brave, and animated by the exhortations of their friends, they advance into the midst between the two lines.

1.25.2The two armies sat down before their respective camps, free rather from present danger than from anxiety: for the sove- reign power was at stake, depending on the valour and fortune of so few. Accordingly, therefore, eager and anxious, they have their attention intensely riveted on a spectacle far from pleasing. The signal is given.:

1.25.3and the three youths on each side, as if in battle-array, rush to the charge with determined fury, bearing in their breasts the spirits of mighty armies: nor do the one or the other regard their personal danger; the public dominion or slavery is present to their mind, and the fortune of their country, which was ever after destined to be such as they should now establish it.

1.25.4As soon as their arms clashed on the first encounter, and their burnished swords glittered, great horror strikes the. spectators; and, hope inclining to neither side, their voice and breath were suspended.

1.25.5Then having engaged hand to hand, when not only the movements of their bodies, and the rapid brandishings of their arms and weapons, but wounds also and blood were seen, two of the Romans fell lifeless, one upon the other, the three Albans being wounded.

1.25.6And when the Alban army raised a shout of joy at their fall, hope entirely, anxiety however not yet, deserted the Roman legions, alarmed for the lot of the one, whom the three Curiatii surrounded.

1.25.7He happened to be unhurt, so that, though alone he was by no means a match for them all together, yet he was confident against each singly. In order therefore to separate their attack, he takes to flight, presuming that they would pursue him with such swiftness as the wounded state of his body would suffer each.

1.25.8He had now fled a considerable distance from the place where they had fought, when, looking behind, he perceives them pursuing him at great intervals from each other; and that one of them was not far from him. On him he turned round with great fury.

1.25.9And whilst the Alban army shouts out to the Curiatii to succour their brother, Horatius, victorious in having slain his antagonist, was now proceeding to a second attack. Then the Romans encourage their champion with a shout such as is usually (given) by persons cheering in consequence of unexpected success: he also hastens to put an end to the combat.

1.25.10Wherefore before the other, who was not far off, could come up, he despatches the second Curiatius also.

1.25.11And now, the combat being brought to an equality of numbers, one on each side remained, but they were equal neither in hope nor in strength. The one his body untouched by a weapon, and a double victory made courageous for a third contest: the other dragging along his body exhausted from the wound, exhausted from running, and dispirited by the slaughter of his brethren before his eyes, presents himself to his victorious antagonist. Nor was that a fight.

1.25.12The Roman, exulting, says, Two I have offered to the shades of my brothers: the third I will offer to the cause of this war, that the Roman may rule over the Alban. He thrusts his sword down into his throat, whilst faintly sustaining the weight of his armour: he strips him as he lies prostrate.

1.25.13The Romans receive Horatius with triumph and congratulation; with so much the greater joy, as success had followed so close on fear. They then turn to the burial of their friends with dispositions by no means alike; for the one side was elated with (the acquisition of) empire, the other subjected to foreign jurisdiction:

1.25.14their sepulchres are still extant in the place where each fell; the two Roman ones in one place nearer to Alba, the three Alban ones towards Rome; but distant in situation from each other, and just as they fought.

1.26.1Before they parted from thence, when Mettus, in conformity to the treaty which had been concluded, asked what orders he had to give, Tullus orders him to keep the youth in arms, that he designed to employ them, if a war should break out with the Veientes.

1.26.2After this both armies returned to their homes. Horatius marched foremost, carrying before him the spoils of the three brothers: his sister, a maiden who had been betrothed to one of the Curiatii, met him before the gate Capena: and having recognized her lover's military robe, which she herself had wrought, on her brother's shoulders, she tore her hair, and with bitter wailings called by name on her deceased lover.

1.26.3The sister's lamentations in the midst of his own victory, and of such great public rejoicings, raised the indignation of the excited youth.

1.26.4Having therefore drawn his sword, he run the damsel through the body, at the same time chiding her in these words: Go hence, with thy unseasonable love to thy spouse, forgetful of thy dead brothers, and of him who survives, forgetful of thy native country.

1.26.5So perish every Roman woman who shall mourn an enemy. This action seemed shocking to the fathers and to the people; but his recent services outweighed its guilt. Nevertheless he was carried before the king for judgment. The king, that he himself might not be the author of a decision so melancholy, and so disagreeable to the people, or of the punishment consequent on that decision, having summoned an assembly of the people, says, I appoint, according to law, duumvirs to pass sentence on Horatius for treason.

1.26.6The law was of dreadful import. Let the duumvirs pass sentence for treason. If he appeal from the duumvirs, let him contend by appeal; if they shall gain the cause, cover his head; hang him by a rope from a gallows; scourge him either within the pomœrium or without the pomœrium.

1.26.7When the duumvirs appointed by this law, who did not consider that, according to the law, they could acquit even an innocent person, had fond him guilty; one of them says, P. Horatius, I judge thee guilty of treason.

1.26.8Go, lictor, bind his hands. The lictor had approached him, and was fixing the rope. Then Horatius, lay the advice of Tullus, a favourable interpreter of the law, says, I appeal.

1.26.9Accordingly the matter was contested by appeal to the people. On that trial persons were much affected, especially by P. Horatius the father declaring, that he considered his daughter deservedly slain; were it not so, that he would by his authority as a father have inflicted punishment on his son. He then en- treated that they would not render childless him whom but a little while ago they had beheld with a fine progeny.

1.26.10During these words the old man, having embraced the youth, pointing to the spoils of the Curiatii fixed up in that place which is now called Pila Horatia, Romans, said he, can you bear to see bound beneath a gallows amidst scourges and tortures, him whom you just now beheld marching decorated (with spoils) and exulting in victory; a sight so shocking as the eyes even of the Albans could scarcely endure.

1.26.11Go, lictor, bind those hands, which but a little while since, being armed, established sovereignty for the Roman people. Go, cover the head of the liberator of this city; hang him on the gallows; scourge him, either within the pomœrium, so it be only amid those javelins and spoils of the enemy; or without the pomœrium, only amid the graves of the Curiatii. For whither can you bring this youth, where his own glories must not redeem him from such ignominy of punishment?

1.26.12The people could not withstand the tears of the father, or the resolution of the son, so undaunted in every danger; and acquitted him more through admiration of his bravery, than for the justice of his cause. But that so notorious a murder might be atoned for by some expiation, the father was commanded to make satisfaction for the son at the public charge.

1.26.13He, having offered certain expiatory sacrifices, which were ever after continued in the Horatian family, and laid a beam across the street, made his son pass under it as under a yoke, with his head covered. This remains even to this day, being constantly repaired at the expense of the public; they call it Sororium Tigillum.

1.26.14A tomb of square stone was erected to Horatia in the place where she was stabbed and fell.

1.27.1Nor did the peace with Alba continue long. The dissatisfaction of the populace, because the fortune of the state had been hazarded on three soldiers, perverted the weak mind of the dictator; and because honourable measures had not turned out well, he began to conciliate their affections by perfidious means.

1.27.2Accordingly, as one formerly seeking peace in war, so now seeking war in peace, because he perceived that his own state possessed more courage than strength, he stirs up other nations to make war openly and by proclamation: for his own people he reserves treachery under the mask of alliance.

1.27.3The Fidenates, a Roman colony, having gained over the Veientes as partisans in the confederacy, are instigated to declare war and take up arms under a compact of desertion on the part of the Albans.

1.27.4When Fidenae had openly revolted, Tullus, after summoning Mettus and his army from Alba, marches against the enemy. When he crossed the Anio, he pitches his camp at the conflux of the rivers. Between that place and Fidenae, the army of the Veientes had crossed the Tiber.

1.27.5These, in line of battle, occupied the right wing near the river; the Fidenates are posted on the left nearer the mountains. Tullus stations his own men opposite the Veientian foe; the Albans he opposes to the legion of the Fidenates. The Alban had not more courage than fidelity. Neither daring therefore to keep his ground, nor to desert openly, he files off slowly to the mountains.

1.27.6After this, when he supposed he had gone far enough, he halts his entire army; and being still irresolute in mind, in order to waste time, he opens his ranks. His design was, to turn his forces to that side to which fortune should give

1.27.7success. At first the Romans who stood nearest were astonished, when they perceived their flanks were uncovered by the departure of their allies; then a horseman in full gallop announces to the king that the Albans were moving off. Tullus, in this perilous juncture, vowed twelve Salii, and temples to Paleness and

1.27.8Panic. Rebuking the horseman in a loud voice, so that the enemy might hear him, he orders him to return to the fight, that there was no occasion for alarm; that by his order the Alban army was marching round to fall on the unprotected rear of the

1.27.9Fidenates. He likewise commands him to order the cavalry to raise their spears aloft; this expedient intercepted from a great part of the Roman infantry the view of the Alban army retreating. Those who saw it, believing what they had heard the king say, fought with the greater ardour. The alarm is now transferred to the enemy; they had both heard what had been pronounced so audibly, and a great part of the Fidenates, as having been joined as colonists to the Romans, understood

1.27.10Latin. Therefore, that they might not be intercepted from the town by a sudden descent of the Albans from the hills, they take to flight. Tullus presses forward, and having routed the wing of the Fidenates, returned with greater fury against the Veientes, disheartened by the panic of the others: nor did they sustain his charge; but the river, opposed to them behind, prevented a precipitate

1.27.11flight. Whither when their flight led, some, shamefully throwing down their arms, rushed blindly into the river; others, while they linger on the banks, doubting whether to fly or fight, were overpowered. Never before had the Romans a more desperate battle.

1.28.1Then the Alban army, that had been spectators of the fight, was marched down into the plains. Mettus congratulates Tullus on his defeat of the enemy; Tullus on his part addresses Mettus with great civility. He orders the Albans to unite their camp with the Romans, which he prayed might prove beneficial to both; and prepares a sacrifice of purification for the next day.

1.28.2As soon as it was light, all things being in readiness, according to custom, he commands both armies to be summoned to an assembly. The heralds, beginning at the outside, summoned the Albans first.

1.28.3They, struck too with the novelty of the thing, in order to hear the Roman king harangue, crowded next to him.

1.28.4The Roman legions, under arms, by concert surrounded them; a charge had been given to the centurions to execute their orders without delay. Then Tullus begins as follows: Romans, if ever before at any other time in any war there was (an occasion) on which you should return thanks, first to the immortal gods, next to your own valour, that occasion was yesterday's battle. For the contest was not more with enemies than with the treachery and perfidy of allies, a contest which is more serious and more dangerous.

1.28.5For that a false opinion may not influence you, the Albans retired to the mountains without my orders, nor was that my command, but a stratagem and the pretence of a command: that so your attention might not be drawn away from the fight, you being kept in ignorance that you were deserted, and that terror and dismay might be struck into the enemy, conceiving themselves to be surrounded on the rear.

1.28.6Nor does that guilt, which I now state, extend to all the Albans. They followed their leader; as you too would have done, if I had wished my army to make a move to any other point from thence. Mettus there is the leader of that march, the same Mettus is the contriver of this war; Mettus is the violator of the treaty between Rome and Alba.

1.28.7Let another hereafter attempt the like conduct, unless I now make of him a signal example to mankind. The centurions in arms stand round Mettus, and the king proceeds with the rest as he had commenced: It is my intention, and may it prove fortunate, auspicious, and happy to the Roman people, to myself, and to you, O Albans, to transplant all the inhabitants of Alba to Rome: to grant your people the rights of citizenship, and to admit your nobles into the rank of senators: to make one city, one republic; that as the Alban state was formerly divided from one people into two, so it may now return into one.

1.28.8On hearing this the Alban youth, unarmed, surrounded by armed men, however divided in their sentiments, yet restrained by the common apprehension, continue silent.

1.28.9Then Tullus proceeded: If, Mettus Fuffetius, you were capable of learning fidelity, and how to observe treaties, that lesson would have been taught you by me, while still alive. Now, since your disposition is incurable, do you at least by your punishment teach mankind to consider those things sacred which have been violated by you. As therefore a little while since you kept your mind divided between the interest of Fidenae and of Rome, so shall you now surrender your body to be torn asunder in different directions.

1.28.10Upon this, two chariots drawn by four horses being brought, he ties Mettus extended at full length to their carriages: then the horses were driven on in different directions, carrying off the mangled body on each carriage, where the limbs had been fastened by the cords.

1.28.11All turned away their eyes from so shocking a spectacle. That was the first and last instance of a punishment among the Romans regardless of the laws of humanity. In other cases we may boast that no nation whatever adopted milder forms of punishment.

1.29.1During these occurrences the cavalry had been despatched onward to Alba to remove the multitude to Rome. The legions were next led thither to demolish the city.

1.29.2When they entered the gates, there was not indeed that tumult nor panic, such as usually takes place with captured cities when the gates being burst open, or the walls levelled by the ram, or the citadel taken by assault, the shouts of the enemy and rush of armed men through the city throws every thing into confusion by fire and sword:

1.29.3but gloomy silence and speechless sorrow so absorbed the minds of all, that, through fear, forgetting what they should leave behind, what they should take with them, all concert failing them, and frequently making inquiries of each other, they now stood at their thresholds, now wandering about they strayed through their houses, doomed to see them for that the last time.

Book 1, Part 4

1.29.4But as soon as the shouts of the horsemen commanding them to depart now urged them on, the crashing of the dwellings which were being demolished, was now heard in the remotest parts of the city, and the dust, rising in distant places, had filled every quarter as with a cloud spread over them;

1.29.5hastily snatching up whatever each of them could, whilst they went forth leaving behind them their guardian deity and household gods, and the homes in which each had been born and brought up, a continued train of emigrants soon filled the ways, and the sight of others through mutual commiseration renewed their tears, and piteous cries too were heard, of the women more especially, when they passed by their revered temples now beset with armed men, and left their gods as it were in captivity.

1.29.6After the Albans had evacuated the town, the Roman soldiery level all the public and private edifices indiscriminately to the ground, and one short hour consigned to demolition and ruin the work of four hundred years, during which Alba had stood. The temples of the gods, however, for such had been the orders given by the king, were spared.

1.30.1In the mean time Rome increases by the demolition of Alba. The number of citizens is doubled. The Cœlian mount is added to the city, and in order that it might be inhabited more populously, Tullus selects that situation for his palace and there took up his abode.

1.30.2The leading persons among the Albans he enrols among the patricians, that that branch of the state also might increase, the Julii, Servilii, Quinctii, Geganii, Curiatii, Clœlii; and as a consecrated place of meeting for the order augmented by him he built a senate-house, which was called Hostilia even down to the age of our fathers.

1.30.3And that every rank might acquire some additional strength from the new people, he formed ten troops of horsemen from among the Albans: he likewise recruited the old, and raised new legions from the same source.

1.30.4Confiding in this increase of strength, Tullus declares war against the Sabines, a nation at that time the most powerful, next to the Etrurians, in men and in arms. Injuries had been done on both sides, and restitution demanded in vain.

1.30.5Tullus complained that some Roman merchants had been seized in an open market near the temple of Feronia; the Sabines, that some of their people had taken refuge in the asylum, and were detained at Rome.

1.30.6These were assigned as the causes of the war. The Sabines, holding in recollection both that a portion of their strength had been fixed at Rome by Tatius, and that the Roman power had also been lately increased by the accession of the Alban people, began, on their part, to look around for foreign aid.

1.30.7Etruria was in their neighbourhood; of the Etrurians the Veientes were the nearest. From thence they drew some volunteers, their minds being stirred up to a revolt, chiefly in consequence of the rankling animosities from (former) wars. And pay also had its weight with some stragglers belonging to the indigent population.

1.30.8They were assisted by no aid from the government, and the faith of the truce stipulated with Romulus was strictly observed by the Veientes (for with respect to the others it is less surprising). While they were preparing for war with the utmost vigour, and the matter seemed to turn on this, which should first commence hostilities, Tullus first passes into the Sabine territory.

1.30.9A desperate battle ensued at the wood called Malitiosa, in which the Roman army was far superior, both by the strength of their foot, and also by the recent augmentation of their cavalry.

1.30.10The Sabine ranks were thrown into disorder by a sudden charge of the cavalry, nor could either the fight be afterwards restored, or a retreat accomplished without great slaughter.

1.31.1After the defeat of the Sabines, when the government of Tullus and the whole Roman state was in high renown, and in a very flourishing condition, word was brought to the king and senators, that it rained stones on the Alban Mount.

1.31.2As this could scarcely be credited, on persons being sent to inquire into the prodigy, a thick shower of stones fell from heaven in their sight, just as when hail collected into balls is pelted down to the earth by the winds.

1.31.3Besides, they imagined that they heard a loud voice from the grove on the summit of the hill, requiring the Albans to perform their religious service according to the rites of their native country, which they had consigned to oblivion, as if their gods had been abandoned together with their country; and they had either adopted the religion of Rome, or, as may happen, enraged at their evil destiny, had renounced altogether the worship of the gods.

1.31.4A festival of nine days was instituted publicly by the Romans also on account of the same prodigy, either in obedience to the heavenly voice sent from the Alban mount, (for that too is stated,) or by the advice of the aruspices.

1.31.5Certain it is, it continued a solemn observance, that whenever the same prodigy was announced, a festival for nine days was observed. Not long after, they were afflicted with a pestilence; and though from this there arose an aversion to military service, yet no respite from arms was granted by this warlike king, who considered that the bodies of the young men were even more healthy abroad than at home, until he himself also was seized with a lingering disease.

1.31.6Then, together with his body, those fierce spirits became so broken, that he, who formerly considered nothing less worthy of a king than to devote his mind to religion, suddenly became a slave to every form of superstition, important and trifling, and filled the people's minds also with religious scruples.

1.31.7The generality of persons, now wishing to recur to that state of things which had existed under king Numa, thought that the only relief left for their sickly bodies was, if peace and pardon could be obtained from the gods.

1.31.8They say that the king himself, turning over the commentaries of Numa, after he had found therein that certain sacrifices of a secret and solemn nature had been performed to Jupiter Elicius, shut himself up and set about the performance of this solemnity; but that that rite was not duly undertaken or conducted, and that not only no appearance of heavenly notification was presented to him, but that he was struck with lightning and burnt to ashes, together with his house, through the anger of Jupiter, exasperated at the impropriety of the ceremony. Tullus reigned two-and-thirty years with great military renown.

1.32.1On the death of Tullus the government devolved once more upon the senate, and they nominated an interrex; and on his holding the comitia, the people elected Ancus Marcius king. The fathers confirmed the election. Ancus Marcius was the grandson of king Numa Pompilius by his daughter.

1.32.2As soon as he ascended the throne, reflecting on the renown of his grandfather, and that the late reign, glorious in every other respect, in one particular had not been sufficiently prosperous, the rites of religion having either been utterly neglected, or improperly performed; deeming it of the highest importance to perform the public ceremonies of religion as they had been instituted by Numa, he orders the pontiff, after he had transcribed them all from the king's commentaries on white tables, to expose them to public view. Hence, both his own subjects, desirous of peace, and the neighbouring nations, entertained a hope that the king would conform to the conduct and institutions of his grandfather.

1.32.3Accordingly the Latins, with whom a treaty had been concluded in the reign of Tullus, assumed new courage; and after they had made an incursion upon the Roman lands, return a contemptuous answer to the Romans on their demanding restitution, supposing that the Roman king would spend his reign in indolence among chapels and altars.

1.32.4The genius of Ancus was of a middle kind, partaking both of that of Numa and of Romulus; and, besides that, he thought that peace was more necessary in his grandfather's reign, considering the people were but recent as well as uncivilized, he also (considered) that he could not, without injury, preserve the tranquillity which had fallen to his lot; that his patience was tried, and being tried, was now despised; and that the times were more suited to a king Tullus than to a Numa.

1.32.5In order, however, that as Numa had instituted religious rites in peace, ceremonies relating to war might be transmitted by him, and that wars might not only be waged, but proclaimed also according to some rite, he borrowed from an ancient nation, the Aequicolae, the form which the heralds still preserve, according to which restitution is demanded.

1.32.6The ambassador, when he comes to the frontiers of the people from whom satisfaction is demanded, having his head covered with a fillet, (the fillet is of wool,) says, Hear, O Jupiter, hear, ye confines, (naming the nation they belong to,) let Justice hear. I am a public messenger of the Roman people; I come justly and religiously deputed, and let my words gain credit.

1.32.7He then makes his demands; afterwards he makes a solemn appeal to Jupiter, If I unjustly or impiously demand those persons and those goods to be given up to me, the messenger of the Roman people, then never permit me to enjoy my native country.

1.32.8These words he repeats when he passes over the frontiers; the same to the first man he meets; the same on entering the gate; the same on entering the forum, some few words in the form of the declaration and oath being changed.

1.32.9If the persons whom he demands are not delivered up, on the expiration of thirty-three days, for so many are enjoined by the rule, he declares war, thus: Hear, Jupiter, and thou, Juno, Romulus, and all ye celestial, terrestrial, and infernal gods, give ear!

1.32.10I call you to witness, that this nation (naming it) is unjust, and does not act with equity; but we will consult the fathers in our own country concerning these matters, and by what means we may obtain our right.

1.32.11After that the messenger returns to Rome to consult: the king immediately used to consult the fathers almost in the following words: Concerning such matters, differences, and quarrels, as the pater patratus of the Roman people, the Quirites, has conferred with the pater patratus of the ancient Latins, and with the ancient Latin people, which matters ought to be given up, performed, discharged, which matters they have neither given up, performed, nor discharged, declare, says he to him, whose opinion he first asked, what think you? Then he said, I think that they should be demanded by a just and regularly declared war, therefore I consent, and vote for it.

1.32.12Then the others were asked in order, and when the majority of those present agreed in the same opinion, the war was resolved on. It was customary for the fecialis to carry in his hand a javelin pointed with steel, or burnt at the end and dipped in blood, to the confines of the enemy's country, and in presence of at least three grown-up persons,

1.32.13to say, Forasmuch as the states of the ancient Latins, and the ancient Latin people, have offended against the Roman people, the Quirites, forasmuch as the Roman people, the Quirites, have ordered that there should be war with the ancient Latins, and the senate of the Roman people, the Quirites, have given their opinion, consented, and voted that war should be made with the ancient Latins, on this account I and the Roman people declare and make war on the states of the ancient Latins, and on the ancient Latin people.

1.32.14After he had said that, he threw the spear within their confines. After this manner restitution was demanded from the Latins at that time, and war proclaimed: and that usage posterity have adopted.

1.33.1Ancus, having committed the care of sacred things to the famines and other priests, set out with a new army, which he had levied, and took Politorium, a city of the Latins, by storm; and following the example of former kings, who had increased the Roman state by taking enemies into the number of the citizens, he transplanted all the people to Rome.

1.33.2And since the Sabines occupied the Capitol and citadel, and the Albans the Cœlian mount around the Palatium, the residence of the old Romans, the Aventine was assigned to the new people; not long after, on Telleni and Ficana being taken, new citizens were added in the same quarter.

1.33.3After this Politorium was taken a second time by force of arms, because the ancient Latins had taken possession of it when vacated. This was the cause of the Romans demolishing that city, that it might not ever after serve as a receptacle to the enemy.

1.33.4At last, the whole war with the Latins being concentrated in Medullia, they fought there with various fortune, sometimes the one and sometimes the other gaining the victory; for the town was both well fortified by works, and strengthened by a strong garrison, and the Latins, having pitched their camp in the open fields, had several times fought the Romans in close engagement.

1.33.5At last Ancus, making an effort with all his forces, obtained a complete victory over them in a pitched battle, and having got a considerable booty, returned thence to Rome; many thousands of the Latins being then also admitted into the city, to whom, in order that the Aventine might be joined to the Palatium, a settlement was assigned near the temple of Murcia.

1.33.6The Janiculum was likewise added, not for want of room, but lest at any time it should become a lodgment for the enemy. It was determined to join it to the city, not only by a wall, but likewise, for the sake of the convenience of passage, by a wooden bridge, then for the first time built across the Tiber.

1.33.7The Fossa Quiritium, no inconsiderable defence against the easy access to the city from the low grounds, is the work of king Ancus.

1.33.8The state being augmented by such great accessions, seeing that, amid such a multitude of persons, the distinction of right and wrong being as yet confounded, clandestine crimes were committed, a prison is built in the heart of the city, overlooking the forum, to intimidate the growing licentiousness.

1.33.9And not only was the city increased under this king, but the territory also and the boundaries. The Maesian forest was taken from the Veientes, the Roman dominion was extended as far as the sea, and the city of Ostia built at the mouth of the Tiber; salt-pits were formed around it, and, in consequence of the distinguished success achieved in war, the temple of Jupiter Feretrius was enlarged.

1.34.1In the reign of Ancus, Lucumo, a rich and enterprising man, came to settle at Rome, prompted chiefly by the desire and hope of obtaining great preferment there, which he had no means of attaining at Tarquinii (for there also he was descended from an alien stock). He was the son of Demaratus, a Corinthian, who, flying his country for sedition, had happened to settle at Tarquinii, and having married a wife there, had two sons by her.

1.34.2Their names were Lucumo and Aruns. Lucumo survived his father, and became heir to all his property. Aruns died before his father, leaving a wife pregnant.

1.34.3The father did not long survive the son, and as he, not knowing that his daughter-in-law was pregnant, died without taking any notice of his grandchild in his will, to the boy that was born after the death of his grandfather, without having any share in his fortune, the name of Egerius was given on account of his poverty.

1.34.4And when his wealth already inspired Lucumo, on the other hand, the heir of all his father's wealth, with elevated notions, Tanaquil, whom he married, further increased such feeling, she being descended from a very high family, and one who would not readily brook the condition into which she had married to be inferior to that in which she had been born.

1.34.5As the Etrurians despised Lucumo, because sprung from a foreign exile, she could not bear the affront, and regardless of the innate love of her native country, provided she might see her husband advanced to honours, she formed the determination to leave Tarquinii.

1.34.6Rome seemed particularly suited for her purpose. In this state, lately founded, where all nobility is recent and the result of merit, there would be room for her husband, a man of courage and activity. Tatius a Sabine had been king of Rome: Numa had been sent for from Cures to reign there: Ancus was sprung from a Sabine mother, and rested his nobility on the single statue of Numa.

1.34.7She easily persuades him, as being ambitious of honours, and one to whom Tarquinii was his country only on the mother's side.

1.34.8Accordingly, removing their effects they set out together for Rome. They happened to have reached the Janiculum; there, as he sat in the chariot with his wife, an eagle, suspended on her wings, gently stooping, takes off his cap, and flying round the chariot with loud screams, as if she had been sent from heaven for the very purpose, orderly replaced it on his head, and then flew aloft.

1.34.9Tanaquil is said to have received this omen with great joy, being a woman well skilled, as the Etrurians generally are, in celestial prodigies, and embracing her husband, bids him hope for high and elevated fortune: that such bird had come from such a quarter of the heavens, and the messenger of such a god: that it had exhibited the omen around the highest part of man: that it had lifted the ornament placed on the head of man, to restore it to the same, by direction of the gods.

1.34.10Carrying with them these hopes and thoughts, they entered the city, and having purchased a house there, they gave out the name of Lucius Tarquinius Priscus.

1.34.11His being a stranger and very rich, caused him to be taken notice of by the Romans. He also promoted his own good fortune by his affable address, by the courteousness of his invitations, and by conciliating those whom he could by acts of kindness;

1.34.12until a report of him reached even to the palace; and by paying court to the king with politeness and address, he in a short time so improved the acquaintance to the footing of intimate friendship, that he was present at all public and private deliberations, foreign and domestic; and being now tried in every trust, he was at length, by the king's will, appointed guardian to his children.

1.35.1Ancus reigned twenty-four years, equal to any of the former kings both in the arts and renown of war and peace. His sons were now nigh the age of puberty, for this reason Tarquin was more urgent that the assembly for the election of a king should be held as soon as possible.

1.35.2The assembly being proclaimed, he sent away the boys to hunt towards the time of their meeting. He is said to have been the first who earnestly sued for the crown, and to have made a set speech for the purpose of gaining the affections of the people:

1.35.3he said that he did not aim at any thing unprecedented; for that he was not the first foreigner, (a thing at which any one might feel indignation or surprise,) but the third who aspired to the sovereignty of Rome. That Tatius not only from being an alien, but even an enemy, was made king: that Numa, unacquainted with the city, and without soliciting it, had been voluntarily invited by them to the throne.

1.35.4That he, as soon as he was his own master, had come to Rome with his wife and whole fortune, and had there spent a greater part of that age, in which men are employed in civil offices, than he had in his native country:

1.35.5that he had both in peace and war thoroughly learned the Roman laws and religious customs, under a master not to be objected to, king Ancus himself; that he had vied with all in duty and loyalty to his prince, and even with the king himself in his bounty to others.

1.35.6While he was recounting these undoubted facts, the people by a great majority elected him king. The same ambition which had prompted Tarquin, in other respects an excellent man, to aspire to the crown, followed him whilst on the throne. And being no less mindful of strengthening his own power, than of increasing that of the commonwealth, he elected a hundred into the fathers, who from that time were called Minorum Gentium, i. e. of the younger families: a party hearty in the king's cause, by whose favour they had got into the senate.

1.35.7The first war he waged was with the Latins, from whom he took the town of Apiolae by storm, and having brought back thence more booty than the character of the war would lead one to expect, he celebrated games with more cost and magnificence than former kings.

1.35.8The place for the circus, which is now called Maximus, was then first marked out, and spaces were parted off for the senators and knights, where they might each erect seats for themselves:

1.35.9they were called fori (benches). They viewed the games from scaffolding which supported seats twelve feet high from the ground. The show took place; horses and boxers were sent for, chiefly from Etruria.

1.35.10These solemn games afterwards continued annual, being variously called the Roman and Great (games). By the same king also spaces round the forum were portioned off for private individuals to build on; porticoes and shops were erected.

1.36.1He was also preparing to surround the city with a stone wall, when a Sabine war obstructed his designs. The matter was so sudden, that the enemy had passed the Anio before the Roman army could meet and stop them; great alarm therefore was produced at Rome.

1.36.2And at first they fought with dubious success, but with great slaughter on both sides. After this, the enemy's forces being led back into their camp, and the Romans getting time to make new levies for the war, Tarquin, thinking that the weakness of his army lay in the want of horse, determined to add other centuries to the Ramnenses, the Titienses, and Luceres which Romulus had appointed, and to leave them distinguished by his own name.

1.36.3Because Romulus had done this by augury, Attus Navius, at that time a celebrated soothsayer, insisted that no alteration or new appointment of that kind could be made, unless the birds approved of it.

1.36.4The king, enraged at this, and, as it is related, ridiculing the art, said, Come, thou diviner, tell me, whether what I am thinking on can be done or not? When he had tried the matter by divination, he affirmed it certainly could. But I was thinking, says he, whether you could cut asunder this whetstone with a razor. Take it, and perform what thy birds portend may be done. Upon this, as they say, he immediately cut the whetstone in two.

1.36.5A statue of Attus, with his head veiled, was erected in the comitium, upon the very steps on the left of the senate-house, on the spot where the transaction occurred. They say that the whetstone also was deposited in the same place, that it might remain a monument of that miracle to posterity.

1.36.6There certainly accrued so much honour to augury and the college of augurs, that nothing was undertaken either in peace or war without taking the auspices. Assemblies of the people, the summoning of armies, and affairs of the greatest importance were put off, when the birds would not allow of them.

1.36.7Nor did Tarquin then make any other alteration in the centuries of horse, except doubling the number of men in each of these corps, so that the three centuries consisted of one thousand eight hundred knights.

1.36.8Those that were added were called the younger, but by the same names with the former; which, now that they have been doubled, they call six centuries.

1.37.1This part of his forces being augmented, a second battle is fought with the Sabines. But, besides that the Roman army was thus reinforced, a stratagem also is secretly resorted to, persons having been sent to throw into the river a great quantity of timber that lay on the banks of the Anio, it being first set on fire; and the wood being further kindled by favour of the wind, and the greater part of it (being placed) on rafts, when it stuck firmly impacted against the piers, sets the bridge

1.37.2on fire. This accident struck terror into the Sabines during the battle, and, after they were routed, impeded their flight; so that many, who had escaped the enemy, perished in the river. Their arms floating down the Tiber, and being recognised at the city, made known the victory, almost before any account of it could be

1.37.3carried there. In that action the glory of the cavalry was prominent: they say that, being posted in the two wings, when the centre of their own infantry was being beaten, they charged so briskly in flank, that they not only checked the Sabine legions who pressed hard on those who retired, but quickly put them

1.37.4to flight. The Sabines made for the mountains with great precipitation, yet few reached them; for, as we said before, the greatest part were driven by the cavalry into

1.37.5the river. Tarquin, thinking it advisable to pursue the enemy closely while in this consternation, after sending the booty and the prisoners to Rome, piling up and burning the spoils which he had vowed to Vulcan, proceeds to lead his army onward into the

1.37.6Sabine territory. And though matters had turned out adversely, nor could they hope for better success; yet, because the occasion did not allow time for deliberation, the Sabines came out to meet him with a hastily raised army; and being again defeated there, and matters having now become desperate, they sued for peace.

1.38.1Collatia and all the land about it was taken from the Sabines, and Egerius, son to the king's brother, was left there with' a garrison.

1.38.2I understand that the people of Collatia were thus surrendered, and that the form of the surrender was as follows: the king asked them, Are ye ambassadors and deputies sent by the people of Collatia to surrender yourselves and the people of Collatia? We are. Are the people of Collatia their own masters? They are. Do ye surrender yourselves and the people of Collatia, their city, lands, water, boundaries, temples, utensils, and every thing sacred or profane belonging to them, into my power, and that of the Roman people?

1.38.3We do. Then I receive them.

1.38.4The Sabine war being ended, Tarquin returned in triumph to Rome. After that he made war upon the ancient Latins, where they came on no occasion to a general engagement; yet by carrying about his arms to the several towns, he subdued the whole Latin nation. Corniculum, old Ficulea, Cameria, Crustumerium, Ameriola, Medullia, and Nomentum, towns which either belonged to the ancient Latins, or which had revolted to them, were taken. Upon this a peace was concluded.

1.38.5The works of peace were then set about with greater spirit, even than the efforts with which he had conducted his wars; so that the people enjoyed no more ease and quiet at home, than they had done abroad:

1.38.6for he both set about surrounding the city with a stone wall, on the side where he had not fortified it, the beginning of which work had been interrupted by the Sabine war, and the lower parts of the city round the forum and the other valleys lying between the hills, because they did not easily carry off the water from the flat grounds, he drains by means of sewers drawn sloping downward into the Tiber.

1.38.7Moreover he levels an area for founding a temple to Jupiter in 'the Capitol, which he had vowed to him in the Sabine war; his mind even then presaging the future grandeur of the place.

1.39.1At that time, a prodigy occurred in the palace, wonderful both in its appearance and in its result. They relate, that the head of a boy, called Servius Tullius, as he lay fast asleep, blazed with fire in the sight of many persons.

1.39.2That by the very great noise made at so miraculous a phenomenon, the royal family were awakened; and when one of the servants was bringing water to extinguish the flame, that he was kept back by the queen, and after the confusion was over, that she forbade the boy to be disturbed till he should awake of his own accord.

1.39.3As soon as he awoke the flame disappeared. Then Tanaquil, taking her husband into a private place, said, Do you observe this boy whom we bring up in so mean a style? Be assured that hereafter he will be a light to us in our adversity, and a protector to our palace in distress. From henceforth let us, with all our care, train up this youth, who is capable of becoming a great ornament publicly and privately.

1.39.4From this time the boy began to be treated as their own son, and instructed in those arts by which men's minds are qualified to maintain high rank. The matter was easily accomplished, because it was agreeable to the gods. The young man turned out to be of a disposition truly royal. Nor, when they looked out for a son-in-law for Tarquin, could any of the Roman youth be compared to him in any accomplishment; therefore the king betrothed his own daughter to him.

1.39.5This high honour conferred upon him, from whatever cause, prevents us from believing that he was the son of a slave, and that he had himself been a slave when young. I am rather of the opinion of those who say that, on the taking of Corniculum, the wife of Servius Tullius, who had been the leading man in that city, being pregnant when her husband was slain, being known among the other female prisoners, and, in consequence of her high rank, exempted from servitude by the Roman queen, was delivered of a child at Rome, in the house of Tarquinius Priscus.

Book 1, Part 5

1.39.6Upon this, that both the intimacy between the ladies was improved by so great a kindness, and that the boy, having been brought up in the house from his infancy, was beloved and respected; that his mother's lot, in having fallen into the hands of the enemy, caused him to be considered the son of a slave.

1.40.1About the thirty-eighth year of Tarquin's reign, Servius Tullius was in the highest esteem, not only with the king, but also with the senate and people.

1.40.2At this time the two sons of Ancus, though they had before that always considered it the highest indignity that they had been deprived of their father's crown by the treachery of their guardian, that a stranger should be king of Rome, who was not only not of a civic, but not even of an Italian family, yet now felt their indignation rise to a still higher pitch at the notion that the crown would not only not revert to them after Tarquin, but would descend even lower to a slave, so that in the same state about the hundredth year after Romulus, descended from a deity, and a deity himself, occupied the throne as long as he lived, a slave, and one born of a slave, should now possess it.

1.40.3That it would be a disgrace both common to the Roman name, and more especially to their family, if, whilst there was male issue of king Ancus still living, the sovereignty of Rome should be accessible not only to strangers, but even to slaves. They determine therefore to prevent that disgrace by the sword.

1.40.4But both resentment for the injury done to them incensed them more against Tarquin himself, than against Servius; and (the consideration) that a king was likely to prove a more severe avenger of the murder, if he should survive, than a private person; and moreover, in case of Servius being put to death, whatever other person he might select as his son-in-law, it seemed likely that he would adopt as his successor on the throne. For these reasons the

1.40.5plot is laid against the king himself. Two of the most ferocious of the shepherds being selected for the daring deed, with the rustic implements to which each had been accustomed, by conducting themselves in as violent a manner as possible in the porch of the palace, under pretence of a quarrel, draw the attention of all the king's attendants to themselves; then, when both appealed to the king, and their clamour reached even the interior of the palace, they are

1.40.6called in and proceed before the king. At first both bawled aloud, and vied in interrupting each other by their clamour, until being restrained by the lictor, and commanded to speak in turns, they at length cease railing. According to

1.40.7concert, one begins to state the matter. When the king, attentive to him, had turned himself quite that way, the other, raising up his axe, struck it into his head, and leaving the weapon in the wound, they both rush out of the house.

1.41.1When those who were around had raised up the king in a dying state, the lictors seize on the men who were endeavouring to escape. Upon this followed an uproar and concourse of people, wondering what the matter was. Tanaquil, during the tumult, orders the palace to be shut, thrusts out all who were present: at the same time she sedulously prepares every thing necessary for dressing the wound, as if a hope still remained; at the same time, in case her hopes should disappoint her, she projects other means of safety.

1.41.2Sending immediately for Servius, after she had showed to him her husband almost expiring, holding his right hand, she entreats him not to suffer the death of his father-in-law to pass unavenged, nor his mother-in-law to be an object of insult to their enemies.

1.41.3Servius, she said, if you are a man, the kingdom is yours, not theirs, who, by the hands of others, have perpetrated the worst of crimes. Exert yourself, and follow the guidance of the gods, who portended that this head would be illustrious by having formerly shed a blaze around it. Now let that celestial flame arouse you. Now awake in earnest. We, too, though foreigners, have reigned. Consider who you are, not whence you are sprung. If your own plans are not matured by reason of the suddenness of this event, then follow mine.

1.41.4When the uproar and violence of the multitude could scarcely be withstood, Tanaquil addresses the populace from the upper part of the palace through the windows facing the new street (for the royal family resided near the temple of Jupiter Stator). She bids them be of good courage;

1.41.5that the king was stunned by the suddenness of the blow; that the weapon had not sunk deep into his body; that he was already come to himself again; that the wound had been examined, the blood having been wiped off; that all the symptoms were favourable; that she hoped they would see him very soon; and that, in the mean time, he commanded the people to obey the orders of Servius Tullius. That he would administer justice, and would perform all the functions of the king.

1.41.6Servius comes forth with the trabea and lictors, and seating himself on the king's throne, decides some cases, with respect to others pretends that he will consult the king. Therefore, the death being concealed for several days, though Tarquin had already expired, he, under pretence of discharging the duty of another, strengthened his own interest. Then at length the matter being made public, and lamentations being raised in the palace, Servius, supported by a strong guard, took possession of the kingdom by the consent of the senate, being the first who did so without the orders of the people.

1.41.7The children of Ancus, the instruments of their villany having been already seized, as soon as it was announced that the king still lived, and that the power of Servius was so great, had already gone into exile to Suessa Pometia.

1.42.1And now Servius began to strengthen his power, not more by public than by private measures; and lest the feelings of the children of Tarquin might be the same towards himself as those of the children of Ancus had been towards Tarquin, he unites his two daughters in marriage to the young princes, the Tarquinii, Lucius and

1.42.2Aruns. Nor yet did he break through the inevitable decrees of fate by human measures, so that envy of the sovereign power should not produce general treachery and animosity even among the members of his own family. Very opportunely for maintaining the tranquillity of the present state, a war was commenced with the Veientes (for the truce had now expired ) and with the other

1.42.3Etrurians. In that war, both the valour and good fortune of Tullius were conspicuous, and he returned to Rome, after routing a great army of the enemy, now unquestionably king, whether he tried the dispositions of the fathers or the

1.42.4people. He then sets about a work of peace of the utmost importance; that, as Numa had been the author of religious institutions, so posterity might celebrate Servius as the founder of all distinction among the members of the state, and of those orders by which a limitation is established between the degrees of rank and

1.42.5fortune. For he instituted the census, a most salutary measure for an empire destined to become so great, according to which the services of war and peace were to be performed, not by every person, (indiscriminately,) as formerly, but in proportion to the amount of property. Then he formed, according to the census, the classes and centuries, and the arrangement as it now exists, eminently suited either to peace or war.

1.43.1Of those who had an estate of a hundred thousand asses or more, he made eighty centuries, forty of seniors and forty of juniors.

1.43.2All these were called the first class, the seniors were to be in readiness to guard the city, the juniors to carry on war abroad. The arms enjoined them were a helmet, a round shield, greaves, and a coat of mail, all of brass; these were for the defence of their body; their weapons of offence were a spear and a sword.

1.43.3To this class were added two centuries of mechanics, who were to serve without arms; the duty imposed upon them was to carry the military engines.

1.43.4The second class comprehended all whose estate was from seventy-five to a hundred thousand asses, and of these, seniors and juniors, twenty centuries were enrolled. The arms enjoined them were a buckler instead of a shield, and except a coat of mail, all the rest were the same.

1.43.5He appointed the property of the third class to amount to fifty thousand asses; the number of centuries was the same, and formed with the same distinction of age, nor was there any change in their arms, only greaves were taken from them.

1.43.6In the fourth class, the property was twenty-five thousand asses, the same number of centuries was formed: the arms were changed, nothing was given them but a spear and a long javelin.

1.43.7The fifth class was increased, thirty centuries were formed; these carried slings and stones for throwing. Among them were reckoned the horn-blowers, and the trumpeters, distributed into three centuries. This whole class was rated at eleven thousand asses.

1.43.8Property lower than this comprehended all the rest of the citizens, and of them one century was made up which was exempted from serving in war. Having thus divided and armed the infantry, he levied twelve centuries of knights from among the chief men of the state.

1.43.9Likewise out of the three centuries, appointed by Romulus, he formed other six under the same names which they had received at their first institution. Ten thousand asses were given them out of the public revenue, for the buying of horses, and widows were assigned them, who were to pay two thousand asses yearly for the support of the horses. All these burdens were taken off the poor and laid on the rich.

1.43.10Then an additional honour was conferred upon them; for the suffrage was not now granted promiscuously to all, as it had been established by Romulus, and observed by his successors, to every man with the same privilege and the same right, but gradations were established, so that no one might seem excluded from the right of voting, and yet the whole power might reside in the chief men of the state.

1.43.11For the knights were first called, and then the eighty centuries of the first class; and if they happened to differ, which was seldom the case, those of the second were called: and they seldom ever descended so low as to come to the lowest class.

1.43.12Nor need we be surprised, that the present regulation, which now exists, since the tribes were increased to thirty-five, should not agree in the number of centuries of juniors and seniors with the amount instituted by Servius Tullius, they being now double of what they were at that time.

1.43.13For the city being divided into four parts, according to the regions and hills which were then inhabited, he called these divisions tribes, as I think, from the tribute. For the method of levying taxes rateably according to the value of estates was also introduced by him; nor had these tribes any relation to the number and distribution of the centuries.

1.44.1The census being now completed, which he had expedited by the terror of a law passed on those not rated, with threats of imprisonment and death, he issued a proclamation that all the Roman citizens, horse and foot, should attend at the dawn of day in the Campus Martius, each in his century.

1.44.2There he drew up his army and performed a lustration of it by the sacrifices called suovetaurilia, and that was called the closing of the lustrum, because that was the conclusion of the census. Eighty thousand citizens are said to have been rated in that survey. Fabius Pictor, the oldest of our historians, adds, that such was the number of those who were able to bear arms.

1.44.3To accommodate that number the city seemed to require enlargement. He adds two hills, the Quirinal and Viminal; then in continuation he enlarges the Esquiliae, and takes up his own residence there, in order that respectability might attach to the place. He surrounds the city with a rampart, a moat, and a wall: thus he enlarges the pomœrium.

1.44.4They who regard only the etymology of the word, will have the pomœrium to be a space of ground without the walls; but it is rather a space on each side the wall, which the Etrurians in building cities consecrated by augury, reaching to a certain extent both within and without in the direction they intended to raise the wall; so that the houses might not be joined to it on the inside, as they commonly are now, and also that there might be some space without left free from human occupation.

1.44.5This space, which it was not lawful to till or inhabit, the Romans called the pomœrium, not for its being without the wall, more than for the wall's being without it: and in enlarging the city, as far as the walls were intended to proceed outwards, so far these consecrated limits were likewise extended.

1.45.1The state being increased by the enlargement of the city, and every thing modelled at home and abroad for the exigencies both of peace and war, that the acquisition of power might not always depend on mere force of arms, he endeavoured to extend his empire by policy, and at the same time to add some ornament to the city.

1.45.2The temple of Diana at Ephesus was at that time in high renown; fame represented it to have been built by all the-states of Asia, in common. When Servius, amid some grandees of the Latins with whom he had taken pains to form connexions of hospitality and friendship, extolled in high terms such concord and associa- tion of their gods, by frequently insisting on the same subject, he at length prevailed so far as that the Latin states agreed to build a temple to Diana at Rome, in conjunction with the Roman people.

1.45.3This was an acknowledgment that Rome was the head of both nations, concerning which they had so often disputed in arms. Though that object seemed to have been left out of consideration by all the Latins, in consequence of the matter having been so often attempted unsuccessfully by arms, fortune seemed to present one of the Sabines with an opportunity of recovering the superiority to his country by his own address.

1.45.4A cow is said to have been calved to a certain person, the head of a family among the Sabines, of surprising size and beauty. Her horns, which were hung up in the porch of the temple of Diana, remained, for many ages, a monument of this wonder.

1.45.5The thing was looked upon as a prodigy, as it was, and the soothsayers declared, that sovereignty would reside in that state of which a citizen should immolate this heifer to Diana.

1.45.6This prediction had also reached the ears of the high priest of Diana. The Sabine, when he thought the proper time for offering the sacrifice was come, drove the cow to Rome, led her to the temple of that goddess, and set her before the altar. The Roman priest, struck with the uncommon size of the victim, so much celebrated by fame, thus accosted the Sabine: What intendest thou to do, stranger? says he. Is it with impure hands to offer a sacrifice to Diana? Why dost not thou first wash thyself in running water? The Tiber runs along in the bottom of that valley.

1.45.7The stranger, being seized with a scruple of conscience, and desirous of having every thing done in due form, that the event might answer the prediction, from the temple went down to the Tiber. In the mean time the priest sacrificed the cow to Diana, which gave great satisfaction to the king, and to the whole state.

1.46.1Servius, though he had now acquired an indisputable right to the kingdom by long possession, yet as he heard that expressions were sometimes thrown out by young Tarquin, importing, That he held the crown without the consent of the people, having first secured their good will by dividing among them, man by man, the lands taken from their enemies, he ventured to propose the question to the people, whether they chose and ordered that he should be king, and was declared king with such unanimity, as had not been observed in the election of any of his predecessors.

1.46.2But this circumstance diminished not Tarquin's hope of obtaining the throne; nay, because he had observed that the question of the distribution of land to the people was carried against the will of the fathers, he felt so much the more satisfied that an opportunity was now presented to him of arraigning Servius before the fathers, and of increasing his own influence in the senate, he being himself naturally of a fiery temper, and his wife, Tullia, at home stimulating his restless temper.

1.46.3For the Roman palace also afforded an instance of tragic guilt, so that through their disgust of kings, liberty might come more matured, and the throne, which should be attained through crime, might be the last.

1.46.4This L. Tarquinius (whether he was the son or grandson of Tarquinius Priscus is not clear; with the greater number of authorities, however, I would say, his son ) had a brother, Aruns Tarquinius, a youth of a mild disposition.

1.46.5To these two, as has been already stated, the two Tulliae, daughters of the king, had been married, they also being of widely different tempers. It had so happened that the two violent dispositions were not united in marriage, through the good fortune, I suspect, of the Roman people, in order that the reign of Servius might be more protracted, and the morals of the state be firmly established.

1.46.6The haughty Tullia was chagrined, that there was no material in her husband, either for ambition or bold daring. Directing all her regard to the other Tarquinius, him she admired, him she called a man, and one truly descended of royal blood; she expressed her contempt of her sister, because, having got a man, she was deficient in the spirit becoming a woman.

1.46.7Similarity of mind soon draws them together, as wickedness is in general most congenial to wickedness. But the commencement of producing general confusion originated with the woman. She, accustomed to the secret conversations of the other's husband, refrained not from using the most contumelious language of her husband to his brother, of her sister to (her sister's) husband, and contended, that it were better that she herself were unmarried, and he single, than that they should be matched unsuitably, so that they must languish away through life by reason of the dastardly conduct of others.

1.46.8If the gods had granted her the husband of whom she was worthy, that she should soon see the crown in her own house, which she now saw at her father's. She soon inspires the young man with her own daring notions.

1.46.9Aruns Tarquinius and the younger Tullia, when they had, by immediate successive deaths, made their houses vacant for new nuptials, are united in marriage, Servius rather not prohibiting than approving the measure.

1.47.1Then indeed the old age of Servius began to be every day more disquieted, his reign to be more unhappy. For now the woman looked from one crime to another, and suffered not her husband to rest by night or by day, lest their past murders might go for nothing.

1.47.2That what she had wanted was not a person whose wife she might be called, or one with whom she might in silence live a slave; what she had wanted was one who would consider himself worthy of the throne; who would remember that he was the son of Tarquinius Priscus; who would rather possess a kingdom than hope for it.

1.47.3If you, to whom I consider myself married, are such a one, I address you both as husband and king; but if not, our condition has been changed so far for the worse, as in that person crime is associated with meanness. Why not prepare yourself?

1.47.4It is not necessary for you, as for your father, (coming here) from Corinth or Tarquinii, to strive for foreign thrones. Your household and country's gods, the image of your father, and the royal palace, and the royal throne in that palace, constitute and call you king. Or if you have too little spirit for this, why do you disappoint the nation?

1.47.5Why do you stuffer yourself to be looked up to as a prince? Get hence to Tarquinii or Corinth. Sink back again to your (original) race, more like your brother than your father.

1.47.6By chiding him in these and other terms, she spurs on the young man; nor can she herself rest; (indignant) that when Tanaquil, a foreign woman, could achieve so great a project, as to bestow two successive thrones on her husband, and then on her son-in-law, she, sprung from royal blood, should have no weight in bestowing and taking away a kingdom.

1.47.7Tarquinius, driven on by these frenzied instigations of the woman, began to go round and solicit the patricians, especially those of the younger families; reminded them of his father's kindness, and claimed a return for it; enticed the young men by presents; increased his interest, as well by making magnificent promises on his own part, as by inveighing against the king at every opportunity.

1.47.8At length, as soon as the time seemed convenient for accomplishing his object, he rushed into the forum, accompanied by a party of armed men; then, whilst all were struck with dismay, seating himself on the throne before the senate-house, he ordered the fathers to be summoned to the senate-house by the crier to attend king Tarquinius. They assembled immediately, some being already prepared for the occasion, some through fear, lest their not having come might prove detrimental to them, astounded at the novelty and strangeness of the matter, and considering that it was now all over with Servius.

1.47.9Then Tarquinius, commencing his invectives against his immediate ancestors:

1.47.10"that a slave, and born of a slave, after the untimely death of his parent, without an interregnum being adopted, as on former occasions, without any comitia (being held), without the suffrages of the people, or the sanction of the fathers, he had taken possession of the kingdom as the gift of a woman.

1.47.11That so born, so created king, ever a favourer of the most degraded class, to which he himself belongs, through a hatred of the high station of others, he had taken their land from the leading men of the state and divided it among the very meanest; that he had laid all the burdens, which were formerly common, on the chief members of the community;

1.47.12that he had instituted the census, in order that the fortune of the wealthier citizens might be conspicuous to (excite) public envy, and that all was prepared whence he might bestow largesses on the most needy, whenever he might please.

1.48.1When Servius, aroused by the alarming announcement, came in during this harangue, immediately from the porch of the senate-house, he says with a loud voice, What means this, Tarquin? by what audacity hast thou dared to summon the fathers, while I am still alive?

1.48.2or to sit on my throne? To this, when he fiercely replied that he, the son of a king, occupied the throne of his father, a much fitter successor to the throne than a slave; that he (Servius) had insulted his masters full long enough by his arbitrary shuffling, a shout arises from the partisans of both, and a rush of the people into the senate-house took place, and it became evident that whoever came off victor would have the throne.

1.48.3Then Tarquin, necessity itself now obliging him to have recourse to the last extremity, having much the advantage both in years and strength, seizes Servius by the middle, and having taken him out of the senate-house, throws him down the steps to the bottom. He then returns to the senate-house to assemble the senate.

1.48.4The king's officers and attendants fly. He himself, almost lifeless, when he was returning home with his royal retinue frightened to death, and had arrived at the top of the Cyprian street, is slain by those who had been sent by Tarquin, and had overtaken him in his flight.

1.48.5As the act is not inconsistent with her other marked conduct, it is believed to have been done by Tullia's advice. Certain it is, (for it is readily admitted,) that driving into the forum in her chariot, and not abashed by the crowd of persons there, she called her husband out of the senate-house, and was the first to style him king;

1.48.6and when, on being commanded by him to withdraw from such a tumult, she was returning home, and had arrived at the top of the Cyprian street, where Diana's temple lately was, as she was turning to the right to the Orbian hill, in order to arrive at the Esquiline, the person who was driving, being terrified, stopped and drew in the reins, and pointed out to his mistress the murdered Servius as he lay.

1.48.7On this occasion a revolting and inhuman crime is stated to have been committed, and the place is a monument of it. They call it the Wicked Street, where Tullia, frantic and urged on by the furies of her sister and husband, is reported to have driven her chariot over her father's body, and to have carried a portion of her father's body and blood to her own and her husband's household gods, herself also being stained and sprinkled with it; through whose vengeance results corresponding to the wicked commencement of the reign were soon to follow.

1.48.8Tullius reigned forty-four years in such a manner that a competition with him would prove difficult even for a good and moderate successor.

1.48.9But this also has been an accession to his glory, that with him perished all just and legitimate reigns. This authority, so mild and so moderate, yet, because it was vested in one, some say that he had it in contemplation to resign, had not the wickedness of his family interfered with him whilst meditating the liberation of his country.

1.49.1After this period Tarquin began his reign, whose actions procured him the surname of the Proud, for he refused his father-in-law burial, alleging, that even Romulus died without sepulture.

1.49.2He put to death the principal senators, whom he suspected of having been in the interest of Servius. Then, conscious that the precedent of obtaining the crown by evil means might be adopted from him against himself, he surrounded his person with

1.49.3armed men, for he had no claim to the kingdom except force, inasmuch as he reigned without either the order of the people or the sanction of the senate.

1.49.4To this was added (the fact) that, as he reposed no hope in the affection of his subjects, he found it necessary to secure his kingdom by terror; and in order to strike this into the greater number, he took cognizance of capital cases solely by himself without assessors;

1.49.5and under that pretext he had it in his power to put to death, banish, or fine, not only those who were suspected or hated, but those also from whom he could obtain nothing else but plunder.

1.49.6The number of the fathers more especially being thus diminished, he determined to elect none into the senate, in order that the order might become contemptible by their very paucity, and that they might feel the less resentment at no business being transacted by them.

1.49.7For he was the first king who violated the custom derived from his predecessors of consulting the senate on all subjects; he administered the public business by domestic counsels. War, peace, treaties, alliances, he contracted and dissolved with whomsoever he pleased, without the sanction of the people and senate.

1.49.8The nation of the Latins in particular he wished to attach to him, so that by foreign influence also he might be more secure among his own subjects; and he contracted not only ties of hospitality but affinities also with their leading men.

1.49.9To Octavius Mamilius of Tusculum he gives his daughter in marriage; (he was by far the most eminent of the Latin name, being de scended, if we believe tradition, from Ulysses and the goddess Circe, and by this match he attaches to himself his numerous kinsmen and friends).

1.50.1The influence of Tarquin among the chief men of the Latins was now considerable, when he issues an order that they should assemble on a certain day at the grove of Ferentina; that there was business about which he wished to confer with them touching their common interest.

1.50.2They assemble in great numbers at the break of day. Tarquinius himself observed the day indeed, but he came a little before sun-set. Many matters were there canvassed in the meeting in various conversations.

1.50.3Turnus Herdonius, from Aricia, inveighed violently against Tarquin for his absence. That it was no wonder the cognomen of Proud was given him at Rome; for they now called him so secretly and in whispers, but still generally. Could any thing be more proud than thus to trifle with the entire nation of the Latins?

1.50.4After their chiefs had been called at so great a distance from home, that he who summoned the meeting did not attend; that no doubt their patience was tried, in order that if they submitted to the yoke, he may crush them when at his mercy. For to whom did it not plainly appear that he was aiming at sovereignty over the Latins?

1.50.5But if his own countrymen did well in intrusting it to him, or if it was intrusted, and not seized on by means of murder, that the Latins also ought to intrust him (though

1.50.6not even so, inasmuch as he was a foreigner). But if his own subjects are dissatisfied with him, (seeing that they are butchered one upon another, driven into exile, and deprived of their property,) what better prospects are held out to the Latins? If they follow his advice, that they would depart thence, each to his own home, and take no more notice of the day of meeting than the person who appointed it.

1.50.7When this man, turbulent and daring, and one who had attained influence at home by these means, was pressing these and other observations having the same tendency, Tarquin came in.

1.50.8This put a conclusion to his harangue. All turned away from him to salute Tarquin, who, on silence being enjoined, being advised by those next him to apologize for having come at that time, says, that he had been chosen arbiter between a father and a son; that, frown his anxiety to reconcile them, he had delayed; and because that circum- stance had consumed that day, that on the morrow he would transact the business which he had determined on.

Book 1, Part 6

1.50.9They say that he did not make even that observation without a remark from Turnus; that no controversy was shorter than one between a father and son, and that it might be decided in a few words, —unless he submitted to his father, that he must prove unfortunate.

1.51.1The Arician withdrew from the meeting, uttering these reflections against the Roman king. Tarquin, feeling the matter much more acutely than he appeared to do, immediately sets about planning the death of Turnus, in order that he might inspire into the Latins the same terror with which he had crushed the spirits of his own subjects at home;

1.51.2and because he could not be put to death openly, by virtue of his authority, he accomplished the ruin of this innocent man by bringing a false accusation against him. By means of some Aricians of the opposite faction, he bribed a servant of Turnus with gold, to suffer a great number of swords to be introduced privately into his lodging.

1.51.3When this had been completed in the course of one night, Tarquin, having summoned the chiefs of the Latins to him a little before day, as if alarmed by some strange occurrence, says, that his delay of yesterday, having been occasioned as it were by some providential care of the gods, had been the means of preservation to him and them;

1.51.4that it was told to him that destruction was prepared by Turnus for him and the chiefs of the Latins, that he alone might obtain the government of the Latins. That he was to have made the attempt yesterday at the meeting; that the matter was deferred, because the person who summoned the meeting was absent, whom he chiefly aimed at.

1.51.5That thence arose that abuse of him for being absent, because he disappointed his hopes by delaying. That he had no doubt, but that if the truth were told him, he would come at the break of day, when the assembly met, attended with a band of conspirators, and with arms in his hands.

1.51.6That it was said that a great number of swords had been conveyed to his house. Whether that be true or not, might be known immediately.

1.51.7He requested that they would accompany him thence to Turnus. Both the daring temper of Turnus, and his harangue of yesterday, and the delay of Tarquin, rendered the matter suspicious, because it seemed possible that the murder might have been put off in consequence of it. They proceed then with minds inclined indeed to believe, yet determined to consider every thing false, unless the swords were detected.

1.51.8When they arrived there, Turnus is aroused from sleep, and guards are placed around him; and the servants, who, from affection to their master, were preparing to use force, being secured, when the swords, which had been concealed, were drawn out from all parts of the lodging, then indeed the whole matter appeared manifest, and chains were placed on Turnus; and forthwith a meeting of the Latins was summoned amid great confusion.

1.51.9There, on the swords being brought forward in the midst, such violent hatred arose against him, that without being allowed a defence, by a novel mode of death, being thrown into the reservoir of the. water of Ferentina, a hurdle being placed over him, and stones being thrown into that, he was drowned.

1.52.1Tarquin, having recalled the Latins to the meeting, and applauded those who had inflicted well-merited punishment on Turnus, as one convicted of parricide, by his attempting a change of government, spoke as follows: That he could indeed proceed by a long-established right; because, since all the Latins were.

1.52.2sprung from Alba, they were included in that treaty by which the entire Alban nation, with their colonies, fell under the dominion of Rome, under Tullus.

1.52.3However, for the sake of the interest of all parties, he thought rather, that that treaty should be renewed; and that the Latins should, as participators, enjoy the prosperity of the Roman people, rather than that they should be constantly either apprehending or suffering the demolition of their town and the devastations of their lands, which they suffered formerly in the reign of Ancus, afterwards in the reign of his own father.

1.52.4The Latins were persuaded without any difficulty, though in that treaty the advantage lay on the side of Rome; but they both saw that the chiefs of the Latin nation sided and concurred with the king, and Turnus was a recent instance of his danger to each, if he should make any opposition.

1.52.5Thus the treaty was renewed, and notice was given to the young men of the Latins, that, according to the treaty, they should attend in considerable numbers in arms, on a certain day, at the grove of Ferentina.

1.52.6And when they assembled from all the states according to the edict of the Roman king, in order that they should neither have a general of their own, nor a separate command, or their own standards, he compounded companies of Latins and Romans, so as to make one out of two, and two out of one; the companies being thus doubled, he appointed centurions over them.

1.53.1Nor was Tarquin, though a tyrannical prince in peace, a despicable general in war; nay, he would have equalled his predecessors in that art, had not his degeneracy in other respects likewise detracted from his merit

1.53.2here. He began the war against the Volsci, which lasted two hundred years after his time, and took from them Suessa Pometia by

1.53.3storm; and when by the sale of the spoils he had amassed forty talents of silver and of gold, he designed such magnificence for a temple to Jupiter, as should be worthy of the king of gods and men, of the Roman empire, and of the majesty of the place itself: for the building of this temple he set apart the money arising from the

1.53.4spoils. Soon after a war came upon him, more tedious than he expected, in which, having in vain attempted to storm Gabii, a city in his neighbourhood, when being repulsed from the walls all hopes of taking it by siege also was taken from him, he assailed it by fraud and stratagem, arts by no means

1.53.5Roman. For when, as if the war was laid aside, he pretended to be busily taken up with laying the foundation of the temple, and with his other works in the city, Sextus, the youngest of his three sons, according to concert, fled to Gabii, complaining of the inhuman cruelty of his father, that he had turned his tyranny from others

1.53.6against his own family, and was uneasy at the number of his own children, intending to make the same desolations in his own house which he had made in the senate, in order that he might leave behind him no issue, nor heir to his

1.53.7kingdom. That for his own part, as he had escaped from amidst the swords and other weapons of his father, he was persuaded he could find no safety any where but among the enemies of L. Tarquin. And, that they might not be led astray, that the war, which it is now pretended has been given up, still lies in reserve, and that he would attack them when off their guard on the occurrence of an

1.53.8opportunity. But if there be no refuge for suppliants among them, that he would traverse all Latium, and would apply to the Volscians, and Aequians, and Hernicians, until he should come to those who knew how to protect children from the impious and cruel persecution of

1.53.9parents. That perhaps he would find some ardour also to take up arms and wage war against this proud king and his haughty

1.53.10subjects. As he seemed a person likely to go further onward, incensed with anger, if they paid him no regard, he is received by the Gabians very kindly. They bid him not to be surprised, if he were at last the same to his children as he had been to his subjects and

1.53.11allies; —that he would ultimately vent his rage on himself if other objects failed him; —that his coming was very acceptable to them, and they thought that it would come to pass that by his aid the war would be transferred from the gates of Gabii to the walls of Rome.

1.54.1Upon this he was admitted into their public councils, where though, with regard to other matters, he professed to submit to the judgment of the old inhabitants of Gabii, to whom they were better known, yet he every now and then advised them to renew the war; to that he pretended to a superior knowledge, because he was well acquainted with the strength of both nations, and knew that the king's pride was decidedly become hateful to his subjects, which not even his own children could now endure.

1.54.2As he thus by degrees stirred up the nobles of the Gabians to renew the war, went himself with the most active of their youth on plundering parties and expeditions, and ill-grounded credit was attached to all his words and actions, framed as they were for deception, he is at length chosen general-in-chief in the war.

1.54.3There when, the people being still ignorant of what was really going on, several skirmishes with the Romans took place, wherein the Gabians generally had the advantage, then all the Gabians, from the highest to the lowest, were firmly persuaded, that Sextus Tarquinius had been sent to them as their general, by the special favour of the gods.

1.54.4By his exposing himself to fatigues and dangers, and by his generosity in dividing the plunder, he was so beloved by the soldiers, that Tarquin the father had not greater power at Rome than the son at Gabii.

1.54.5When he saw he had got sufficient strength collected to support him in any under- taking, he sent one of his confidants to Rome to ask his father what he wished him to do, seeing the gods had granted him the sole management of all affairs at Gabii. To this courier no answer by word of mouth was given, because, I suppose, he appeared of questionable fidelity.

1.54.6The king going into a garden of the palace, as it were to consider of the matter, followed by his son's messenger; walking there for some time in silence, he is said to have struck off the heads of the tallest poppies with his staff.

1.54.7The messenger, wearied with demanding and waiting for an answer, returned to Gabii as if without having accomplished his object, and told what he had said himself; and what he had observed, adding, that Tarquin, either through passion, aversion to him, or his innate pride, had not spoke a word.

1.54.8As soon as it became evident to Sextus what his father wished, and what conduct he recommended by those silent intimations, he put to death the most eminent men of the city, accusing some of them to the people, and others who were exposed by their own unpopularity. Many were executed publicly, and some, against whom an impeachment was likely to prove less specious, were secretly assassinated.

1.54.9Means of escape were to some allowed, and others were banished, and their estates, as well as the estates of those who were put to death, publicly distributed.

1.54.10By the sweets of corruption, plunder, and private advantage resulting from these distributions, the sense of the public calamities became extinguished in them, till the state of Gabii, destitute of counsel and assistance, was delivered without a struggle into the hands of the Roman king.

1.55.1Tarquin, thus put in possession of Gabii, made peace with the Aequians, and renewed the treaty with the Etrurians. Then he turned his thoughts to the business of the city. The chief whereof was that of leaving behind him the temple of Jupiter on the Tarpeian mount, as a monument of his name and reign; [since posterity would remember] that of two Tarquinii, both kings, the father had vowed, the son completed it.

1.55.2And that the area, excluding all other forms of worship, might be entirely appropriated to Jupiter, and his temple, which was to be erected upon it, he resolved to unhallow several small temples and chapels, which had been vowed first by king Tatius, in the heat of the battle against Romulus, and which he afterwards consecrated and dedicated.

1.55.3In the very beginning of founding this work it is said that the gods exerted their divinity to presage the future greatness of this empire; for though the birds declared for the unhallowing of all the other temples, they did not admit of it with respect to that of Terminus.

1.55.4This omen and augury were taken to import that Terminus's not changing his residence, and being the only one of the gods who was not called out of the places devoted to their worship, presaged the duration and stability of their empire.

1.55.5This being deemed an omen of the perpetuity, there followed another portending the greatness of the empire. It is reported that the head of a man, with the face entire, appeared to the workmen when digging the foundation of the temple.

1.55.6The sight of this phenomenon unequivocally presaged that this temple should be the metropolis of the empire, and the head of the world; and so declared the soothsayers, both those who were in the city, and those whom they had sent for from Etruria, to consult on this subject.

1.55.7The king was encouraged to enlarge the expense; so that the spoils of Pometia, which had been destined to complete the work, scarcely sufficed for laying the foundation.

1.55.8On this account I am more inclined to believe Fabius Pictor, besides his being the more ancient historian, that there were only forty talents, than Piso, who says that forty thousand pounds weight of silver were set apart for that purpose;

1.55.9a sum of money neither to be expected from the spoils of any one city in those times, and one that would more than suffice for the foundation of any structure, even though exhibiting the magnificence of modern structures.

1.56.1Tarquin, intent upon finishing this temple, having sent for workmen from all parts of Etruria, employed on it not only the public money, but the manual labour of the people; and when this labour, by no means inconsiderable in itself, was added to their military service, still the people murmured less at their building the temples of the gods with their own hands; they were afterwards transferred to other works, which, whilst less in show, (required) still greater toil:

1.56.2such as the erecting benches in the circus, and conducting under ground the principal sewer, the receptacle of all the filth of the city; to which two works even modern splendour can scarcely produce any thing

1.56.3equal. The people having been employed in these works, because he both considered that such a multitude was a burden to the city when there was no employment for them, and further, he was anxious that the frontiers of the empire should be more extensively occupied by sending colonists, he sent colonists to Signia and Circeii, to serve as defensive barriers hereafter to the city by land and

1.56.4sea. While he was thus employed a frightful prodigy appeared to him. A serpent sliding out of a wooden pillar, after causing dismay and a run into the palace, not so much struck the king's heart with sudden terror, as filled him with anxious

1.56.5solicitude. Accordingly when Etrurian soothsayers only were employed for public prodigies, terrified at this as it were domestic apparition, he determined on sending persons to Delphos to the most celebrated oracle in the

1.56.6world; and not venturing to intrust the responses of the oracle to any other person, he despatched his two sons to Greece through lands unknown at that time, and seas still more so. Titus and Aruns were the two who

1.56.7went. To them were added, as a companion, L. Junius Brutus, the son of Tarquinia, sister to the king, a youth of an entirely different quality of mind from that the disguise of which he had assumed. Brutus, on hearing that the chief men of the city, and among others his own brother, had been put to death by his uncle, resolved to leave nothing in his intellects that might be dreaded by the king, nor any thing in his fortune to be coveted, and thus to be secure in contempt, where there was but little protection in

1.56.8justice. Therefore designedly fashioning himself to the semblance of foolishness, after he suffered himself and his whole estate to become a prey to the king, he did not refuse to take even the surname of Brutus, that, concealed under the cover of such a cognomen, that genius that was to liberate the Roman people might await its proper

1.56.9time. He, being brought to Delphos by the Tarquinii rather as a subject of sport than as a companion, is said to have brought with him as an offering to Apollo a golden rod, enclosed in a staff of cornel-wood hollowed out for the purpose, a mystical emblem of his own

1.56.10mind. When they arrived there, their father's commission being executed, a desire seized the young men of inquiring on which of them the sovereignty of Rome should devolve. They say that a voice was returned from the bottom of the cave, Young men, whichever of you shall first kiss his mother shall enjoy the sovereign power at

1.56.11Rome. The Tarquinii order the matter to be kept secret with the utmost care, that Sextus, who had been left behind at Rome, might be ignorant of the response, and have no share in the kingdom; they cast lots among themselves, as to which of them should first kiss his mother, after they had returned to

1.56.12Rome. Brutus, thinking that the Pythian response had another meaning, as if he had stumbled and fallen, touched the ground with his lips; she being, forsooth, the common mother of all

1.56.13mankind. After this they all returned to Rome, where preparations were being made with the greatest vigour for a war against the Rutulians.

1.57.1The Rutulians, a nation very wealthy, considering the country and age they lived in, were at that time in possession of Ardea. Their riches gave occasion to the war; for the king of the Romans, being exhausted of money by the magnificence of his public works, was desirous both to enrich himself, and by a large booty

1.57.2to soothe the minds of his subjects, who, besides other instances of his tyranny, were incensed against his government, because they were indignant that they had been kept so long a time by the king in the employments of mechanics, and in labour fit for slaves.

1.57.3An attempt was made to take Ardea by storm; when that did not succeed, the enemy began to be distressed by a blockade, and by works raised around them.

1.57.4As it commonly happens in standing camps, the war being rather tedious than violent, furloughs were easily obtained, more so by the officers, however, than the common soldiers.

1.57.5The young princes sometimes spent their leisure hours in feasting and entertainments.

1.57.6One day as they were drinking in the tent of Sextus Tarquin, where Collatinus Tarquinius, the son of Egerius, was also at supper, mention was made of wives.

1.57.7Every one commended his own in an extravagant manner, till a dispute arising about it, Collatinus said, There was no occasion for words, that it might be known in a few hours how far his Lucretia excelled all the rest. If then, added he, we have any share of the vigour of youth, let us mount our horses and examine the behaviour of our wives; that must be most satisfactory to every one, which shall meet his eyes on the unexpected arrival of the husband.

1.57.8They were heated with wine; Come on, then, say all. They immediately galloped to Rome, where they arrived in the dusk of the evening.

1.57.9From thence they went to Collatia, where they find Lucretia, not like the king's daughters-in-law, whom they had seen spending their time in luxurious entertainments with their equals, but though at an advanced time of night, employed at her wool, sitting in the middle of the house amid her maids working around her.

1.57.10The merit of the contest regarding the ladies was assigned to Lucretia. Her husband on his arrival, and the Tarquinii, were kindly received; the husband, proud of his victory, gives the young princes a polite invitation. There the villanous passion for violating Lucretia by force seizes Sextus Tarquin; both her beauty, and her approved purity, act as incentives.

1.57.11And then, after this youthful frolic of the night, they return to the camp.

1.58.1A few days after, without the knowledge of Collatinus, Sextus came to Collatia with one attendant only;

1.58.2where, being kindly received by them, as not being aware of his intention, after he had been conducted after supper into the guests' chamber, burning with passion, when every thing around seemed sufficiently secure, and all fast asleep, he comes to Lucretia, as she lay asleep, with a naked sword, and with his left hand pressing down the woman's breast, he says, Be silent, Lucretia; I am Sextus Tarquin; I have a sword in my hand; you shall die, if you utter a word.

1.58.3When awaking terrified from sleep, the woman beheld no aid, impending death nigh at hand; then Tarquin acknowledged his passion, entreated, mixed threats with entreaties, tried the female's mind in every possible way.

1.58.4When he saw her inflexible, and that she was not moved even by the terror of death, he added to terror the threat of dishonour; he says that he will lay a murdered slave naked by her side when dead, so that she may be said to have been slain in infamous adultery.

1.58.5When by the terror of this disgrace his lust, as it were victorious, had overcome her inflexible chastity, and Tarquin had departed, exulting in having triumphed over a lady's honour, Lucretia, in melancholy distress at so dreadful a misfortune, despatches the same messenger to Rome to her father, and to Ardea to her husband, that they would come each with one trusty friend; that it was necessary to do so, and that quickly. Sp. Lucretius comes with P. Valerius, the son of Volesus, Collatinus with L. Junius Brutus, with whom, as he was returning to Rome, he happened to be met by his wife's messenger. They find Lucretia sitting in her chamber in sorrowful

1.58.6dejection. On the arrival of her friends the tears burst from her eyes; and to her husband, on his inquiry whether all was right, she says, By no means, for what can be right with a woman who has lost her honour? The traces of another man are on your bed, Collatinus. But the body only has been violated, the mind is guiltless; death shall be my witness. But give me your right hands, and your honour, that the adulterer shall not come off

1.58.7unpunished. It is Sextus Tarquin, who, an enemy in the guise of a guest, has borne away hence a triumph fatal to me, and to himself, if you are

1.58.8men. They all pledge their honour; they attempt to console her, distracted as she was in mind, by turning away the guilt from her, constrained by force, on the perpetrator of the crime; that it is the mind sins, not the body; and that where intention was wanting guilt could not

1.58.9be. It is for you to see, says she, what is due to him. As for me, though I acquit myself of guilt, from punishment I do not discharge myself; nor shall any woman survive her dishonour pleading the example of

1.58.10Lucretia. The knife, which she kept concealed beneath her garment, she plunges into her heart, and falling forward on the wound, she dropped down

1.58.11expiring. The husband and father shriek aloud.

1.59.1Brutus, while they were overpowered with grief, having drawn the knife out of the wound, and holding it up before him reeking with blood, said, By this blood, most pure before the pollution of royal villany, I swear, and I call you, O gods, to witness my oath, that I shall pursue Lucius Tarquin the Proud, his wicked wife, and all their race, with fire, sword, and all other means in my power; nor shall I ever suffer them or any other to reign at Rome.

1.59.2Then he gave the knife to Collatinus, and after him to Lucretius and Valerius, who were surprised at such extraordinary mind in the breast of Brutus. However, they all take the oath as they were directed, and converting their sorrow into rage, follow Brutus as their leader, who from that time ceased not to so- licit them to abolish the regal power.

1.59.3They carry Lucretia's body from her own house, and convey it into the forum; and assemble a number of persons by the strangeness and atrocity of the extraordinary occurrence, as usually happens.

1.59.4They complain, each for himself, of the royal villany and violence. Both the grief of the father moves them, as also Brutus, the reprover of their tears and unavailing complaints, and their adviser to take up arms against those who dared to treat them as enemies, as would become men and Romans.

1.59.5Each most spirited of the youth voluntarily presents himself in arms; the rest of the youth follow also. From thence, after leaving an adequate garrison at the gates at Collatia, and having appointed sentinels, so that no one might give intelligence of the disturbance to the king's party, the rest set out for Rome in arms under the conduct of Brutus.

1.59.6When they arrived there, the armed multitude cause panic and confusion wherever they go. Again, when they see the principal men of the state placing themselves at their head, they think that, whatever it may be, it was not without good reason.

1.59.7Nor does the heinousness of the circumstance excite less violent emotions at Rome than it had done at Collatia; accordingly they run from all parts of the city into the forum, whither, when they came, the public crier summoned them to attend the tribune of the celeres, with which office Brutus happened to be at that time vested.

1.59.8There an harangue was delivered by him, by no means of that feeling and capacity which had been counterfeited up to that day, concerning the violence and lust of Sextus Tarquin, the horrid violation of Lucretia and her lamentable death, the bereavement of Tricipitinus, to whom the cause of his daughter's death was more exasperating and deplorable than the death itself.

1.59.9To this was added the haughty insolence of the king himself, and the sufferings and toils of the people, buried in the earth in cleansing sinks and sewers; that the Romans, the conquerors of all the surrounding states, instead of warriors had become labourers and stone-cutters.

1.59.10The unnatural murder of king Servius Tullius was dwelt on, and his daughter's driving over the body of her father in her impious chariot, and the gods who avenge parents were invoked by him.

1.59.11By stating these and other, I suppose, more exasperating circumstances, which though by no means easily detailed by writers, the heinousness of the case suggested at the time, he persuaded the multitude, already incensed, to deprive the king of his authority, and to order the banishment of L. Tarquin with his wife and children.

Book 1, Part 7

1.59.12He himself, having selected and armed some of the young men, who readily gave in their names, set out for Ardea to the camp to excite the army against the king: the command in the city he leaves to Lucretius, who had been already appointed prefect of the city by the king.

1.59.13During this tumult Tullia fled from her house, both men and women cursing her wherever she went, and invoking on her the furies the avengers of parents.

1.60.1News of these transactions having reached the camp, when the king, alarmed at this sudden revolution, was going to Rome to quell the commotions, Brutus, for he had notice of his approach, turned out of the way, that he might not meet him; and much about the same time Brutus and Tarquin arrived by different routes, the one at Ardea, the other at Rome.

1.60.2The gates were shut against Tarquin, and an act of banishment passed against him; the deliverer of the state the camp received with great joy, and the king's sons were expelled. Two of them followed their father, and went into banishment to Caere, a city of Etruria. Sextus Tarquin, having gone to Gabii, as to his own kingdom, was slain by the avengers of the old feuds, which he had raised against himself by his rapines and murders.

1.60.3Lucius Tarquin the Proud reigned twenty-five years: the regal form of government continued from the building of the city to this period of its deliverance, two hundred and forty-four years. Two consuls, viz. Lucius Junius Brutus and Lucius Tarquinius Collatinus, were elected by the prefect of the city at the comitia by centuries, according to the commentaries of Servius Tullius.

Book 2, Part 1

2Brutus binds the people by oath, never to suffer any king to reign at Rome, obliges Tarquinius Collatinus, his colleague, to resign the consulship, and leave the state; beheads some young noblemen, and among the rest his own and his sister's sons, for a conspiracy to receive the kings into the city. In a war against the Veientians and Tarquiniensians, he engages in single combat with Aruns the son of Tarquin the Proud, and expires at the same time with his adversary. The ladies mourn for him a whole year. The Capitol dedicated. Porsena, king of Clusium, undertakes a war in favour of the Tarquins. Bravery of Horatius Cocles, and of Mucius. Porsena concludes a peace on the receipt of hostages. Conduct of Claelia. Ap. Claudius removes from the country of the Sabines to Rome: for this reason the Claudian tribe is added to the former number, which by this means are increased to twenty-one. A. Posthumius the dictator defeats at the lake Regillus Tarquin the Proud, making war upon the Romans with an army of Latins. Secession of the commons to the Sacred Mount; brought back by Menenius Agrippa. Five tribunes of the people created. Corioli taken by C. Martius; from that he is surnamed Coriolanus. Banishment and subsequent conduct of C. M. Coriolanus. The Agrarian law first made. Sp. Cassius condemned and put to death. Oppia, a vestal virgin, buried alive for incontinence. The Fabian family undertake to carry on that war at their own cost and hazard, against the Veientians, and for that purpose send out three hundred and six men in arms, who were all cut off. Ap. Claudius the consul decimates his army because he had been unsuccessful in the war with the Veientians, by their refusing to obey orders. An account of the wars with the Volscians, Aequians, and Veientians, and the contests of the fathers with the commons.

2.1.1THE affairs, civil and military, of the Roman people, henceforward free, their annual magistrates, and the sovereignty of the laws, more powerful than that of men, I shall now detail.

2.1.2—The haughty insolence of the late king had caused this liberty to be the more welcome: for the former kings reigned in such a manner that they all in succession might be not undeservedly set down as founders of the parts, at least of the city, which they added as new residences for the population augmented by themselves.

2.1.3Nor is there a doubt but that the very same Brutus who earned so much glory for expelling this haughty monarch, would have done so to the greatest injury of the public weal, if, through an over-hasty desire of liberty, he had wrested the kingdom from any of the preceding kings.

2.1.4For what would have been the consequence if that rabble of shepherds and strangers, fugitives from their own countries, having, under the protection of an inviolable asylum, found liberty, or at least impunity, uncontrolled by the dread of regal authority, had begun to be distracted by tribunician storms, and to engage

2.1.5in contests with the fathers in a strange city, before the pledges of wives and children, and love of the very soil, to which it requires a length of time to become habituated, had united their affections.

2.1.6Their affairs not yet matured would have been destroyed by discord, which the tranquil moderation of the government so cherished, and by proper nourishment brought to such perfection, that, their strength being now developed, they were able to produce the wholesome fruits of liberty.

2.1.7But the origin of liberty you may date from this period, rather because the consular authority was made annual, than that any diminution was made from the kingly prerogative.

2.1.8The first consuls had all their privileges and ensigns of authority, only care was taken that the terror might not appear doubled, by both having the fasces at the same time. Brutus was, with the consent of his colleague, first attended by the fasces, who had not been a more zealous assertor of liberty than he was afterwards its guardian.

2.1.9First of all he bound over the people, whilst still enraptured with their newly-acquired liberty, by an oath that they would suffer no one to be king in Rome, lest afterwards they might be perverted by the importunities or bribes of the royal family.

2.1.10Next in order, that the fulness of the house might produce more of strength in the senate, he filled up the number of the senators, diminished by the king's murders, to the amount of three hundred, having elected the principal men of the equestrian rank; and from thence it is said the custom was derived of summoning into the senate both those who were patres and those who were conscripti.

2.1.11Forsooth they styled those who were elected into the new senate Conscripti. It is wonderful how much that contributed to the concord of the state, and to attach the affection of the commons to the patricians.

2.2.1Then attention was paid to religious matters, and as some part of the public worship had been performed by the kings in person, that they might not be missed in any respect, they elect a king of the sacrifices.

2.2.2This office they made subject to the pontiff, that honour being added to the name might be no infringement on their liberty, which was now their principal care. And I know not whether by fencing it on every side to excess, even in the most trivial matters, they may not have exceeded bounds.

2.2.3For when there was nothing else to offend, the name of one of the consuls became an object of dislike to the state. That the Tarquinii had been too much habituated to sovereignty; Priscus first commenced; that Servius Tullus reigned next; that though an interval thus intervened, that Tarquinius Superbus, not losing sight of the kingdom as the property of another, had reclaimed it by crime and violence, as the hereditary right of his family.

2.2.4That Superbus being expelled, the government was in the hands of Collatinus: that the Tarquinii knew not how to live in a private station; the name pleased them not; that it was dangerous to liberty.

2.2.5—Such discourses were at first gradually circulated through the entire state by persons sounding their dispositions; and the people, now excited by jealousy, Brutus convenes to a meeting. There first of all he recites the people's oath: that they would suffer no one to be king, nor any thing to be in Rome whence danger might result to liberty.

2.2.6That it ought to be maintained with all their might, and nothing that could tend that way ought to be overlooked; he said it with reluctance, for the sake of the individual; and would not say it, did not his affection for the commonwealth predominate; that the people of Rome do not believe that entire liberty has been recovered; that the regal family, the regal name, was not only in the state but even in the government; that was unfavourable, that was injurious to liberty.

2.2.7Do you, L. Tarquinius, says he, do you, of your own accord, remove this apprehension. We remember, we own it, you expelled the royal family; complete your kindness; take hence the royal name —your property your fellow citizens shall not only restore you, by my advice, but if any thing is wanting they will generously supply. Depart in amity. Relieve the state from a dread which is perhaps groundless.

2.2.8So firmly are they persuaded in mind that only with the Tarquinian race will kingly power depart hence. Amazement at so extraordinary and sudden an occurrence at first impeded the consul's utterance; then, when he was commencing to speak, the chief men of the state stand around him, and by many importunities urge the same request.

2.2.9Others indeed had less weight with him. After Sp. Lucretius, superior in age and rank, his father-in-law besides, began to try various methods, by entreating and advising alternately, that he would suffer himself to be prevailed on by the general feeling of

2.2.10the state, the consul, apprehending lest hereafter these same things might befall him, when again in a private station, together with loss of property and other additional disgrace, he resigned his consulship; and removing all his effects to Lavinium, he withdrew from the state.

2.2.11Brutus, according to a decree of the senate, proposed to the people, that all the family of the Tarquins should be banished from Rome; and in an assembly by centuries he elected P. Valerius, with whose assistance he had expelled the kings for his colleague.

2.3.1Though nobody doubted that a war was impending from the Tarquins, yet it broke out later than was universally expected; but liberty was well nigh lost by treachery and fraud, a thing they had never apprehended.

2.3.2There were, among the Roman youth, several young men of no mean families, who, during the regal government, had pursued their pleasures without any restraint; being of the same age with, and companions of, the young Tarquins, and accustomed to live in princely style.

2.3.3Longing for that licentiousness, now that the privileges of all were equalized, they complained that the liberty of others has been converted to their slavery: that a king was a human being, from whom you can obtain, where right, or where wrong may be necessary; that there was room for favour and for kindness; that he could be angry, and could forgive; that he knew the difference between a friend and an enemy;

2.3.4that laws were a deaf, inexorable thing, more beneficial and advantageous for the poor than the rich; that they allowed of no relaxation or indulgence, if you transgress bounds; that it was a perilous state, amid so so many human errors, to live solely by one's integrity.

2.3.5Whilst their minds were already thus discontented of their own accord, ambassadors from the royal family come unexpectedly, demanding restitution of their effects merely, without any mention of return. After their application was heard in the senate, the deliberation on it lasted for several days, (fearing) lest the non-restitution might be a pretext for war, and the restitution a fund and assistance for war.

2.3.6In the mean time the ambassadors were planning different schemes; openly demanding the property, they secretly concerted measures for recovering the throne, and soliciting them as if for the object which appeared to be under consideration, they sound their feelings;

2.3.7to those by whom their proposals were favourably received they give letters from the Tarquins, and confer with them about admitting the royal family into the city secretly by night.

2.4.1The matter was first intrusted to brothers of the name of Vitellii and those of the name of Aquilii. A sister of the Vitellii had been married to Brutus the consul, and the issue of that marriage were young men, Titus and Tiberius; these also their uncles admit into a participation of the plot:

2.4.2several young noblemen also were taken in as associates, the memory of whose names has been lost from distance of time.

2.4.3In the mean time, when that opinion had prevailed in the senate, which recommended the giving back of the property, and the ambassadors made use of this as a pretext for delay in the city, because they had obtained from the consuls time to procure modes of conveyance, by which they might convey away the effects of the royal family;

2.4.4all this time they spend in consulting with the conspirators, and by pressing they succeed in having letters given to them for the Tarquins. For otherwise how were they to believe that the accounts brought by the ambassadors on matters of such importance were not idle?

2.4.5The letters, given to be a pledge of their sincerity, discovered the plot; for when, the day before the ambassadors set out to the Tarquins, they had supped by chance at the house of the Vitellii, and the conspirators there in private discoursed much together concerning their new design, as is natural, one of the slaves, who had already perceived what was going on, overheard their conversation;

2.4.6but waited for the occasion when the letters should be given to the ambassadors, the detection of which would prove the transaction; when he perceived that they were given, he laid the whole affair before the consuls.

2.4.7The consuls, having left their home to seize the ambassadors and conspirators, crushed the whole affair without any tumult; particular care being taken of the letters, lest they should escape them. The traitors being immediately thrown into chains, a little doubt was entertained respecting the ambassadors, and though they deserved to be considered as enemies, the law of nations however prevailed.

2.5.1The question concerning the restitution of the tyrants' effects, which the senate had formerly voted, came again under consideration. The fathers, fired with indignation, expressly forbad them either to be restored or confiscated.

2.5.2They were given to be rifled by the people, that after being made participators in the royal plunder, they might lose for ever all hopes of a reconciliation with the Tarquins. A field belonging to them, which lay between the city and the Tiber, having been consecrated to Mars, has been called the Campus Martius.

2.5.3It happened that there was a crop of corn upon it ready to be cut down, which produce of the field, as they thought it unlawful to use, after it was reaped, a great number of men carried the corn and straw in baskets, and threw them into the Tiber, which then flowed with shallow water, as is usual in the heat of summer; that thus the heaps of corn as it stuck in the shallows became settled when covered over with mud: by these and the afflux of other things, which the river happened to bring thither, an island was formed by degrees.

2.5.4Afterwards I believe that mounds were added, and that aid was afforded by art, that a surface so well raised might be firm enough for sustaining temples and porticoes. After plundering the tyrants' effects, the traitors were condemned and capital punishment inflicted.

2.5.5Their punishment was the more remarkable, because the consulship imposed on the father the office of punishing his own children, and him who should have been removed as a spectator, fortune assigned as the person to exact the punishment.

2.5.6Young men of the highest quality stood tied to a stake; but the consul's sons attracted the eyes of all the spectators from the rest of the criminals, as from persons unknown; nor did the people pity them more on account of the severity of the punishment, than the horrid crime by which they had deserved it.

2.5.7That they, in that year particularly, should have brought themselves to betray into the hands of Tarquin, formerly a proud tyrant, and now an exasperated exile, their country just delivered, their father its deliverer, the consulate which took its rise from the family of the Junii, the fathers, the people, and whatever belonged either to the gods or the citizens of Rome.

2.5.8The consuls seated themselves in their tribunal, and the lictors, being despatched to inflict punishment, strip them naked, beat them with rods, and strike off their heads. Whilst during all this time, the father, his looks and his countenance, presented a touching spectacle, the feelings of the father bursting forth occasionally during the office of superintending the public

2.5.9execution. Next after the punishment of the guilty, that there might be a striking example in either way for the prevention of crime, a sum of money was granted out of the treasury as a reward to the discoverer; liberty also and the rights of citizenship were granted

2.5.10him. He is said to have been the first person made free by the Vindicta; some think even that the term vindicta is derived from him. After him it was observed as a rule, that those who were set free in this manner were supposed to be admitted to the rights of Roman citizens.

2.6.1On these things being announced to him, as they had occurred, Tarquin, inflamed not only with grief for the frustration of such great hopes, but with hatred and resentment also, when he saw that the way was blocked up against stratagem, considering that he should have recourse to war open- ly, went round as a suppliant

2.6.2to the cities of Etruria, that they should not suffer him, sprung from themselves, of the same blood, exiled and in want, lately in possession of so great a kingdom, to perish before their eyes, with the young men his sons.

2.6.3That others had been invited to Rome from foreign lands to the throne; that he, a king, extending the Roman empire by his arms, was driven out by those nearest to him by a villanous conspiracy; that they had by violence divided the parts among themselves, because no one individual among them was deemed sufficiently deserving of the kingdom; that they had given up his effects to the people to be pillaged by them, that no one might be free from that guilt. That he was desirous to recover his country and his kingdom, and to punish his ungrateful subjects. That they should bring succour and aid him; that they might also revenge the injuries done to them of old, their legions so often slaughtered, their land taken from them.

2.6.4These arguments prevailed on the people of Veii, and with menaces they declare that now at least, under the conduct of a Roman general, their former disgrace should be wiped off, and what they had lost in war should be recovered.

2.6.5His name and relation to them induced the people of Tarquinii to take part with him; it seemed an honour that their countrymen should reign at Rome. Therefore the two armies of these two states followed Tarquin in order to recover his kingdom, and to take vengeance upon the Romans.

2.6.6When they entered the Roman territories, the consuls marched to meet them. Valerius led up the foot in a square battalion, and Brutus marched before with his horse to reconnoitre (the enemy). Their cavalry likewise came up first; Aruns, Tarquin's son, commanded it; the king himself followed with the legions.

2.6.7Aruns, when he knew at a distance by the lictors that it was a consul, and on coming higher discovered for certain that it was Brutus by his face, all inflamed with rage, he cried out, There is the villain who has banished us from our native country! see how he rides in state adorned with the ensigns of our dignity!

2.6.8now assist me, gods, the avengers of kings. He put spurs to his horse and drove furiously against the consul. Brutus perceived the attack made on him; as it was honourable in these days for the generals to engage in combat, he eagerly offered himself to the combat.

2.6.9They encountered one another with such furious animosity, neither mind- ful of protecting his own person, provided he could wound his adversary; so that both, transfixed through the buckler by the blow from the opposite direction, fell lifeless from their horses, entangled together by the two spears.

2.6.10The engagement between the rest of the horse commenced at the same time, and soon after the foot came up. There they fought with doubtful success, and as it were with equal advantage, and the victory doubtful. The right wings of both armies were victorious, and the left worsted.

2.6.11The Veientians, accustomed to be discomfited by the Roman soldiers, were routed and put to flight. The Tarquinienses, who were a new enemy, not only stood their ground, but even on their side obliged the Romans to give way.

2.7.1After the issue of this battle, so great a terror seized Tarquin and the Etrurians, that both the armies, the Veientian and Tarquinian, giving up the matter as impracticable, departed to their respective homes.

2.7.2They annex strange incidents to this battle, —that in the silence of the next night a loud voice was emitted from the Arsian wood; that it was believed to be the voice of Silvanus: these words were spoken, that more of the Etrurians by one had fallen in the battle; that the Roman was victorious in the war.

2.7.3Certainly the Romans departed thence as victors, the Etrurians as vanquished. For as soon as it was light, and not one of the enemy was now to be seen, P. Valerius the consul collected the spoils, and returned thence in triumph to Rome.

2.7.4His colleague's funeral he celebrated with all the magnificence then possible. But a far greater honour to his death was the public sorrow, singularly remarkable in this particular, that the matrons mourned him a year, as a parent, because he had been so vigorous an avenger of violated chastity.

2.7.5Afterwards the consul who survived, so changeable are the minds of the people, from great popularity, encountered not only jealousy, but suspicion, originating in an atrocious charge.

2.7.6Report represented that he aspired to the crown, because he had not substituted a colleague in the room of Brutus, and was building a house on the summit of Mount Velia, that there would be there an impregnable fortress on an elevated and well-for- tified place.

2.7.7When these things, thus circulated and believed, affected the consul's mind with indignation, having summoned the people to an assembly, he mounts the rostrum, after lowering the fasces. It was a grateful sight to the multitude that the insignia of authority were lowered to them, and that an acknowledgment was made, that the majesty and power of the people were greater than that of the consul.

2.7.8When they were called to silence, Valerius highly extolled the good fortune of his colleague, who after delivering his country had died vested with the supreme power, fighting bravely in defence of the commonwealth, when his glory was in its maturity, and not yet converted into jealousy. That he himself, having survived his glory, now remained as an object of accusation and calumny; that from the liberator of his country he had fallen to the level of the Aquilii and Vitellii.

2.7.9Will no merit then, says he, ever be so tried and approved by you, as to be exempted from the attacks of suspicion. Could I apprehend that myself, the bitterest enemy of kings, should fall under the charge of a desire of royalty?

2.7.10Could I believe that, even though I dwelt in the very citadel and the Capitol, that I could be dreaded by my fellow citizens? Does my character among you depend on so mere trifle? Is my integrity so slightly founded, that it makes more matter where I may be, than what I may be.

2.7.11The house of Publius Valerius shall not stand in the way of your liberty, Romans; the Velian mount shall be secure to you. I will not only bring down my house into the plain, but I will build it beneath the hill, that you may dwell above me a suspected citizen. Let those build on the Velian mount to whom liberty is more securely intrusted than to P. Valerius.

2.7.12Immediately all the materials were brought down to the foot of the Velian mount, and the house was built at the foot of the hill where the temple of Victory now stands.

2.8.1After this laws were passed, which not only cleared him of all suspicions of aiming at the regal power, but had so contrary a tendency, that they made him popular. From thence he was surnamed Poplicola.

2.8.2Above all, the laws regarding an appeal to the people against the magistrates, and that devoting the life and property of any one who should form a design of assuming regal authority, were grateful to the people.

2.8.3And after he had passed these while sole consul, so that the merit in them was exclusively his own, he then held an assembly for the election of a new colleague.

2.8.4Sp. Lucretius was elected consul, who being very old, and his strength being inadequate to discharge the consular duties, dies in a few days. M. Horatius Pulvillus was substituted in the room of Lucretius. In some old writers I find no mention of Lucretius as consul; they place Horatius immediately after Brutus.

2.8.5I believe that, because no important event signalized his consulate, it has been unnoticed. Jupiter's temple in the Capitol had not yet been dedicated; the consuls Valerius and Horatius cast lots which should dedicate it.

2.8.6It fell by lot to Horatius. Publicola departed to the war of the Veientians. The friends of Valerius were more annoyed than they should have been, that the dedication of so celebrated a temple should be given to Horatius.

2.8.7Having endeavoured by every means to prevent that, when all other attempts had been tried in vain, when the consul was now holding the door-post during his offering of prayer to the gods, they suddenly announce to him the shocking intelligence that his son was dead, and that his family being defiled he could not dedicate the temple.

2.8.8Whether he did not believe the fact, or possessed such great firmness of mind, is neither handed down for certain, nor is a conjecture easy. Diverted from his purpose at this intelligence in no other way than to order that the body should be buried, he goes through the prayer, and dedicates the temple. These were the transactions at home and abroad the first year after the expulsion of the kings.

2.8.9After this P. Valerius, a second time, and Titus Lucretius, were elected consuls.

2.9.1By this time the Tarquins had fled to Lars Porsena, king of Clusium. There, mixing advice with their entreaties, They sometimes besought him not to suffer them, who were descended from the Etrurians, and of the same blood and name, to live in exile and poverty; at other times they advised him not to let this commencing practice of expelling kings pass unpunished.

2.9.2That liberty has charms enough in itself;

2.9.3and unless kings defend their crowns with as much vigour as the people pursue their liberty, that the highest must be reduced to a level with the lowest; there will be nothing exalted, nothing distinguished above the rest; and hence there must be an end of regal government, the most beautiful institution both among gods and men.

2.9.4Porsena, thinking that it would be an honour to the Tuscans both that there should be a king at Rome, and especially one of the Etrurian nation, marched towards Rome with a hostile army.

2.9.5Never before on any other occasion did so great terror seize the senate; so powerful was the state of Clusium at the time, and so great the renown of Porsena. Nor did they only dread their enemies, but even their own citizens, lest the common people, through excess of fear, should, by receiving the Tarquins into the city, accept peace even if purchased with slavery.

2.9.6Many conciliatory concessions were therefore granted to the people by the senate during that period. Their attention, in the first place, was directed to the markets, and persons were sent, some to the Volscians, others to Cumae, to buy up corn. The privilege of selling salt, also, because it was farmed at a high rent, was all taken into the hands of government, and withdrawn from private individuals; and the people were freed from port-duties and taxes; that the rich, who were adequate to bearing the burden, should contribute; that the poor paid tax enough if they educated their

2.9.7children. This indulgent care of the fathers accordingly kept the whole state in such concord amid the subsequent se- verities in the siege and famine, that the highest abhorred the name of king not more than the

2.9.8lowest; nor was any single individual afterwards so popular by intriguing practices, as the whole senate then was by their excellent government.

2.10.1Some parts seemed secured by the walls, others by the interposition of the Tiber. The Sublician bridge well nigh afforded a passage to the enemy, had there not been one man, Horatius Cocles, (that defence the

2.10.2fortune of Rome had on that day,) who, happening to be posted on guard at the bridge, when he saw the Janiculum taken by a sudden assault, and that the enemy were pouring down from

2.10.3thence in full speed, and that his own party, in terror and confusion, were abandoning their arms and ranks, laying hold of them one by one, standing in their way, and appealing to the faith of gods and men, he declared, That their flight would avail them nothing if they deserted their post;

2.10.4if they passed the bridge and left it behind them, there would soon be more of the enemy in the Palatium and Capitol than in the Janiculum; for that reason he advised and charged them to demolish the bridge, by their sword, by fire, or by any means whatever; that he would stand the shock of the enemy as far as could be done by one man.

2.10.5He then advances to the first entrance of the bridge, and being easily distinguished among those who showed their backs in retreating from the fight, facing about to engage the foe hand to hand, by his surprising bravery he terrified the enemy.

2.10.6Two indeed a sense of shame kept with him, Sp. Lartius and T. Herminius, men eminent for their birth, and renowned for their gallant exploits.

2.10.7With them he for a short time stood the first storm of the danger, and the severest brunt of the battle. But as they who demolished the bridge called upon them to retire, he obliged them also to withdraw to a place of safety on a small portion of the bridge still left.

2.10.8Then casting his stern eyes round all the officers of the Etrurians in a threatening manner, he sometimes challenged them singly, sometimes reproached them all; the slaves of haughty tyrants, who, regardless of their own freedom, came to oppress the liberty of others.

2.10.9They hesitated for a considerable time, looking round one at the other, to commence the fight; shame then put the army in motion, and a shout being raised, they hurl their weapons from all sides on their single adversary;

2.10.10and when they all stuck in the shield held before him, and he with no less obstinacy kept possession of the bridge with firm step, they now endeavoured to thrust him down from it by one push, when at once the crash of the falling bridge, at the same time a shout of the Romans raised for joy at having completed their purpose, checked their ardour with sudden panic.

2.10.11Then Cocles says, Holy father Tiberinus, I pray that thou wouldst receive these arms, and this thy soldier, in thy propitious stream. Armed as he was, he leaped into the Tiber, and amid showers of darts hurled on him, swam across safe to his party, having dared an act which is likely to obtain more fame than credit with posterity.

2.10.12The state was grateful towards such valour; a statue was erected to him in the comitium, and as much land was given to him as he ploughed around in one day.

2.10.13The zeal of private individuals also was conspicuous among the public honours. For, amid the great scarcity, each person contributed something to him according to his supply at home, depriving himself of his own support.

2.11.1Porsena being repulsed in his first attempt, having changed his plans from a siege to a blockade, after he had placed a garrison in Janiculum, pitched his camp in the plain and on the banks of the Tiber.

2.11.2Then sending for boats from all parts, both to guard the river, so as not to suffer any provision to be conveyed to Rome, and also to transport his soldiers across the river, to plunder different places as occasion required;

2.11.3in a short time he so harassed the entire country round Rome, that not only every thing else from the country, but even their cattle, was driven into the city, and nobody durst venture thence without the gates.

2.11.4This liberty of action was granted to the Etrurians, not more through fear than from policy; for Valerius, intent on an opportunity of falling unawares upon a number of them, and when straggling, a remiss avenger in trifling matters, reserved the weight of his vengeance for more important occasions.

2.11.5Wherefore, to decoy the pillagers, he ordered his men to drive their cattle the next day out at the Esquiline gate, which was farthest from the enemy, presuming that they would get intelligence of it, because during the blockade and famine some slaves would turn traitors and desert.

Book 2, Part 2

2.11.6Accordingly they were informed of it by a deserter, and parties more numerous than usual, in hopes of seizing the entire body, crossed the river. Then P. Valerius commanded T. Herminius, with a small body of

2.11.7men, to lie concealed two miles from the city, on the Gabian road, and Sp. Lartius, with a party of light-armed troops, to post himself at the Colline gate till the enemy should pass by, and then to throw himself in their way so that there may be no return to the river.

2.11.8The other consul, T. Lucretius, marched out of the Naevian gate with some companies of soldiers; Valerius himself led some chosen cohorts down from the Cœlian mount, and they were first descried by the enemy.

2.11.9Herminius, when he perceived the alarm, rose out of the ambush and fell upon the rear of the Tuscans, who had charged Valerius. The shout was returned on the right and left, from the Colline gate on the one hand, and the Naevian on the other.

2.11.10By this stratagem the plunderers were put to the sword between both, they not being a match in strength for fighting, and all the ways being blocked up to prevent escape: this put an end to the Etrurians strolling about in so disorderly a manner.

2.12.1Nevertheless the blockade continued, and there was a scarcity of corn, with a very high price.

2.12.2Porsena entertained a hope that by continuing the siege he should take the city, when C. Mucius, a young nobleman, to whom it seemed a disgrace that the Roman people, when enslaved under kings, had never been confined within their walls in any war, nor by any enemy, should now when a free people be blocked up by

2.12.3these very Etrurians whose armies they had often routed, thinking that such indignity should be avenged by some great and daring effort, at first designed of his own accord to penetrate into the enemy's camp.

2.12.4Then, being afraid if he went without the permission of the consuls, or the knowledge of any one, he might be seized by the Roman guards and brought back as a deserter, the circumstances of the city at the time justifying the charge, he went to the senate:

2.12.5Fathers, says he, I intend to cross the Tiber, and enter the enemy's camp, if I can; not as a plunderer, or as an avenger in our turn of their devastations. A greater deed is in my mind, if the gods assist. The senate approved his design.

2.12.6He set out with a sword concealed under his garment.

2.12.7When he came thither, he stationed himself among the thickest of the crowd, near the king's tribunal. There, when the soldiers were receiving their pay, and the king's secretary sitting by him, dressed nearly in the same style, was busily engaged, and to him they commonly addressed themselves, being afraid to ask which of them was Porsena, lest by not knowing the king he should discover on himself, as fortune blindly directed the blow, he killed the secretary instead of the king.

2.12.8When, as he was going off thence where with his bloody dagger he had made his way through the dismayed multitude, a concourse being attracted at the noise, the king's guards immediately seized and brought him back standing alone before the king's tribunal;

2.12.9even then, amid such menaces of fortune, more capable of inspiring dread than of feeling it, I am, says he, a Roman citizen, my name is Caius Mucius; an enemy, I wished to slay an enemy, nor have I less of resolution to suffer death than I had to inflict it. Both to act and to suffer with fortitude is a Roman's part.

2.12.10Nor have I alone harboured such feelings towards you; there is after me a long train of persons aspiring to the same honour. Therefore, if you choose it, prepare yourself for this peril, to contend for your life every hour; to have the sword and the enemy in the very entrance of your pavilion; this is the war which we the Roman youth declare against you;

2.12.11dread not an army in array, nor a battle; the affair will be to yourself alone and with each of us singly.

2.12.12When the king, highly incensed, and at the same time terrified at the danger, in a menacing manner, commanded fires to be kindled about him, if he did not speedily explain the plots, which, by his threats, he had darkly insinuated against him;

2.12.13Mucius said, Behold me, that you may be sensible of how little account the body is to those who have great glory in view; and immediately he thrusts his right hand into the fire that was lighted for the sacrifice.

2.12.14When he continued to broil it as if he had been quite insensible, the king, astonished at this surprising sight, after he had leaped from his throne and commanded the young man to be removed from the altar, says, Be gone, having acted more like an enemy towards thyself than me. I would encourage thee to persevere in thy valour, if that valour stood on the side of my country.

2.12.15I now dismiss you untouched and unhurt, exempted from the right of war. Then Mucius, as if making a return for the kindness, says, "Since bravery is honoured by you, so that you have obtained by kindness that which you could not by threats, three hundred of us, the chief of the Roman youth, have conspired to attack you in this manner.

2.12.16It was my lot first. The rest will follow, each in his turn, according as the lot shall set him forward, unless fortune shall afford an opportunity of you.

2.13.1Mucius being dismissed, to whom the cognomen of Scaevola was afterwards given, from the loss of his right hand, ambassadors from Porsena followed him to Rome.

2.13.2The risk of the first attempt, from which nothing had saved him but the mistake of the assailant, and the risk to be encountered so often in proportion to the number of conspirators, made so strong an impression upon him, that of his own accord he made propositions of peace to the Romans.

2.13.3Mention was made to no purpose regarding the restoration of the Tarquinii to the throne, rather because he had been unable to refuse that to the Tarquinii, than from not knowing that it would be refused to him by the Romans.

2.13.4The condition of restoring their territory to the Veientians was obtained by him, and the necessity of giving hostages in case they wished the garrison to be withdrawn from the Janiculum was extorted from the Romans.

2.13.5Peace being concluded on these terms, Porsena drew his troops out of the Janiculum, and marched out of the Roman territories. The fathers gave Mucius, as a reward of his valour, lands on the other side of the Tiber, which were afterwards called the Mucian meadows.

2.13.6By this honour paid to valour the women were excited to merit public distinctions. As the camp of the Etrurians had been pitched not far from the banks of the Tiber, a young lady named Claelia, one of the hostages, deceiving her keepers, swam over the river, amidst the darts of the enemy, at the head of a troop of virgins, and brought them all safe to their relations.

2.13.7When the king was informed of this, at first highly incensed, he sent deputies to Rome to demand the hostage Claelia; that he did not regard the others;

2.13.8and afterwards, being changed into admiration of her courage, he said, that this action surpassed those of Cocles and Mucius, and declared, as he would consider the treaty as broken if the hostage were not delivered up, so, if given up, he would send her back safe to her friends.

2.13.9Both sides kept their faith: the Romans restored their pledge of peace according to treaty; and with the king of Etruria merit found not only security, but honour; and, after making encomiums on the young lady, promised to give her, as a present, half of the hostages, and that she should choose whom she pleased.

2.13.10When they were all brought out, she is said to have pitched upon the young boys below puberty, which was both consonant to maiden delicacy, and by consent of the hostages themselves it was deemed reasonable, that that age which was most exposed to injury should be freed from the enemy's hand.

2.13.11The peace being re-established, the Romans marked the uncommon instance of bravery in the woman, by an uncommon kind of honour, an equestrian statue; (the statue representing) a lady sitting on horseback was placed at the top of the Via Sacra.

2.14.1Inconsistent with this so peaceful a departure of the Etrurian king from the city, is the custom handed down from the ancients, and which continues down to our times among other usages at public sales, (I mean) that of selling the goods of king Porsena;

2.14.2the origin of which custom must either have occurred during the war, and was not relinquished in peace, or it must have increased from a milder source than the form of expression imports, of selling the goods in a hostile manner.

2.14.3Of the accounts handed down, the most probable is, that Porsena, on retiring from the Janiculum, made a present to the Romans of his camp well stored with provisions conveyed from the neighbouring and fertile fields of Etruria, the city being then exhausted by the long siege;

2.14.4that this, lest it should be carried away in a hostile manner, by the people being admitted in, was then sold, and called the goods of Porsena, the expression rather importing gratitude for the gift, than an auction of the king's property, which never even was in the power of the Roman people.

2.14.5Porsena, after ending the Roman war, that his army might not seem to have been led into these parts without effecting any thing, sent his son Aruns with a part of his forces to besiege Aricia.

2.14.6The matter not being expected, the Aricians were at first terrified; afterwards assistance, which was sent for from the people of Latium and Cumae, inspired so much hope, that they ventured to meet them in the field. At the commencement of the battle the Etrurians attacked the Aricians so furiously, that they routed them at the first onset.

2.14.7But the Cuman cohorts, op- posing stratagem to force, moved off a little to one side, and when the enemy were carried beyond them in great disorder, they faced about and charged them in the rear.

2.14.8By this means the Etrurians, when they had almost got the victory, were enclosed and cut to pieces. A very small part of them, having lost their general, because they had no nearer refuge, came to Rome without their arms, in the condition and with the air of suppliants.

2.14.9There they were kindly received and provided with lodgings. When their wounds were cured, many of them went home and told the kind hospitality they had met with. Affection for their hosts and for the city detained many at Rome; a place was assigned them to dwell in, which they have ever since called the Tuscan Street.

2.15.1Then P. Lucretius and P. Valerius Publicola were elected consuls. This year ambassadors came from Porsena for the last time, regarding the restoration of Tarquin to the throne. And when they were answered, that the senate would send deputies to the king;

2.15.2some of the principal persons of that order were forthwith despatched to represent to him that it was not because the answer could not have been given in a few words, that the royal family would not be received, that select members of the senate had been deputed to him, rather than an answer given to his ambassadors at Rome; but (it was done) that all mention of the matter might be put an end to for evermore, and that their minds might not be disturbed amid so many mutual acts of kindness, by his requiring what was adverse to the liberty of the Roman people, and by their denying to him to whom they would willingly deny nothing, unless they would submit to their own ruin.

2.15.3That the Roman people were not now under a kingly government, but in a state of freedom, and were firmly determined rather to open their gates to enemies than to kings. That it was the wish of all, that their city might have the same period of existence as their freedom in that city.

2.15.4Wherefore, if he wished Rome to be safe, they entreated that he would suffer it to be free. The king, overcome by modesty, says, "Since it is your firm and fixed resolve, I will neither tease you by repeatedly urging these same subjects more frequently, nor will I disappoint the Tarquinii by holding out hopes of aid which it is not in my power to give them;

2.15.5whether they have need of peace, or of war, let them seek another place from here for their exile, that nothing may disturb the peace between you and me.

2.15.6To these kind promises he added actions still more friendly, for he delivered up the remainder of the hostages, and restored to them the land of the Veientians, which had been taken from them by the treaty concluded at Janiculum.

2.15.7Tarquin, all hopes of return being now cut off, went to Tusculum to live in exile with his son-in-law Mamilius Octavius. Thus the peace between Porsena and the Romans was inviolably preserved.

2.16.1M. Valerius and P. Posthumius were chosen consuls. This year war was carried on successfully against the Sabines; the consuls received the honour of a triumph.

2.16.2Upon this the Sabines made preparations for war on a larger scale. To make head against them, and lest any sudden danger might arise from Tusculum, (whence they suspected a war, though it was not yet declared,) P. Valerius was created consul a fourth time, and T. Lucretius a second time.

2.16.3A disturbance arising among the Sabines, between the advisers of war and of peace, transferred from thence some additional strength to the Romans.

2.16.4For Attus Clausus, afterwards called at Rome Appius Claudius, when he himself, being an adviser of peace, was hard put to it by those who abetted the war, and was not a match for the faction, fled from Regillum to Rome, accompanied by a great number of clients. The rights of citizenship and land on the other side of the Anio were conferred on them.

2.16.5It was called the old Claudian tribe, and was increased by the addition of some tribesmen who had come from that country. Appius, being chosen into the senate, was soon after advanced to the highest dignity of that order.

2.16.6The consuls having entered the territories of the Sabines with a hostile army, after they had, both by laying waste their country, and afterwards by defeating them in battle, so weakened the power of the enemy, that they had no reason to dread their taking up arms again for a long time, returned to Rome in triumph.

2.16.7The following year, Agrippa Menenius and P. Posthumius being consuls, P. Valerius, al- lowed by universal consent to be the ablest man in Rome, in the arts both of peace and war, died in the height of glory, but so poor, that means to defray the expenses of his funeral were wanting: he was buried at the public charge.

2.16.8The matrons mourned for him as they had done for Brutus. The same year two Latin colonies, Pometia and Cora, revolted to the Auruncians. War was commenced against the Auruncians, and after defeating a numerous army of them who boldly met the consuls entering their frontiers, the whole Auruncian war was confined to Pometia.

2.16.9Nor, after the battle was over, did they refrain from slaughter more than in the heat of the action; for a greater number were slain than taken, and the prisoners they put to death indiscriminately. Nor did the enemy, in their resentment, spare even the three hundred hostages which they had received. This year also the consuls triumphed at Rome.

2.17.1The following consuls, Opiter Virginius and Sp. Cassius, first endeavoured to take Pometia by storm, and afterwards by raising vineae and other works.

2.17.2But the Auruncians, prompted more by an irreconcilable hatred against them, than induced by hopes of success, or by a favourable opportunity, sallied out of the town, and though more of them were armed with lighted torches than swords, filled all places with fire and slaughter.

2.17.3After they had burnt down the vineae, slain and wounded many of the enemy, they were near killing one of the consuls, who had been thrown from his horse and severely wounded (which of them authors do not mention). Upon this they returned to Rome, foiled in their object;

2.17.4the consul was left among many more who were wounded with very uncertain hopes of his recovery. After a short time, sufficient for curing their wounds and recruiting their army, they marched against Pometia with redoubled fury and augmented strength.

2.17.5When, the vineae having been repaired and the other apparatus of war, the soldiers were on the point of scaling the walls, the town surrendered.

2.17.6Yet though the town had surrendered, the leading men of the Auruncians, with no less cruelty than if it had been taken by assault, were beheaded indiscriminately; the others who were colonists were sold by auction, the town was razed, and the land sold.

2.17.7The consuls obtained a triumph more from having severely gratified their revenge, than in con- sequence of the importance of the war thus brought to a close.

2.18.1The following year had Postumus Cominius and T. Lartius for consuls.

2.18.2On this year, during the celebration of the games at Rome, as some of the courtesans were being carried off by some of the Sabine youth in a frolic, a mob having assembled, a scuffle ensued, and almost a battle; and from this inconsiderable affair the whole nation seemed inclined to a renewal of hostilities.

2.18.3Besides the dread of the Latin war, this accession was further made to their fears; certain intelligence was received that thirty different states had entered into a confederacy against them, at the instigation of Octavius Mamilius.

2.18.4While the city was perplexed amid this expectation of such important events, mention was made for the first time of nominating a dictator. But in what year or who the consuls were in whom confidence was not reposed, because they were of the Tarquinian faction, (for that also is recorded,) or who was elected dictator for the first time, is not satisfactorily established.

2.18.5Among the oldest writers however I find that Titus Lartius was appointed the first dictator, and Spurius Cassius master of the horse. They chose men of consular dignity, for so the law, made for the election of a dictator, ordained.

2.18.6For this reason, I am more inclined to believe that Lartius, who was of consular rank, was annexed to the consuls as their director and master, rather than Manius Valerius, the son of Marcus and grandson of Volesus, who had not yet been consul.

2.18.7For, had they intended to choose a dictator from that family in particular, they would much rather have chosen his father, Marcus Valerius, a consular person, and a man of distinguished merit.

2.18.8On the creation of the dictator first at Rome, when they saw the axes carried before him, great awe struck the common people, so that they became more submissive to obey orders. For neither was there now, as under the consuls who possessed equal power, the assistance of one of the two, nor was there appeal, nor was there any resource any where but in attentive submission. The creation of a dictator at Rome terrified the Sabines, and the more effectually, because they thought he was created on their account. Wherefore they sent ambassadors to sue for peace, to whom,

2.18.9when earnestly entreating the dictator and senate to pardon the young men's offence, an answer was given that the young men could easily be forgiven, but not the old men, who continually raised one war after another. Nevertheless they continued to treat about

2.18.10a peace, and it would have been grated, if the Sabines would bring themselves to make good the expenses incurred on the war (for that was demanded). War was proclaimed; a tacit truce kept the year quiet.

2.19.1Servius Sulpicius and M. Tullius were consuls the next year: nothing worth mentioning happened. Then T. Aebutius and C. Vetusius.

2.19.2In their consulship, Fidenae was besieged, Crustumeria taken, and Praeneste revolted from the Latins to the Romans. Nor was the Latin war, which had been fomenting for several years, any longer deferred.

2.19.3A. Postumius dictator, and T. Aebutius his master of the horse, marching with a numerous army of horse and foot, met the enemy's forces at the lake Regillus, in the territory of Tusculum, and, because it was heard that the Tarquins were

2.19.4in the army of the Latins, their rage could not be restrained, but they must immediately come to an engagement.

2.19.5Accordingly the battle was more obstinate and fierce than usual. For the generals were present not only to direct matters by their orders, but even charged one another, exposing their own persons. And there was hardly any of the principal officers of either side who came off unwounded except the Roman dictator.

2.19.6As Postumius was drawing up his men and encouraging them in the first line, Tarquinius Superbus, though now enfeebled by age, spurred on his horse with great fury to attack him; but being wounded in the side, he was carried off by a patty of his own men to a place of safety.

2.19.7In the other wing also, Aebutius, master of the horse, had charged Octavius Mamilius; nor was his approach unobserved by the Tusculan general, who also briskly spurred on his horse to encounter him.

2.19.8And such was their impetuosity as they advanced with hostile spears, that Aebutius was run through the arm and Mamilius struck on the breast. The Latins received the latter into their second line;

2.19.9but as Aebutius was not able to wield his lance with his wounded arm, he retired from the battle.

2.19.10The Latin general, not in the least discouraged by his wound, stirs up the fight; and because he saw his own men begin to give ground, sent for a company of Roman exiles to support them, commanded by Tarquin's son. This body, inasmuch as they fought with greater fury from having been banished from their country, and lost their estates, restored the battle for a short time.

2.20.1When the Romans were beginning to give ground on that side, M. Valerius, brother to Poplicola, having observed young Tarquin boldly figuring away at the head of his exiles, fired with the renown of his family, that the slaying of the princes might belong to the same family whose glory their expulsion had been, clapped spurs to his

2.20.2horse, and with his javelin presented made towards Tarquin.

2.20.3Tarquin retired from his violent enemy into a battalion of his own men. As Valerius rushed rashly into the line of the exiles, one of them ran him sideways through the body, and as the horse was in no way retarded by the wound of his rider, the expiring Roman fell to the ground, his arms falling over him.

2.20.4Postumius the dictator, on seeing so distinguished a man slain, the exiles advancing boldly in a body, and his own men disheartened and giving ground, gives the signal to

2.20.5his own cohort, a chosen body of men which he kept for the defence of his person, to treat every Roman soldier whom they should see fly from the battle as an enemy.

2.20.6Upon this the Romans, by reason of the danger on both sides, turned from their flight against the enemy, and, the battle being restored, the dictator's cohort now for the first time engaged in the fight, and with fresh vigour and undaunted resolution falling on the wearied exiles, cut them to pieces.

2.20.7Here another engagement took place between the leading officers. The Latin general, on seeing the cohort of the exiles almost surrounded by the Roman dictator, advanced in haste to the front with some companies of the body of reserve.

2.20.8T. Herminius, a lieutenant-general, having seen them moving in a body, and well knowing Mamilius, distinguished from the rest by his armour and dress, encountered the leader of the enemy with a force so much superior to that wherewith the general of the horse had lately done, that at one thrust he ran him through the side and slew him;

2.20.9and while stripping the body of his enemy, he himself received a wound with a javelin; and though brought back to the camp victorious, yet he died during the first dressing of it.

2.20.10Then the dictator flies to the cavalry, entreating them in the most pressing terms, as the foot were tired out with fighting, to dismount from their horses and join the fight. They obeyed his orders, dismounted, flew to the front, and taking their post at the first line, cover themselves with their targets.

2.20.11The infantry immediately recovered courage, when they saw the young noblemen sustaining a share of the danger with them, the mode of fighting being now assimilated. Thus at length were the Latins beaten back, and their line giving way, they retreated.

2.20.12The horses were then brought up to the cavalry that they might pursue the enemy, and the infantry likewise followed. On this, the dictator, omitting nothing (that could conciliate) divine or human aid, is said to have vowed a temple to Castor, and likewise to have promised rewards to the first and second of the soldiers who should enter the enemy's camp.

2.20.13And such was their ardour, that the Romans took the camp with the same impetuosity wherewith they had routed the enemy in the field. Such was the engagement at the lake Regillus. The dictator and master of the horse returned to the city in triumph.

2.21.1For the next three years there was neither settled peace nor open war. The consuls were Q. Claelius and T. Lartius. After them A. Sempronius and M. Minucius.

2.21.2In their consulship, a temple was dedicated to Saturn, and the Saturnalia appointed to be kept as a festival. Then A. Postumius and T. Virginius were chosen consuls.

2.21.3In some authors I find that the battle at the lake Regillus was not fought till this year, and that A. Postumius, because the fidelity of his colleague was suspected, laid down his office, and thereupon was created dictator.

2.21.4Such great mistakes of dates perplex one with the history of these tines, the magistrates being arranged differently in different writers, that you cannot determine what consuls succeeded certain consuls, nor in what particular year every remarkable action happened, by reason of the antiquity, not only of the facts, but also

2.21.5of the historians. Then Ap. Claudius and P. Servilius were elected consuls. This year was remarkable for the news of Tarquin's death. He died at Cumae, whither he had fled to the tyrant Aristodemus, after the reduction of the power

2.21.6of the Latins. The senate and people were elated by this news. But with the senators their satisfaction was too extravagant, for by the chief men among them oppression began to be practised on the people to whom they

2.21.7had to that day been attentive to the utmost of their power. The same year the colony which king Tarquin had sent to Signia was recruited by filling up the number of the colonists. The tribes at Rome were increased to twenty-one. And the temple of Mercury was dedicated the fifteenth of May.

2.22.1During the Latin war, there had been neither peace nor war with the nation of the Volscians; for both the Volscians had raised auxiliary troops to send to the Latins had not so much expedition been used by the Roman dictator, and the Roman employed this expedition that he might not have to contend in one and the same battle with the Latin and the Volscian.

Book 2, Part 3

2.22.2In resentment of this, the consuls marched their army into the Volscian territory; the unexpected proceeding alarmed the Volscians, who dreaded no chastisement of mere intention; unmindful of arms, they gave three hundred children of the principal men of Cora and Pometia as hostages. Upon this the legions were withdrawn without coming to any action.

2.22.3Not long after their natural disposition returned to the Volscians, now delivered of their fears; they again make secret preparation for war, having taken the Hernicians into an alliance with them.

2.22.4They send ambassadors in every direction to stir up Latium. But the recent defeat received at the lake Regillus, could scarcely restrain the Latins from offering violence to the ambassadors through resentment and hatred of any one who would advise them to take up arms. Having seized the Volscians, they brought them to Rome. They were there delivered up to the consuls, and information was given that the Volscians and Hernicians were making preparations for war against the Romans.

2.22.5The matter being referred to the senate, it was so gratifying to the senators that they both sent back six thousand prisoners to the Latins, and referred to the new magistrates the business regarding the treaty, which had been almost absolutely refused them.

2.22.6Upon this indeed the Latins were heartily glad at what they had done, th advisers of peace were in high esteem. They send a crown of gold to the Capitol as an offering to Jupiter. Along with the ambassadors and the offering there came a great crowd, consisting of the prisoners who had been sent back to their friends.

2.22.7They proceed to the houses of those persons with whom each had been in servitude, and return thanks for their having been generously kept and treated during their calamity. They then form connexions of hospitality. And never at any former time was the Latin name more closely united to the Roman state, either by public or private ties.

2.23.1But both the Volscian war was threatening, and the state, being disturbed within itself, glowed with intestine animosity between the senate and people, chiefly on account of those confined for debt.

2.23.2They complained loudly, that whilst fighting abroad for liberty and dominion, they were captured and oppressed at home by their fellow citizens; and that the liberty of the people was more secure in war than in peace, among enemies than among their fellow citizens; and this feeling of discontent, increasing of itself, the striking sufferings of an individual still further aggravated. A certain person advanced in years threw himself into the forum with all the badges of his miseries on him.

2.23.3His clothes were all over squalid, the figure of his body still more shocking, being pale and emaciated.

2.23.4In addition, a long beard and hair had impressed a savage wildness on his countenance; in such wretchedness he was known notwithstanding, and they said that he had been a centurion, and compassionating him they mentioned openly other distinctions (obtained) in the service: he himself exhibited scars on his breast, testimonies of honourable battles in several places.

2.23.5To persons repeatedly inquiring, whence that garb, whence that ghastly appearance of body, (the multitude having now assembled around him almost like a popular assembly,) he says that whilst serving in the Sabine war, because he had not only been deprived of the produce of his land in consequence of the depredations of the enemy, but also his residence had been burned down, all his effects pillaged, his cattle driven off, a tax imposed on him at a time very distressing to him, he had incurred debt; that this debt, aggravated by usury, had stripped him first of his father's and grandfather's farm, then of his other property; lastly that a pestilence, as it were, had reached his person.

2.23.6That he was taken by his creditor, not into servitude, but into a house of correction and a place of execution. He then showed his back disfigured with the marks of stripes still recent. At the hearing and seeing of this a great uproar takes place.

2.23.7The tumult is now no longer confined to the forum, but spreads through the entire city. Those who were confined for debt, and those who were now at their liberty, hurry into the streets from all quarters and implore the protection of the people.

2.23.8In no place is there wanting a voluntary associate of sedition. They run through all the streets in crowds to the forum with loud shouts.

2.23.9Such of the senators as happened to be in the forum, fell in with this mob with great peril to themselves; nor would they have refrained from violence, had not the consuls, P. Servilius and Ap. Claudius, hastily interfered to quell the disturbance.

2.23.10The multitude turning towards them, and showing their chains and other marks of wretchedness, said that they deserved all this, taunting them (the consuls) each with the military services performed by himself, one in one place, and another in another.

2.23.11They require them with menaces, rather than as suppliants, to assemble the senate, and stand round the senate-house in a body, determined themselves to be witnesses and directors of the public counsels. Very few of the senators, whom chance had thrown in the way, were forced to attend the consuls; fear prevented the rest from coming not only to the house, but even to the forum.

2.23.12Nor could any thing be done by reason of the thinness of the senate. Then indeed the people began to think their demand was eluded, and the redress of their grievances delayed; that such of the senators as had absented themselves did so not through chance or fear, but on purpose to obstruct the business.

2.23.13That the consuls themselves trifled with them, that their miseries were now a mere subject of mockery. By this time the sedition was come to such a height, that the majesty of the consuls could hardly restrain the violence of the people.

2.23.14Wherefore, uncertain whether they incurred greater danger by staying at home, or venturing abroad, they came at length to the senate; but though the house was at length full, a want of agreement manifested itself, not only among the fathers, but even between the consuls themselves.

2.23.15Appius, a man of violent temper, thought the matter was to be done by the authority of the consuls, and that if one or two were seized, the rest would be quiet Servilius, more inclined to moderate measures, thought that while their minds were in this ferment, it would be both more safe and more easy to bend than to break them. Amidst these debates, another terror of a more serious nature presented itself.

2.24.1Some Latin horse came full speed to Rome, with the alarming news that the Volscians were marching with a hostile army, to besiege the city, the announcement of which (so completely had discord made the state two from one) affected the senators and people in a far different manner.

2.24.2The people exulted with joy, and said, that the gods were come as avengers of the tyranny of the fathers. They encouraged one another not to enrol their names, that it was better that all should perish together, than that they should perish alone. That the patricians should serve as soldiers, that the patricians should take up arms, so that the perils of war should remain with those with whom the advantages were.

2.24.3But the senate, dejected and confounded by the two-fold terror, that from their own countrymen, and that from the enemy, entreated the consul Servilius, whose temper was more conciliating, that he would extricate the commonwealth beset with such great terrors.

2.24.4Then the consul, dismissing the senate, proceeds into the assembly. There he shows them that the senate were solicitous that care should be taken for the people's interest: but their alarm for the whole commonwealth had interrupted their deliberation regarding that which was no doubt the greatest part, but yet only a part;

2.24.5nor could they, when the enemy were almost at the gates, allow any thing to take precedence of war: nor, if there should be some respite, was it either to the credit of the people not to have taken up arms in defence of their country unless they first receive a recompence, nor consistent with the dignity of the senators that they adopted measures of relief for the distresses of their countrymen through fear rather than afterwards from inclination.

2.24.6He gave additional confidence to the assembly by an edict, by which he ordained that no one "should detain a Roman citizen either in chains or in prison, so as to hinder his enrolling his name under the consuls. And that nobody should either seize or sell the goods of any soldier, while he was in the camp, or arrest his children or grandchildren.

2.24.7This ordinance being published, the debtors under arrest who were present immediately entered their names, and crowds of persons hastening from all quarters of the city from their confinement, as their creditors had no right to detain their persons, ran together into the forum to take the military oath.

2.24.8These made up a considerable body of men, nor was the bravery or activity of the others more conspicuous in the Volscian war. The consul led out his army against the enemy, and pitched his camp at a little distance from them.

2.25.1The next night the Volscians, relying on the dissension among the Romans, made an attempt on their camp, to see if any desertion or treachery might be resorted to during the night. The sentinels on guard perceived them; the army was called up, and the signal being given they ran to arms.

2.25.2Thus that attempt of the Volscians was frustrated; the remainder of the night was dedicated to repose on both sides. The next morning at daybreak the Volscians, having filled the trenches, attacked the rampart.

2.25.3And already the fortifications were being demolished on every side, when the consul, although all on every side, and more especially the debtors, cried out that he should give the signal, having delayed a little while for the purpose of trying the feelings of the soldiers, when their great ardour became sufficiently apparent, having at length given the signal for sallying forth, he lets out the soldiers now impatient for the fight.

2.25.4At the very first onset the enemy were routed; the rear of them who fled was harassed, as long as the infantry was able to overtake them; the cavalry drove them in consternation to their very camp. In a little time the camp itself was taken and plundered, the legions having surrounded it, as the panic had driven the Volscians even from thence also.

2.25.5On the next day the legions being led to Suessa Pometia, whither the enemy had retreated, in a few days the town is taken; when taken, it was given up for plunder: by these means the needy soldiers were somewhat relieved.

2.25.6The consul leads back his victorious army to Rome with the greatest glory to himself: as he is setting out for Rome, the deputies of the Ecetrans, (a part) of the Volscians, alarmed for their state after the taking of Pometia, come to him. By a decree of the senate peace is granted them, but their land is taken from them.

2.26.1Immediately after the Sabines also caused an alarm to the Romans; but it was rather a tumult than a war. It was announced in the city during the night that a Sabine army had advanced as far as the river Anio, plundering the country: that the country houses there were pillaged and burnt down indiscriminately.

2.26.2A. Postumius, who had been dictator in the Latin war, was immediately sent against them with all the horse. The consul Servilius followed him with a chosen body of foot.

2.26.3The cavalry cut off most of the stragglers; nor did the Sabine legion make any resistance against the foot when they came up with them. Being tired both by their march and their plundering the country in the night, and a great number of them being surfeited with eating and drinking in the cottages, they had scarcely sufficient strength for flight.

2.26.4The Sabine war being thus heard of and finished in one night, on the following day, amid sanguine hope of peace being secured in every quarter, ambassadors from the Auruncians come to the senate, proclaiming war unless the troops are withdrawn from the Volscian territory.

2.26.5The army of the Auruncians had set out from home simultaneously with the ambassadors; the report of which having been seen not far from Aricia, excited such a tumult among the Romans, that neither the senate could be consulted in regular form, nor could they, while themselves taking up arms, give a pacific answer to those advancing against them in arms.

2.26.6They march to Aricia with a determined army, come to an engagement not far from thence, and in one battle put an end to the war.

2.27.1After the defeat of the Auruncians, the people of Rome, victorious in so many wars within a few days, were expecting the promises of the consul and the engagement of the senate (to be made good). But Appius, both through his natural pride, and in order to undermine the credit of his colleague, issued his decrees regarding borrowed money, with all possible severity. And from this time, both those who had been formerly in confinement were delivered up to their creditors, and others also were taken into custody.

2.27.2When this happened to a soldier, he appealed to the colleague, and a crowd gathered about Servilius: they represented to him his promises, severally upbraided him with their services in war, and with the scars they had received. They loudly called upon him to lay the matter before the senate, and that, as consul, he would relieve his fellow citizens, as a general, his soldiers.

2.27.3These remonstrances affected the consul, but the situation of affairs obliged him to back out; so completely had not only his colleague, but the whole body of the patricians, adopted an entirely opposite course. And thus, by acting a middle part, he neither escaped the odium of the people, nor gained the favour of the senators.

2.27.4The fathers looked upon him as a weak, popularity-hunting consul, and the people considered him as a deceiver.

2.27.5And it soon appeared that he was as odious to them as Appius himself. A dispute had happened between the consuls, as to which should dedicate the temple of Mercury. The senate referred the affair from themselves to the people, and ordained that to whichsoever of them the dedication should be granted by order of the people, he should preside over the markets, establish a company of merchants, and perform the functions of a pontifex maximus.

2.27.6The people gave the dedication of the temple to M. Laetorius, the centurion of the first legion, that it might plainly appear to have been done not so much out of respect to a person on whom an honour above his rank had been conferred, as to affront the consuls.

2.27.7Upon this one of the consuls particularly, and the senators, were highly incensed.

2.27.8But the people had acquired courage, and proceeded in a manner quite different from what they had at first intended. For when they despaired of redress from the consuls and senate, upon seeing a debtor led to the court, they flew together from all quarters.

2.27.9And neither the decree of the consul could be heard in consequence of the noise and clamour, nor, when he had pronounced the decree, did any one obey it.

2.27.10All was managed by violence, and the entire dread and danger with respect to personal liberty, was transferred from the debtors to the creditors, who were severally abused by the crowd in the very sight of the consul. In addition to all this, the dread of the Sabine war spread, and when a levy was decreed, nobody gave in his name; Appius being enraged, and bitterly inveighing against the ambitious arts of his colleague, who by his popular silence was betraying the republic, and besides his not passing sentence against the debtors, likewise neglected to raise the levies, after they had been voted by the senate.

2.27.11Yet he declared, that the commonwealth was not entirely deserted, nor the consular authority altogether debased. That he alone would vindicate both his own dignity and that of the senators.

2.27.12When a daily mob, emboldened by licentiousness, stood round him, he commanded a noted ringleader of the sedition to be apprehended. He, as the lictors were carrying him off, appealed to the people; nor would the consul have allowed the appeal, because there was no doubt regarding the judgment of the people, had not his obstinacy been with difficulty overcome, rather by the advice and influence of the leading men, than by the clamours of the people; so much resolution he had to bear the weight of their odium.

2.27.13The evil gained ground daily, not only by open clamours, but, which was far more dangerous, by a secession and by secret meetings. At length the consuls, so odious to the commons, went out of office: Servilius liked by neither party, Appius highly esteemed by the senators.

2.28.1Then A. Virginius and T. Vetusius enter on the consulship. Upon this the commons, uncertain what sort of consuls they were to have, held nightly meetings, some of them upon the Esquiline, and others upon the Aventine hill, that they might not be confused by hasty resolutions in the forum, or take their measures inconsiderately and without concert.

2.28.2The consuls, judging this proceeding to be of dangerous tendency, as it really was, laid the matter before the senate. But they were not allowed after proposing it to take the votes regularly; so tumultuously was it received on all sides by the clamours and indignation of the fathers, at the consuls throwing on the senate the odium of that which should have been put down by consular authority.

2.28.3That if there really were magistrates in the republic, there would have been no council in Rome but the public one. That the republic was now divided and split into a thousand senate-houses and assemblies, some of which were held on the Esquiline, others on the Aventine hill.

2.28.4That one man, in truth such as Appius Claudius, for that that was more than a consul, would in a moment disperse these private meetings.

2.28.5When the consuls, thus rebuked, asked them, What they desired them to do, for that they would act with as much energy and vigour as the senators wished, they resolve that they should push on the levies as briskly as possible, that the people were become insolent from want of em- ployment.

2.28.6When the house broke up, the consuls ascend the tribunal and summon the young men by name. But none of them made any answer, and the people crowding round them, as if in a general assembly, said, That the people would no longer be imposed on.

2.28.7They should never list one soldier till the public faith was made good. That liberty should be restored to each before arms were given, that they might fight for their country and fellow citizens, and not for arbitrary lords.

2.28.8The consuls fully understood the orders they had received from the senate, but they saw none of those who had talked so big within the walls of the senate-house present themselves to take any share with them in the public odium.

2.28.9A desperate contest with the commons seemed at hand. Therefore, before they would have recourse to extremities, they thought it advisable to consult the senate a second time. Then indeed the younger senators flocked in a hurry round the chairs of the consuls, commanding them to abdicate the consulate, and resign an office which they had not courage to support.

2.29.1Having sufficiently tried both ways, the consuls at length said, Conscript fathers, lest you may say that you were not forewarned, a great disturbance is at hand. We require that they who accuse us most severely of cowardice, would assist us in raising the levies; we shall proceed according to the resolution of the most intrepid amongst you, since it so pleases you.

2.29.2They return to their tribunal, and on purpose commanded one of the most factious of the people, who stood in their view, to be called upon by name. When he stood mute, and a number of men stood round him in a ring, to prevent his being seized, the consuls sent a lictor to him.

2.29.3He being repulsed, such of the fathers as attended the consuls, exclaiming against it as an intolerable insult, ran in a hurry from the tribunal to assist the lictor.

2.29.4But when the violence was turned from the lictor, who suffered nothing else but being prevented from seizing him, against the fathers, the riot was quelled by the interposition of the consuls, in which however, without stones or weapons, there was more noise and angry words than mischief done.

2.29.5The senate, called in a tumultuous manner, is consulted in a manner still more tumultuous; such as had been beaten, calling out for an inquiry, and the most violent members declaring their sentiments no less by clamours and noise than by their votes.

2.29.6At length, when their passion had subsided, the consuls reproaching them with there being as much disorderly conduct in the senate as in the forum, the house began to vote in regular order. There were three different opinions: P. Virginius did not make the matter general.

2.29.7He voted that they should consider only those who, relying on the promise of P. Servilius the consul, had served in a war against the Auruncans and Sabines.

2.29.8Titius Largius was of opinion, That it was not now a proper time to reward services only. That all the people were immersed in debt, and that a stop could not be put to the evil, unless measures were adopted for all. And that if the condition of different parties be different, the divisions would rather be thereby inflamed than composed.

2.29.9Appius Claudius, who was naturally severe, and, by the hatred of the commons on the one hand, and praises of the senators on the other, was become quite infuriated, said, That these riots proceeded not from distress, but from licentiousness. That the people were rather wanton than violent.

2.29.10That this terrible mischief took its rise from the right of appeal; since threats, not authority, was all that belonged to the consuls, while permission was given to appeal to those who were accomplices in the crime.

2.29.11Come, added he, let us create a dictator from whom there lies no appeal; this madness, which hath set every thing in a flame, will immediately subside.

2.29.12Let any one dare then to strike a lictor, when he shall know that his back, and even his life, are in the power of that person whose authority he has insulted.

2.30.1To many the opinion of Appius appeared, as it really was, severe and violent. On the other hand, those of Virginius and Largius were not safe for the precedent they established; especially they thought that of Largius so, as it would destroy all credit. The opinion of Virginius was reckoned to be most moderate, and a happy medium between the other two.

2.30.2But through the spirit of faction and a regard of private interest, which always have and always will obstruct the public councils, Appius prevailed, and was himself near being created dictator;

2.30.3which step would certainly have alienated the commons at this most dangerous juncture, when the Volsci, the Aequi, and the Sabines happened to be all in arms at the same time.

2.30.4But the consuls and elder senators took care that this office, in its own nature uncontrollable, should be committed to a man of moderate temper.

2.30.5They choose Manius Valerius, son of Volesus, dictator. The people, though they saw that this magistrate was created against themselves, yet as they had got the right of appeal by his brother's law, dreaded nothing oppressive or tyrannical from that family.

2.30.6An edict of the dictator's, which was almost the same with that published by the consul Servilius, afterwards confirmed their minds. But judging it safer to confide in both the man and in the absolute power with which he was vested, they gave in their names, desisting from all contest.

2.30.7Ten legions were levied, a greater army than had ever been raised before. Each of the consuls had three legions assigned him, and the dictator commanded four.

2.30.8Nor could the war be deferred any longer. The Aequi had made incursions upon the Latin territory; the deputies of the Latins begged the senate either to send them assistance, or to allow them to arm themselves for the purpose of defending their own frontiers.

2.30.9It seemed safer that the Latins should be defended without arming, than to allow them to take up arms again. Wherefore Vetusius the consul was sent to their assistance; this immediately put a stop to the devastations. The Aequi retired from the plains, and depending more on the advantage of the ground than on their arms, secured themselves on the summits of the mountains.

2.30.10The other consul, having marched against the Volsci, in order that he too might not waste time, challenged the enemy to pitch their camp nigh to his, and to risk an engagement by ravaging their lands.

2.30.11Both armies stood in order of battle before their lines in a plain between the two camps.

2.30.12The Volsci had considerably the advantage in number. Accordingly they rushed on to the fight, in a careless manner, and as if contemptuously. The Roman consul neither advanced his forces, and not suffering the enemy's shouts to be returned, he ordered them to stand still with their spears fixed in the ground, and when the enemy came up, to draw their swords and fall upon them with all their force.

2.30.13The Volsci, wearied with running and shouting, set upon the Romans as if they had been quite be- numbed through fear; but when they found the vigorous resistance that was made, and saw their swords glittering before their face, they turned their backs in great disorder, just as if they had fallen into an ambuscade. Nor had they strength sufficient even for flight, as they had advanced to the battle in full speed.

2.30.14The Romans, on the other hand, as they had not stirred from their ground in the beginning of the action, being fresh and vigorous, easily overtook the enemy, who were weary, took their camp by assault, and after driving them thence, pursued them to Velitrae, into which the conquered and conquerors entered in a body.

2.30.15By the promiscuous slaughter which was here made of all ranks, there was more blood spilt than in the battle itself. Quarter was given to a small number of them, who threw down their arms and surrendered.

2.31.1Whilst these things are going on among the Volsci, the dictator routs, puts to flight, and strips of their camp, the Sabines, where by far the most serious part of the war lay.

2.31.2By a charge of his cavalry he had thrown into confusion the centre of the enemy's line, where, by the wings extending themselves too far, they had not strengthened their line by a suitable depth of files.

2.31.3The infantry fell upon them in this confusion, by one and the same charge their camp was taken and the war concluded. There was no other battle in those times more memorable than this since the action at the lake Regillus. The dictator is borne into the city in triumph.

2.31.4Besides the usual honours, a place in the circus was assigned to him and his descendants, to see the public games; a curule chair was fixed in that place. The lands of Velitrae were taken from the conquered Volsci: colonists were sent from the city to Velitrae, and a colony planted there. Soon after there was an engagement with the Aequi, but contrary to the wish of the consul, because they had to approach the enemy by disadvantageous ground.

2.31.5But the soldiers complaining that the war was on purpose spun out, that the dictator might resign his office before they returned home to the city, and so his promises might fall to the ground without effect, as those of the consul had done before, forced him at all hazards to march his army up the hill.

2.31.6This imprudent step, by the cowardice of the enemy, turned out successfully; for before the Romans came within reach of a dart, the Aequi, quite amazed at their boldness, abandoned their camp, which was situated in a very strong position, and ran down into the valleys on the opposite side. In it abundance of booty was found, and the victory was a bloodless one. Matters being thus successfully managed in war in three different directions, anxiety respecting the event of their domestic differences had left neither the senators nor the people. With such powerful influence, and with such art

2.31.7also, had the money-lenders made their arrangements, so as to disappoint not only the people, but even the dictator himself. For Valerius, after the return of the consul Vetusius, first of all matters brought before the senate that relating to the victorious

2.31.8people, and proposed the question, what it was their determination should be done with respect to those confined for debt. And when this motion was rejected, I am not acceptable, says he, as an adviser of concord. You will ere long wish, depend on it, that the commons of Rome had patrons similar to me. For my part, I will neither further disappoint my fellow citizens,

2.31.9nor will I be dictator to no purpose. Intestine dissensions, foreign wars, caused the republic to require such a magistrate. Peace has been secured abroad, it is impeded at home. I will be a witness to disturbance as a private citizen rather than as dictator. Then quitting the senate-house, he abdicated his

2.31.10dictatorship. The case appeared to the commons, that he had resigned his office indignant at the treatment shown to them. Accordingly, as if his engagements to them had been fully discharged, since it had not been his fault that they were not made good, they attended him when returning to his home with approbation and applause.

2.32.1Fear then seized the senators lest, if the army should be dismissed, secret meetings and conspiracies would be renewed; wherefore though the levy had been held by the dictator, yet supposing that, as they had sworn obedience to the consuls, the soldiers were bound by their oath, under the protext of hostilities being renewed by the Aequi, they ordered the legions to be led out of the city; by which proceeding the sedition was hastened.

2.32.2And it is said that at first it was in contemplation to put the consuls to death, that they might be discharged from their oath: but that being afterwards informed that no religious obligation could be dissolved by a criminal act, they, by the advice of one Sicinius, retired, without the orders of the consuls, to the sacred mount, beyond the river Anio, three miles from the city:

2.32.3this account is more general than that which Piso has given, that the secession was made to the Aventine.

2.32.4There without any leader, their camp being fortified with a rampart and trench, remaining quiet, taking nothing but what was necessary for sustenance, they kept themselves for several days, neither being attacked, nor attacking others.

2.32.5Great was the panic in the city, and through mutual fear all was suspense. The people left in the city dreaded the violence of the senators; the senators dreaded the people remaining in the city, uncertain whether they should prefer them to stay or to depart; but how long would the multitude which had seceded, remain quiet?

Book 2, Part 4

2.32.6what were to be the consequences then, if, in the mean time, any foreign war should break out?

2.32.7they certainly considered no hope left, save in the concord of the citizens; this should be restored to the state by fair or by unfair means.

2.32.8It was resolved therefore that there should be sent as ambassador to the people, Menenius Agrippa, an eloquent man, and one who was a favourite with the people, because he derived his origin from them.

2.32.9He being admitted into the camp, is said to have related to them merely the following story in that antiquated and uncouth style; At a time when all the parts in the human body did not, as now, agree together, but the several members had each its own scheme, its own language, the other parts, indignant that every thing was procured for the belly by their care, labour, and service; that the belly, remaining quiet in the centre, did nothing but enjoy the pleasures afforded it.

2.32.10They conspired accordingly, that the hands should not convey food to the mouth, nor the mouth receive it when presented, nor the teeth chew it: whilst they wished under the influence of this feeling to subdue the belly by famine, the members themselves and the entire body were reduced to the last degree of emaciation.

2.32.11Thence it became apparent that the service of the belly was by no means a slothful one; that it did not so much receive nourishment as supply it, sending to all parts of the body this blood by which we live and possess vigour, distributed equally to the veins when prefected by the digestion of the food.

2.32.12By comparing in this way how similar the intestine sedition of the body was to the resentment of the people against the senators, he made an impression on the minds of the multitude.

2.33.1Then a commencement was made to treat of a reconciliation, and among the conditions it was allowed, that the commons should have their own magistrates, with inviolable privileges, who should have the power of bringing assistance against the consuls, and that it should not be lawful for any of the patricians to hold that office.

2.33.2Thus two tribunes of the commons were created, Caius Licinius and L. Albinus. These created three colleagues for themselves. It is clear that among these was Sicinius, the adviser of the sedition; with respect to two, who they were is not so clear.

2.33.3There are some who say, that only two tribunes were elected on the sacred mount, and that there the devoting law was passed. During the secession of the commons, Sp. Cassius and Postumus Cominius entered on the consulship.

2.33.4During their consulate, the treaty with the Latin states was concluded. To ratify this, one of the consuls remained at Rome; the other being sent to the Volscian war, routs and puts to flight the Volscians of Antium, and continuing his pursuit of them, now that they were driven into the town of Longula, he takes possession of the town.

2.33.5Next he took Polusca, also belonging to the Volscians; then he attacked Corioli with all his force. There was then in the camp, among the young noblemen, C. Marcius, a youth distinguished both for intelligence and courage, who afterwards attained the cognomen of Coriolanus.

2.33.6When, as the Roman army was besieging Corioli, and was wholly intent on the townspeople, whom they kept shut up, without any apprehension of war threatening from without, the Volscian legion, setting out from Antium, suddenly attacked them, and, at the same time the enemy sallied forth from the town, Marcius happened to be on guard.

2.33.7He with a chosen body of men not only repelled the attack of those who had sallied out, but boldly rushed in through the open gate, and having cut down all in the part of the city nearest him, and having hastily seized some fire, threw it in the houses adjoining to the wall.

2.33.8Upon this the shouts of the townsmen mingling with the wailings of the women and children, occasioned by the first fright, as is usual, both increased the courage of the Romans, and dispirited the Volscians, seeing the city captured to the relief of which they had come.

2.33.9Thus the Volsci of Antium were defeated, the town of Corioli was taken. And so much did Marc us by his valour eclipse the reputation of the consul, that had not the treaty concluded with the Latins by Sp. Cassius alone, because his colleague was absent, served as a memorial of it, it would have been forgotten that Postumus Cominius had conducted the war with the Volscians.

2.33.10The same year dies Agrippa Menenius, a man during all his life equally a favourite with the senators and commons, still more endeared to the commons after the secession.

2.33.11To this man, the mediator and umpire in restoring concord among his countrymen, the ambassador of the senators to the commons, the person who brought back the commons to the city, were wanting the expenses of his funeral. The people buried him by the contribution bution of a sextans from each person.

2.34.1T. Geganius and P. Minutius were next elected consuls. In this year, when every thing was quiet from war abroad, and the dissensions were healed at home, another much more serious evil fell upon the state;

2.34.2first a scarcity of provisions, in consequence of the lands lying untilled during the secession of the commons; then a famine such as befals those who are besieged.

2.34.3And it would have ended in the destruction of the slaves at least, and indeed some of the commons also, had not the consuls adopted precautionary measures, by sending persons in every direction to buy up corn, not only into Etruria on the coast to the right of Ostia, and through the Volscians along the coast on the left as far as Cumae, but into Sicily also, in quest of it. So far had the hatred of their neighbours obliged them to stand in need of aid from distant countries. When corn had been bought up at Cumae, the ships were detained in lieu of the property of the Tarquinii by the tyrant Aristodemus, who was their heir.

2.34.4Among the Volsci and in the Pomptine territory it could not even be purchased. The corn dealers themselves incurred danger from the violence of the inhabitants. Corn came from Etruria by the Tiber: by means of this the people were supported. Amid this distressing scarcity they would have been harassed by a very inconvenient war, had not a dreadful pestilence attacked the Volsci when about to commence hostilities.

2.34.5The minds of the enemy being alarmed by this calamity, so that they were influenced by some terror, even after it had abated, the Romans both augmented the number of their colonists at Velitrae, and despatched a new colony to the mountains of Norba, to serve as a barrier in the Pomptine district.

2.34.6Then in the consulship of M. Minucius, and A. Sempronius, a great quantity of corn was imported from Sicily, and it was debated in the senate at what rate it should be given to the commons.

2.34.7Many were of opinion, that the time was come for putting down the commons, and for recovering those rights which had been wrested from the senators by secession and violence. In particular, Marcius Coriolanus, an enemy to tribunitian power, says, If they desire the former rate of provisions, let them restore to the senators their former rights.

2.34.8Why do I, after being sent under the yoke, after being, as it were, ransomed from robbers, behold plebeian magistrates, and Sicinius invested with power? Shall I submit to these indignities longer than is necessary? Shall I, who would not have endured King Tarquin, tolerate Sicinius.

2.34.9Let him now secede, let him call away the commons. The road lies open to the sacred mount and to other hills. Let them carry off the corn from our lands, as they did three years since.

2.34.10Let them have the benefit of that scarcity which in their frenzy they have occasioned. I will venture to say, that, brought to their senses by these sufferings, they will themselves become tillers of the lands, rather than, taking up arms and seceding, they would prevent them from being tilled.

2.34.11It is not so easy to say whether it should have been done, as I think that it might have been practicable for the senators, on the condition of lowering the price of provisions, to have rid themselves of both the tribunitian power, and all the restraints imposed on them against their will.

2.35.1This proposal both appeared to the senate too harsh, and from exasperation well nigh drove the people to arms: that they were now assailed with famine, as if enemies, that they were defrauded of food and sustenance, that the foreign corn, the only support which fortune unexpectedly furnished to them, was being snatched from their mouth, unless the tribunes were given up in chains to C. Marcius, unless he glut his rage on the backs of the commons of Rome. That in him a new executioner had started up, who ordered them to die or be slaves.

2.35.2An assault would have been made on him as he left the senate-house, had not the tribunes very opportunely appointed him a day for trial; by this their rage was suppressed, every one saw himself become the judge, the arbiter of the life and death of his foe. At first Marcius heard the threats of the tribunes with contempt.

2.35.3— That the right to afford aid, not to inflict punishment, had been granted to that office; that they were tribunes of the commons and not of the senators. But the commons had risen with such violent determination, that the senators were obliged to extricate themselves from danger by the punishment of one. They resisted however, in spite of popular odium, and employed, each individual his own powers, and all those

2.35.4of the entire order. And first, the trial was made whether they could upset the affair, by posting their clients (in several places), by deterring individuals from attending meetings and cabals. Then they all proceeded in a body (you would suppose that all the senators were on their trial) earnestly entreating the commons, that if

2.35.5they would not acquit as innocent, they would at least pardon as guilty, one citizen, one senator. As he did not attend on the day appointed, they persevered in their resentment. Being condemned in his absence, he went into exile to the Volsci, threatening his country, and even then breathing all the resentment of an enemy. The Volsci received him kindly on his arrival, and treated him still more kindly every day in proportion as his resentful feelings towards his countrymen became more striking, and one

2.35.6time frequent complaints, another time threats were heard. He lodged with Attius Tullus. He was then the chief man of the Volscian people, and always a determined enemy of the Romans. Thus, when old animosity stimulated the one, recent resentment the

2.35.7other, they concert schemes for (bringing about) a war with Rome. They did not at once believe that their people could be persuaded to take up arms, so often unsuccessfully tried. That by the many frequent wars, and lastly, by the loss of their youth in the pestilence, their spirits were now broken; that they must have recourse to art, in a case where animosity had become blunted from length of time, that their feelings might become exasperated by some fresh cause of resentment.

2.36.1It happened that preparations were being made at Rome for a repetition of the great games; the cause of repeating them was this: on the morning of the games, the show not yet being commenced, a master of a family, after flogging his slave loaded with a neck-yoke, had driven him through the middle of the circus; after this the games were commenced, as if that circumstance bore no relation to religion.

2.36.2Not long after Tit. Atinius, a plebeian, had a dream. Jupiter seemed to him to say; that the person who danced previous to the games had displeased him; unless these games were renewed on a splendid scale, that the city would be in danger; that he should go and announce these things to the consuls.

2.36.3Though his mind was not altogether free from superstitious feelings, his respectful awe of the dignity of the magistrates overcame his religious fear, lest he might pass into the mouths of people as a laughing-stock.

2.36.4This delay cost him dear; for he lost his son within a few days; and lest the cause of this sudden calamity should be doubtful, that same phantom, presenting itself to him sorrowful in mind, seemed to ask him, whether he had received a sufficient requital for his contempt of the deity; that a still heavier one awaited him, unless he went immediately and delivered the message to the consuls.

2.36.5The matter was now still more pressing. Hesitating, however, and delaying he was at length overtaken by a severe stroke of disease, a sudden paralysis.

2.36.6Then indeed the anger of the gods aroused him. Wearied out therefore by his past sufferings and by those threatening him, having convened a meeting of his friends, after he had detailed to them all he had seen and heard, and Jupiter's having so often presented himself to him in his sleep, the threats and anger of heaven realized in his own calamities, by the unhesitating assent of all who were present he is conveyed in a litter into the

2.36.7forum to the consuls; frown thence being conveyed into the senate-house, after he had stated those same particulars to the senators, to the great surprise of

2.36.8all, behold another miracle: he who had been conveyed into the senate-house deprived of the use of all his limbs, is recorded to have returned home on his own feet after he discharged his duty.

2.37.1The senate decreed that the games should be celebrated on as grand a scale as possible. To these games a great number of Volscians came by the advice of Attius Tullus.

2.37.2Before the games were commenced, Tullus, as had been concerted at home with Marcius, comes to the consuls. He tells them that there were matters on which he wished to treat with them in private concerning the commonwealth.

2.37.3All witnesses being removed, he says, With reluctance I say that of my countrymen which is rather disparaging. I do not however come to allege against them any thing as having been committed by them, but to guard against their committing any thing. The minds of our people are far more fickle than I could

2.37.4wish. We have felt that by many disasters; seeing that we are still preserved, not through our own deserts, but through your forbearance. There is now here a great multitude of Volscians. The games are going on; the city will be intent on the

2.37.5exhibition. I remember what has been committed in this city on a similar occasion by the youth of the Sabines. My mind shudders lest any thing should be committed inconsiderately and rashly. I considered, that these matters should be mentioned before-hand to you,

2.37.6consuls. With regard to myself, it is my determination to depart hence home immediately, lest, if present, I may be affected by the contagion of any word or deed. Having said this, he

2.37.7departed. When the consuls laid before the senate the matter, doubtful with respect to proof, though from credible authority, the authority more than the thing its lf, as usually happens, urged them to adopt even needless precau- tions; and a decree of the senate being passed, that the Volscians should quit the city, criers are sent in different directions to order them all to depart before

2.37.8night. A great panic struck them at first as they ran about to their lodgings to carry away their effects. Afterwards, when setting out, indignation arose in their breasts: that they, as if polluted with crime and contaminated, were driven away from the games, on festival days, from the converse in a manner of men and gods.

2.38.1As they went along in an almost continuous body, Tullus having preceded them to the fountain of Ferentina, accosting the chiefs among them according as each arrived, by asking questions and expressing indignation, he led both themselves, who greedily listened to language congenial to their angry

2.38.2feelings, and through them the rest of the multitude, into a plain adjoining to the road. There having commenced an address after the manner of a public harangue, he says, Though you were to forget the former ill treatment of the Roman people and the calamities of the nation of the Volsci, and all other such matters, with what feelings do

2.38.3you bear this outrage offered you to-day, whereon they have commenced their games by insulting us? Have you not felt that a triumph has been had over you this day? that you, when departing, were a spectacle to all, citizens, foreigners,

2.38.4so many neighbouring states? that your wives, your children were exhibited before the eyes of men? What do you suppose to have been the sentiments of those who heard the voice of the crier? what of those who saw you departing? what of those who met this ignominious cavalcade? what, except that we are identified with some enormous guilt by which we should profane the games, and render an expiation necessary; that for this reason

2.38.5we are driven away from the residences of these pious people, from their converse and meeting? what, does it not strike you that we still live because we hastened our departure? if this is a departure and not a flight. And do you not consider this to be the city of enemies, where if you had delayed a single day, you must have all died? War has been

2.38.6declared against you; to the heavy injury of those who declared it, if you are men. Thus, being both already charged with resentment, and incited (by this harangue) they went severally to their homes, and by instigating each his own state, they succeeded in making the entire Volscian nation revolt.

2.39.1The generals selected for that war by the unanimous choice of all the states were Attius Tullus and Caius Marcius; in the latter of whom their chief hope was reposed.

2.39.2And this hope he by no means disappointed: so that it clearly appeared that the Roman commonwealth was more powerful by reason of its generals than its army. Having marched to Circeii, he expelled from thence the Roman colonists, and delivered that city in a state of freedom to the Volscians.

2.39.3From thence passing across the country through byroads into the Latin way, he deprived the Romans of their recently acquired towns, Satricum, Longula, Polusca, Corioli. He next retook Lavinium: he then took in succession Corbio, Vitellia, Trebia, Lavici, and Pedum:

2.39.4Lastly he marches from Pedum to the city, and having pitched his camp at the Cluilian trenches five miles from the city, he from thence ravages the Roman territory, guards being sent among the devastators to preserve the lands of the patricians intact;

2.39.5whether as being incensed chiefly against the plebeians, or in order that dissension might arise between the senators and the people. And this certainly would have arisen, so powerfully did the tribunes, by inveighing against the leading

2.39.6men of the state, incite the plebeians, already sufficiently violent of themselves; but their apprehensions of the foe, the strongest bond of concord, united their minds, distrustful and rancorous though they were. The only matter not agreed on was this, that the senate and consuls rested their hopes on nothing else than on arms; the plebeians preferred any

2.39.7thing to war. Sp. Nautius and Sex. Furius were now consuls. Whilst they were reviewing the legions, posting guards along the walls and other places where they had determined th t there should be posts and watches, a vast multitude of persons de- manding peace terrified them first

2.39.8by their seditious clamour; then compelled them to convene the senate, to consider the question of sending ambassadors to C. Marcius. The senate entertained the question, when it became evident that the spirits of the plebeians were giving way, and ambassadors being sent to Marcius concerning peace, brought back

2.39.9a harsh answer: If their lands were restored to the Volscians, that they might then consider the question of peace; if they were disposed to enjoy the plunder of war at their ease, that he, mindful both of the injurious treatment of his countrymen, as well as

2.39.10of the kindness of strangers, would do his utmost to make it appear that his spirit was irritated by exile, not crushed. When the same persons are sent back a second time, they are not admitted into the camp. It is recorded that the priests also, arrayed in their insignia, went as suppliants to the enemy's camp; and that they did not influence his mind more than the ambassadors.

2.40.1Then the matrons assemble in a body around Veturia, the mother of Coriolanus, and his wife, Volumnia: whether that was the result of public counsel, or of the women's fear, I cannot ascertain.

2.40.2They certainly carried their point that Veturia, a lady advanced in years, and Volumnia, leading her two sons by Marcius, should go into the camp of the enemy, and that women should defend by entreaties and tears a city which men were unable to defend by arms.

2.40.3When they reached the camp, and it was announced to Coriolanus, that a great body of women were approaching, he, who had been moved neither by the majesty of the state in its ambassadors, nor by the sanctity of religion so strikingly addressed to his eyes and understanding in its priests, was much more obdurate against the women's tears.

2.40.4Then one of his acquaintances, who recognised Veturia, distinguished from all the others by her sadness, standing between her daughter-in-law and grandchildren, says, Unless my eyes deceive me, your mother, children, and wife, are approaching.

2.40.5When Coriolanus, almost like one bewildered, rushing in consternation from his seat, offered to embrace his mother as she met him, the lady, turning from entreaties to angry rebuke, says, Before I receive your embrace, let me know whether I have come to an enemy or to a son; whether I am in your camp a captive or a mother?

2.40.6Has length of life and a hapless old age reserved me for this —to behold you an exile, then an enemy? Could you lay waste this land, which gave you birth and nurtured you?

2.40.7Though you had come with an incensed and vengeful mind, did not your resentment subside when you entered its frontiers? When Rome came within view, did it not occur to you, within these walls my house and guardian gods are, my mother, wife, and children?

2.40.8So then, had I not been a mother, Rome would not be besieged: had I not a son, I might have died free in a free country. But I can now suffer nothing that is not more discreditable to you than distressing to me; nor however wretched I may be, shall I be so long.

2.40.9Look to these, whom, if you persist, either an untimely death or lengthened slavery awaits. Then his wife and children embraced him: and the lamentation proceeding from the entire crowd of women, and their bemoaning themselves and their country, at length overcame the man; then, after embracing his family, he sends them away; he moved his camp farther back from the city.

2.40.10Then, after he had drawn off his troops from the Roman territory, they say that he lost his life, overwhelmed by the odium of the proceeding: different writers say by different modes of death: I find in Fabius, far the most ancient writer, that he lived even to old age; he states positively, that advanced in years he made use of this phrase, That exile bore much heavier on the old man.

2.40.11The men of Rome were not remiss in awarding their praises to the women, so truly did they live without detracting from the merit of others; a temple was built also and dedicated to female Fortune, to serve as a monument.

2.40.12The Volscians afterwards returned in conjunction with the Aequi into the Roman territory: but the Aequi would no longer have Attius Tullus as their leader;

2.40.13hence from dispute, whether the Volscians or the Aequi should give a general to the allied army, a sedition, and afterwards a furious battle arose. There the good fortune of the Roman people destroyed the two armies of the enemy, by a contest no less bloody than obstinate.

2.40.14T. Sicinius and C. Aquillius were made consuls. The Volsci fell as a province to Sicinius; the Hernici (for they too were in arms) to Aquillius. That year the Hernici were defeated; they came off with respect to the Volscians on equal terms.

2.41.1Sp. Cassius and Proculus Virginius were next made consuls; a treaty was struck with the Hernici; two-thirds of their land were taken from them: of this the consul Cassius was about to distribute one half among the Latins, the other half among the commons.

2.41.2To this donation he was adding a considerable portion of land, which, though public property, he alleged was possessed by private individuals. This proceeding alarmed several of the senators, the actual possessors, at the danger of their property; the senators felt, moreover, a solicitude on public grounds, that the consul by his donation was establishing an influence dangerous to liberty.

2.41.3Then, for the first time, the Agrarian law was proposed, which even down to our own recollection was never agitated without the greatest commotions in the state.

2.41.4The other consul resisted the donation, the senators seconding him, nor were all the commons opposed to him; they had at first begun to despise a gift which was extended from citizens to allies:

2.41.5in the next place they frequently heard the consul Virginius in the assemblies as it were prophesying — "that the gift of his colleague was pestilential —that those lands were sure to bring slavery to those who should receive them; that the way was paving to a throne.

2.41.6For why was it that the allies were included, and the Latin nation? What was the object of a third of the land that had been taken being given back to the Hernici so lately our enemies, except that instead of Coriolanus being their leader they may have Cassius?

2.41.7The dissuader and opposer of the agrarian law now began to be popular. Both consuls then vied with each other in humouring the commons. Virginius said that he would suffer the lands to be assigned, provided they were assigned to no one but to a Roman citizen.

2.41.8Cassius, because in the agrarian donation he sought popularity among the allies, and was therefore lowered in the estimation of his countrymen, in order that by another donation he might conciliate their affections, ordered that the money received for the Sicilian corn should be refunded to the people.

2.41.9That indeed the people rejected as nothing else than a present bribe for regal authority: so strongly were his gifts spurned in the minds of men, as if they possessed every thing in abundance, in consequence of their inveterate suspicions of his aiming at sovereign power.

2.41.10As soon as he went out of office, it is certain that he was condemned and put to death. There are some who represent his father as the person who inflicted the punishment: that he, having tried him at home, scourged him and put him to death, and consecrated his son's private property to Ceres; that out of this a statue was set up and inscribed, given from the Cassian family.

2.41.11In some authors I find it stated, and that is more probable, that a day of trial was assigned him for high treason, by the questors, Kaeso Fabius and Lucius Valerius; and that he was condemned by the decision of the people; that his house was demolished by a public decree: this is the area before the temple of Tellus.

2.41.12But whether that trial was private or public, he was condemned in the consulship of Ser. Cornelius and Q. Fabius.

2.42.1The resentment of the people against Cassius was not of long duration. The allurements of the agrarian law, now that its proposer was gone, were of themselves gaining ground in their minds; and this feeling was further heightened by the parsimonious conduct of the senators, who, the Volsci and Aequi having been defeated that year, defrauded the soldiers of the booty; whatever was taken from the enemy, the consul Fabius sold, and lodged the proceeds in the treasury.

2.42.2The Fabian name was odious to the commons on account of the last consul: the senate however succeeded in having Kaeso Fabius elected consul with L. Aemilius.

2.42.3The commons, still further incensed at this, stirred up foreign war by exciting disturbance at home; civil dissensions were then interrupted by war. The senators and commons uniting, under the conduct of Aemilius, conquered in battle the Volsci and Aequi who renewed hostilities.

2.42.4The retreat, however, destroyed more of the enemy than the battle; so perseveringly did the horse pursue them when routed.

2.42.5During the same year, on the ides of July, the temple of Castor was dedicated: it had been vowed during the Latin war in the dictatorship of Posthumius: his son, who was elected duumvir for that special purpose, dedicated it. In that year also the minds of the people were excited by the charms of the agrarian law.

2.42.6The tribunes of th people were for enhancing the popular power (vested in them) by promoting the popular law. The senators, considering that there was enough and more than enough of frenzy in the multitude without any additional incitement, viewed with horror largesses and all inducements to temerity: the senators found in the consuls most energetic abettors in making resistance.

2.42.7That portion of the commonwealth therefore pre- vailed; and not for the present only, but for the forthcoming year they succeeded in bringing in M. Fabius, Kaeso's brother, as consul, and one still more detested by the commons for his persecution of Sp. Cassius, L. Valerius.

2.42.8In that year also there was a contest with the tribunes. The law proved to be a' vain project, and the abettors of the law mere boasters, by their holding out a gift that was not realized. The Fabian name was from thence held in high repute, after three successive consulates, and all as it were uniformly exercised in contending with the tribunes; accordingly, the honour remained for a considerable time in that family, as being right well placed.

2.42.9A Veientian war was then commenced; the Volscians, too, renewed hostilities; but for foreign wars their strength was almost more than sufficient, and they abused it by contending among themselves.

2.42.10To the distracted state of the public mind were added prodigies from heaven, exhibiting almost daily threats in the city and in the country, and the soothsayers, consulted by the state and by private individuals, one while by means of entrails, another by birds, declared that there was no other cause for the divine anger, but that the ceremonies of religion were not duly attended to.

2.42.11These terrors, however, terminated in this, that Oppia, a vestal virgin, being found guilty of a breach of chastity, was made to suffer punishment.

Book 2, Part 5

2.43.1Quintus Fabius and C. Julius were then made consuls. During this year the dissension at home was not abated, and the war abroad was more desperate. Arms were taken up by the Aequans; the Veientes also entered the territory of the Romans committing devastations; the solicitude about which wars increasing, Kaeso Fabius and Sp. Fusius are created consuls. The Aequi were laying siege to Ortona, a Latin city.

2.43.2The Veientes, now satiated with plunder, threatened that they would besiege Rome itself.

2.43.3Which terrors, when they ought to assuage, increased still further the bad feelings of the commons: and the custom of declining the military service was now returning, not of their own accord; but Sp. Licinius, a tribune of the people, thinking that the time was come for forcing the agrarian law on the patricians by extreme necessity, had taken on him the task of obstructing the military preparations.

2.43.4But all the odium of the tribunitian power was turned on the author; nor did the consuls rise up against him more zealously than his own colleagues; and by their assistance the consuls hold the levy.

2.43.5An army is raised for the two wars at the same time; one is given to Fabius to be led against the Aequi, the other to Furius against the Veientians. And with respect to the Veientians, nothing was done worthy of mention.

2.43.6Fabius had much more trouble with his countrymen than with the enemy: that one man himself, as consul, sustained the commonwealth, which the army was betraying, as far as in them lay, through their hatred of the consul.

2.43.7For when the consul, in addition to his other military talents, which he exhibited amply in his preparations for and conduct of war, had so drawn up his line that he routed the enemy's army solely by a charge of his cavalry, the infantry refused to pursue them when routed:

2.43.8and though the exhortation of their general, whom they hated, could not move them, neither could even their own infamy, and the present public disgrace and subsequent danger, if the enemy should recover courage, oblige them to quicken their pace, or even to stand in order of battle, if nothing else.

2.43.9Without orders they face about, and with a sorrowful air (you would suppose them beaten) they return to the camp, execrating at one time their general, at another time the services rendered by the cavalry.

2.43.10Nor were any remedies sought by the general for this so pestilent an example; so true is it that the most distinguished talents are more likely to be deficient in the tact of managing their countrymen than in that of conquering an enemy.

2.43.11The consul returned to Rome, not having so much increased his military glory as irritated and exasperated the hatred of his soldiers towards him. The patricians, however, succeeded in having the consulship remain in the Fabian family. They elect M. Fabius consul: Cn. Manlius is assigned as a colleague to Fabius.

2.44.1This year also had a tribune as a proposer of the agrarian law. It was Titus Pontificius: he pursuing the same course, as if it had succeeded with Sp. Licinius, obstructed the levy for a little time.

2.44.2The patricians being once more perplexed, Appius Claudius asserts that the tribunitian power was put down last year: for the present by the very act, for the future by the precedent established, and since it was found that it could be rendered ineffective by its own strength;

2.44.3for that there never would be wanting a tribune who would both be willing to obtain a victory for himself over his colleague, and the favour of the better party by advancing the public weal. That both a plurality of tribunes, if there were need of such plurality, would be ready to assist the consuls; and that even one would be sufficient against all.

2.44.4Only let the consuls and leading members of the senate take care to gain over, if not all, at least some of the tribunes, to the commonwealth and the senate.

2.44.5The senators, convinced by the counsels of Appius, both collectively addressed the tribunes with kindness and civility, and the men of consular rank, according as each possessed personal influence over them individually, partly by conciliation, partly by authority, prevailed so far as to make them consent that the powers of the tribunitian office should be beneficial to the state;

2.44.6and by the aid of four tribunes against one obstructor of the public good, the consuls complete the levy.

2.44.7They then set out to the Veientian war, to which auxiliaries had flocked from all parts of Etruria, collected not so much for the sake of the Veientians, as because they had formed a hope that the Roman state might be destroyed by internal discord.

2.44.8And in the councils of all the states of Etruria the leading men openly stated, that the Roman power was eternal, unless they were distracted by disturbances among themselves. That this was the only poison, this the bane discovered for powerful states, to render great empires mortal.

2.44.9That this evil, a long time retarded, partly by the wise measures of the patricians, partly by the forbearance of the commons, had now proceeded to extremities. That two states were now formed out of one: that each party had its own magistrates, its own laws.

2.44.10That though at first they were accustomed to be turbulent during the levies, still that these same individuals had ever been obedient to their commanders during war; that military discipline being still retained, no matter what might be the state of the city, it had been possible to withstand the evil; that now the custom of not obeying their superior followed the Roman soldier even to the camp.

2.44.11That in the last war in the very field, in the very heat of battle, by consent of the army the victory was voluntarily surrendered to the vanquished Aequi: that the standards were deserted, the general abandoned on the field, and that the army had returned to the camp without orders.

2.44.12That without doubt, if perseverance were used, Rome might be conquered by her own soldiery. That nothing else was necessary than to declare and make a show of war: that the fates and the gods would of themselves manage the rest. These hopes had armed the Etrurians, who in many vicissitudes had been vanquished and victors.

2.45.1The Roman consuls also dreaded nothing else, than their own strength, and their own arms. The recollection of the destructive precedent set in the last war, deterred them from bringing matters to such a pass as that they should have to fear two armies at the same time.

2.45.2Accordingly they kept within their camp, avoiding this double danger: that delay and time itself would soften down resentment, and bring a right way of thinking to their minds.

2.45.3The Veientian enemy and the Etrurians proceeded with so much the greater precipitation; they provoked them to battle, first riding up to the camp and challenging them; at length, when they produced no effect by reviling as well the consuls themselves as the army, they stated, that the pretence of internal dissension was assumed as a cloak for this cowardice; and that the consuls distrusted as much the courage as the obedience of their soldiers.

2.45.4That silence and inaction among men in arms were a novel form of sedition. Besides this they threw out reproaches, both true as well as false, on the upstart quality of their race and origin.

2.45.5Whilst they vociferated these reproaches beneath the very rampart and gates, the consuls bore them without impatience: but at one time indignation, at another time shame, distracted the breasts of the ignorant multitude, and diverted their attention from intestine evils; they were unwilling that the enemy should come off unpunished; they were unwilling that success should accrue to the patricians or the consuls; foreign and domestic hatred struggled for mastery in their breasts;

2.45.6at length the former prevail, so haughtily and insolently did the enemy revile them; they crowd in a body to the general's tent; they demand battle, they require that the signal be given.

2.45.7The consuls confer together as if to deliberate; they continue the conference for a long time; they were desirous of fighting, but that desire must be checked and concealed, that by opposition and delay they might increase the ardour of the soldiery once roused.

2.45.8An answer is returned, that the latter in question was premature, that it was not yet time for fighting: that they should keep within their camp. They then issue a proclamation, that they should abstain from fighting; that if any one fought without orders, they should punish him as an enemy.

2.45.9When they were thus dismissed, their eagerness for fighting increases in proportion as they think that the consuls were less disposed for it; the enemies moreover come up much more insolently, as soon as it was known that the consuls had determined not to fight.

2.45.10For they supposed that they might insult them with impunity; that their arms were not intrusted to the soldiery. That the matter would explode in a violent mutiny; that a termination had come to the Roman empire. Relying on these hopes, they run up to the gates, heap reproaches on them, with difficulty refrain from assaulting the camp.

2.45.11Now indeed the Romans could no longer endure these insults; they crowd from every quarter of the camp to the consuls: they no longer, as formerly, make their demand with reserve, through the mediation of the centurions of the first rank; but all proceed indiscriminately with loud clamours.

2.45.12The affair was now ripe; still they put it off. Fabius then, his colleague giving way in consequence of his dread of mutiny being now augmented by the uproar, after he had commanded silence by sound of trumpet, says, that these men are able to conquer, Cneius Manlius, I know; that they are willing they themselves have prevented me from knowing.

2.45.13It is therefore resolved and determined not to give the signal, unless they swear that they will return victorious from this battle. The soldier has once deceived the Roman consul in the field, the gods he never will deceive. There was a centurion, Marcus Flavoleius, one of the foremost in demanding battle; he says, M. Fabius, I will return victorious from the field.

2.45.14If he deceived, he invokes the anger of father Jove, Mars Gradivus, and of the other gods. After him the entire army severally take the same oath. The signal is given to them when sworn; they take up arms, go into battle, full of rage and of hope.

2.45.15They bid the Etrurians now to cast their reproaches; they severally require that the enemy, once so ready with the tongue, should now stand before them armed as they were.

2.45.16On that day the bravery of all, both commons and patricians, was extraordinary: the Fabian name, the Fabian race shone forth most conspicuous: they are determined to recover in that battle the affections of the commons, which during many civil con- tests had been alienated from them. The line of battle is formed; nor do the Veientian foe and the Etrurian legions decline the contest.

2.46.1An almost certain hope was entertained that they would no more fight with them than they had don with the Aequi; that even some more serious attempt was not to be despaired of, considering the irritated state of their feelings, and the very critical occasion.

2.46.2The affair turned out altogether differently; for never before in any other war did the Roman soldiers enter the field with more determined minds (so much had the enemy exasperated them by taunts on the one hand, and the consuls by delay on the other). The

2.46.3Etrurians had scarcely time to form their ranks, when the javelins having been thrown away at random, in the first hurry, rather than discharged with aim, the battle had now come to close fighting, even to swords, where the fury of war is most desperate.

2.46.4Among the foremost the Fabian family was distinguished for the sight it afforded and the example it presented to their fellow citizens; one of these, Q. Fabius, (he had been consul two years before,) as he was advancing at the head of his men against a dense body of Veientians, and whilst engaged amid numerous parties of the enemy, and therefore not prepared for it, was transfixed with a sword through the breast by a Tuscan who presumed on his bodily strength and skill in arms: on the weapon being extracted, Fabius fell forward on the wound.

2.46.5Both armies felt the fall of this one man, and the Roman began in consequence to give way, when the consul Marcus Fabius leaped over the body as it lay, and holding up his buckler, said, Is this what you swore, soldiers, that you would return to the camp in flight?

2.46.6are you thus more afraid of your most dastardly enemies, than of Jupiter and Mars, by whom you have sworn? But I who have not sworn will either return victorious, or will fall fighting here beside thee, Q. Fabius. Then Kaeso Fabius, the consul of the preceding year, says to the consul, Brother, is it by these words you think you will prevail on them to fight?

2.46.7the gods by whom they have sworn will prevail n them. Let us also, as men of noble birth, as is worthy of the Fabian name, enkindle the courage of the soldiers by fighting rather than by exhorting. Thus the two Fabii rush forward to the front with presented spears, and brought on with them the whole line.

2.47.1The battle being restored on one side, Cn. Manlius, the consul, with no less ardour, encouraged the fight on the other wing.

2.47.2Where an almost similar result took place; for as the soldiers undauntedly followed Q. Fabius on the one wing, so did they follow Manlius on this, as he was driving the enemy now nearly routed, and when he, having received a severe wound, retired from the battle, they fell back, supposing that he was slain, and would have given way, had not the other consul, galloping at full speed to that quarter with some troops of horse, supported their drooping energies, crying out that his colleague was still alive, that he himself was now come victorious, having routed the other wing.

2.47.3Manlius also shows himself to restore the battle.

2.47.4The well-known voices of the two consuls rekindle the courage of the soldiers; at the same time too the enemy's line was now weakened, whilst, relying on their superior numbers, they draw off their reserve and send them to storm the camp. This being assaulted without much resistance, whilst they lose time in attending to plunder rather than to fighting, the Roman triarii, who had not been able to sustain the first shock, having sent an account to the consuls of the present position of

2.47.5affairs, return in a compact body to the Praetorium, and of themselves renew the battle. The consul Manlius also having returned to the camp,

2.47.6and posted soldiers at all the gates, had blocked up every passage against the enemy. This desperate situation aroused the fury rather than the bravery of the Etrurians; for when rushing on wherever hope held out the prospect of escape, they had frequently advanced with fruitless efforts; one body of young men makes an attack on the consul himself, conspicuous from his arms. The first weapons were intercepted by those who stood around him; afterwards their force could not be sustained. The consul falls, having received

2.47.7a mortal wound, and all around him are dispersed. The courage of the Etrurians rises. Terror drives the Romans in dismay through the entire camp; and matters would have come to extremities, had not the lieutenant-generals, hastily

2.47.8seizing the body of the consul, opened a passage for the enemy at one gate. Through this they rush out; and going away in the utmost disorder, they fall in with the other consul, who had been victorious; there again they are slain and routed

2.47.9in every direction. A glorious victory was obtained, saddened however by two so illustrious deaths. The consul, therefore, on the senate voting him a triumph, replied, that if the army could triumph without their general,

2.47.10he would readily accede to it in consideration of their distinguished behaviour in that war: that for his own part, his family being plunged in grief in consequence of the death of his brother Q. Fabius, and the commonwealth being in some degree bereaved by the loss of one of her consuls, he would not accept the laurel blasted by public and private grief. The triumph thus resigned was more distinguished than any triumph actually enjoyed;

2.47.11so true it is, that glory refused in due season sometimes returns with accumulated lustre. He next celebrates the two funerals of his colleague and brother, one after the other, he himself acting as panegyrist in the case of both, when by ascribing to them his own deserts, he himself obtained the greatest share of them. And not unmindful of that which he had conceived at the commencement of his consulate, namely, the regaining the

2.47.12affection of the people, he distributes the wounded soldiers among the patricians to be cured. Most of them were given to the Fabii: nor were they treated with greater attention in any other place. From this time the Fabii began to be popular, and that not by any practices except such as were beneficial to the state.

2.48.1Accordingly Kaeso Fabius, having been elected consul with T. Virginius not more with the zealous wishes of the senators than of the commons, attended neither to wars, nor levies, nor any other object, until the hope of concord being now in some measure commenced, the feelings of the commons might be consolidated with those of the senators as soon as possible.

2.48.2Wherefore at the commencement of the year he proposed: that before any tribune should stand forth as an abettor of the agrarian law, the patricians themselves should be beforehand with them in performing their duty; that they should distribute among the commons the land taken from the enemy in as equal a proportion as possible; that it was but just that those should obtain it, by whose blood and sweat it was obtained.

2.48.3The patricians rejected the proposal with scorn; some even complained that the once brilliant talents of Kaeso were now becoming wanton, and were waning through excess of glory.

2.48.4There were afterwards no factions in the city. The Latins were harassed by the incursions of the Aequi. Kaeso being sent thither with an army, passes into the very territory of the Aequi to depopulate it. The Aequi retired into the towns, and kept themselves within the walls: on that account no battle worth mentioning was fought.

2.48.5But a blow was received from the Veientian foe through the temerity of the other consul; and the army would have been all cut off, had not Kaeso Fabius come to their assistance in time. From that time there was neither peace nor war with the Veientians; their proceedings had now come very near to the form of that of brigands.

2.48.6They retired from the Roman troops into the city; when they perceived that the troops were drawn off, they made incursions into the country, alternately evading war by quiet, quiet by war. Thus the matter could neither be dropped altogether, nor brought to a conclusion; and other wars were impending either at the moment, as from the Aequi and Volsci, who remained inactive no longer than until the recent smart of their late disaster should pass away; or it was evident that the Sabines, ever hostile, and all Etruria would put themselves in motion:

2.48.7but the Veientians, a constant rather than a formidable enemy, kept their minds in constant uneasiness by their insults more frequently than by any danger apprehended from them; a matter which could at no time be neglected, and which suffered them not to direct their attention to any other object.

2.48.8Then the Fabian family addressed the senate; the consul speaks in the name of the family: Conscript fathers, the Veientian war requires, as you know, a constant rather than a strong force. Do you attend to other wars: assign the Fabii as enemies to the Veientians.

2.48.9We pledge ourselves that the majesty of the Roman name shall be safe in that quarter. That war, as the property of our family, it is our determination to conduct at our own private expense. Let the republic be spared the expense of soldiers and money there.

2.48.10The warmest thanks were returned to them. The consul, leaving the senate-house, accompanied by the Fabii in a body, who had been standing in the porch of the senate-house, returned home. Being ordered to attend on the following day in arms at the consul's gate, they retire to their homes.

2.49.1The rumour spreads through the entire city; they extol the Fabii to the skies by their encomiums. That a single family had taken on them the burden of the state: that the Veientian war had now become a private concern, a private quarrel.

2.49.2If there were two families of the same strength in the city, let them demand, the one the Volsci for itself, the other the Aequi; that all the neighbouring states might be subdued, the Roman people all the time enjoying profound peace. The day following, the Fabii take up arms; they assemble where they had been ordered.

2.49.3The consul coming forth in his paludamentum, beholds his entire family in the porch drawn up in order of march; being

2.49.4received into the centre, he orders the standards to be carried forward. Never did an army march through the city, either smaller in number, or more distinguished in fame and in the admiration of all men. Three hundred and six soldiers, all patricians, all

2.49.5of the one stock, not one of whom the senate would reject as a leader in its palmiest days, proceeded on their march, menacing destruction to the Veientian state by the prowess of a single family. A crowd followed, partly belonging to their kinsmen and friends, who contemplated in mind no moderation

2.49.6either as to their hopes or anxiety, but every thing on the highest scale; partly consisting of individuals not connected with their family, aroused by solicitude for the public weal, all

2.49.7enraptured with esteem and admiration. They bid them proceed in the brave resolve, proceed with happy omens, bring back results proportioned to their undertaking: thence to expect consulships and triumphs, all rewards, all honours from them. As they passed the Capitol and the citadel, and the other sacred edifices, they offer up prayers to all the gods that presented themselves to

2.49.8their sight, or to their mind: that they would send forward that band with prosperity and success, and soon send them back safe into their country to their parents. In vain were these prayers sent up. Having set out on

2.49.9their luckless road by the right-hand postern of the Carmental gate, they arrive at the river Cremera: his ap- peared a favourable situation for fortifying a post. L. Aemilius and C. Servilius were then created consuls. And as long as there was nothing else to occupy them but mutual devastations, the Fabii were not only sufficiently able

2.49.10to protect their garrison, but through the entire tract, as far as the Etrurian joins the Roman territory, they protected all their own districts and ravaged those of the enemy, spreading their forces along both frontiers. There was afterwards an intermission, though not of long duration, to these depredations: whilst both the Veientians, having sent for an army from Etruria, assault the post

2.49.11at the Cremera, and the Roman troops, led thither by L. Aemilius the consul, come to a close engagement in the field with the Etrurians; although the Veientians had scarcely time to draw up their line: for during the first alarm, whilst the ranks are posting themselves behind their respective banners and they are stationing their reserves, a brigade of Roman cavalry charging them suddenly in flank, took away all opportunity not only of commencing the fight, but even of standing their ground. Thus being driven back to the Red

2.49.12Rocks, (there they pitched their camp,) they suppliantly sue for peace; for the obtaining of which they were sorry, from the natural inconsistency of their minds, before the Roman garrison was drawn off from the Cremera.

2.50.1Again the Veientian state had to contend with the Fabii without any additional military armament [on either side]; and there were not merely incursions into each other's territories, or sudden attacks on those making the incursions, but they fought repeatedly in the open field, and in pitched battles:

2.50.2and one family of the Roman people oftentimes gained the victory over an entire Etrurian state, one of the most powerful at that time.

2.50.3This at first appeared mortifying and humiliating to the Veientians: then (they formed) a design, suggested by the circumstance, of surprising their daring enemy by an ambuscade; they were even glad that the confidence of the Fabii was increasing by their great success.

2.50.4Wherefore cattle were frequently driven in the way of the plundering parties, as if they had come there by mere accident, and tracts of land were abandoned by the flight of the peasants; and troops of armed men sent to prevent the devastations retreated more frequently from pretended than from real fear.

2.50.5And now the Fabii had such a contempt for the enemy, as to believe that their invincible arms could not be withstood either in any place or on any occasion: this presumption carried them so far, that at the sight of some cattle at a distance from Cremera, with an extensive plain lying between, they ran down to it (although few troops of the enemy were observed); and when incautious and in disorderly haste they had passed the ambuscade placed on either side of the very road;

2.50.6and when dispersed in different directions they began to carry off the cattle straying about, as is usual when they are frightened, the Veientians rise up suddenly from their ambuscade, and the enemy were in front and on every side.

2.50.7At first the shout that was raised terrified them; then weapons assailed them from every side; and, the Etrurians closing, they also were compelled, hemmed in as they now were by a compact body of soldiers, to contract their own circle within a narrower compass; which circumstance rendered striking both their own paucity of numbers, and the superior numbers of the enemy, the ranks being crowded in a narrow space.

2.50.8Then the plan of fighting, which they had directed equally against every part, being now relinquished, they all incline their forces towards one point;

2.50.9in that direction straining every effort both with their bodies and arms, they forced a passage by forming a wedge.

2.50.10The way led to a hill of moderate acclivity; here they first halted: presently, as soon as the higher ground afforded them time to gain breath, and to recover from so great a panic, they repulsed them as they advanced up; and the small band by the advantage of the ground was gaining the victory, had not a party of the Veientians, sent round the ridge of the hill, made their way to the summit; thus again the enemy obtained the higher ground;

2.50.11all the Fabii were killed to a man, and the fort was taken: it is agreed on all hands that the three hundred and six were cut off; that one only, who nearly attained the age of puberty, was left as a stock for the Fabian race; and that he was destined to prove the greatest support in the dangerous emergencies of the Roman people both at home and in war.

2.51.1At the time when this disaster was received, C. Horatius and T. Menenius were consuls. Menenius was immediately sent against the Etrurians, elated with victory.

2.51.2Then too an unsuc- cessful battle was fought, and the enemy took possession of the Janiculum: and the city would have been besieged, scarcity of provisions bearing hard upon them in addition to the war, (for the Etrurians had passed the Tiber,) had not the consul Horatius been recalled from the Volsci; and so closely did that war approach the very walls, that the first battle was fought near the temple of Hope with doubtful success, and a second time at the Colline gate.

2.51.3There, although the Romans had the advantage in a slight degree only, yet that contest rendered the soldiers better for future battles by restoring to them their former courage. Aulus Virginius and Sp. Servilius are created consuls.

2.51.4After the defeat sustained in the last battle, the Veientians declined an engagement. Ravages were committed, and they made incursions in every direction on the Roman territory from the Janiculum as if from a fortress; no where were the cattle or the husbandmen safe.

2.51.5They were afterwards entrapped by the same stratagem as that by which they had entrapped the Fabii: having pursued some cattle that had been driven on designedly for the purpose of decoying them, they fell into an ambuscade; in proportion as they were more numerous, the slaughter was greater.

2.51.6The violent resentment resulting from this disaster was the cause and commencement of one still greater: for having crossed the Tiber by night, they attempted to assault the camp of the consul Servilius; being repulsed from thence with great slaughter, they with difficulty made good their retreat into the Janiculum.

2.51.7The consul himself also crosses the Tiber, fortifies his camp at the foot of the Janiculum: at break of day on the following morning, both from being somewhat elated by the success of the battle of the day before, more however because the scarcity of corn forced him into measures which, though dangerous, (he adopted) because they were more expeditious, he rashly marched his army up the steep

2.51.8of the Janiculum to the camp of the enemy, and being repulsed from thence with more disgrace than he had repulsed them on the preceding day, he was saved, both himself and his army, by the intervention of his colleague.

2.51.9The Etrurians (hemmed in) between the two armies, when they presented their rear to the one and the other by turns, were entirely cut off. Thus the Veientian war was crushed by a fortunate act of temerity.

2.52.1Together with the peace, provisions returned to the city in greater abundance, both by reason of corn having been brought in from Campania, and, as soon as the fear felt by each of future famine left them, that corn being brought forward which had been hoarded up.

2.52.2Then their minds once more became licentious from their present abundance and ease, and their former subjects of complaint, now that there were none abroad, they sought for at home; the tribunes began to excite the commons by their poison, the agrarian law: they roused them against the senators who opposed it, and not only against them as a body, but also against particular individuals.

2.52.3Q. Considius and T. Genucius, the proposers of the agrarian law, appoint a day of trial for T. Menenius: the loss of the fort of Cremera, whilst the consul had his standing camp at no great distance from thence, was the charge against him.

2.52.4They crushed him, though both the senators had exerted themselves in his behalf with no less earnestness than in behalf of Coriolanus, and the popularity of his father Agrippa was not yet forgotten.

2.52.5The tribunes, however, went no further than a fine: though they had arraigned him for a capital offence, they imposed on him, when found guilty, a fine of two thousand asses. This proved fatal. They say that he could not submit to the disgrace, and to the anguish of mind (occasioned by it): that, in consequence, he was taken off by disease.

Book 2, Part 6

2.52.6Another senator, Sp. Servilius, being soon after arraigned, as soon as he went out of office, a day of trial having been appointed for him by the tribunes, L. Caedicius and T. Statius, at the very commencement of the year, in the consulship of C. Nautius and P. Valerius, did not, like Menenius, meet the attacks of the tribunes with supplications from himself and the patricians, but with firm reliance on his own integrity, and his personal influence.

2.52.7The battle With the Etrurians at the Janiculum was the charge against him also: but being a man of an intrepid spirit, as he had formerly acted in the case of public peril, so now in that which was personal to himself, he dispelled the danger by boldly facing it, by confuting not only the tribunes but the commons also, by a bold speech, and upbraiding them with the condemnation and death of T. Menenius, by the good offices of whose father the commons were formerly re-established, and were now in possession of those laws and those magistrates, by' means of which they then exercised their insolence;

2.52.8his colleague Virginius also, who was brought forward as a witness, aided him by assigning to him a share of his own deserts; the condemnation of Menenius however was of greater service to him (so much had they changed their minds).

2.53.1The contests at home were now concluded. A Veientian war broke out, with whom the Sabines had united their forces. The consul P. Valerius, after auxiliaries were sent for from the Latins and Hernicians, being despatched to Veii with an army, immediately attacks the Sabine camp, which had been pitched before the walls of their allies: and occasioned such great consternation, that while, dispersed in different directions, they sally forth to repel the assault of the enemy, the gate which the Romans first attacked was taken; then within the rampart there was rather a carnage than a battle.

2.53.2From the camp the alarm spreads into the city; the Veientians run to arms in as great a panic as if Veii had been taken: some come up to the support of the Sabines, others fall upon the Romans, who had directed all their force against the camp.

2.53.3For a little while they were disconcerted and thrown into confusion; then they too forming two fronts make a stand: and the cavalry, being commanded by the consul to charge, routs the Etrurians and puts them to flight; and in the same hour two armies and two of the most influential and powerful of the neighbouring states were vanquished.

2.53.4Whilst these transactions are going on at Veii, the Volsci and Aequi had pitched their camp in the Latin territory, and laid waste their frontiers. The Latins, by their own exertions, being joined by the Hernicians, without either a Roman general or Roman auxiliaries, stripped them of their camp.

2.53.5Besides recovering their own effects, they obtained immense booty. The consul C. Nautius, however, was sent against the Volsci from Rome. The custom, I suppose, was not pleasing for allies to carry on wars with their own forces and under their own direction without a Roman general and troops.

2.53.6There was no kind of injury or indignity that was not practised against the Volsci; nor could they be prevailed on however to come to an engagement in the field.

2.54.1Lucius Furius and Caius Manlius were the next consuls. The Veientians fell to Manlius as his province. War however did not take place: a truce for forty years was granted them at their request, corn and pay for the soldiers being demanded of them.

2.54.2Disturbance at home immediately succeeds to peace abroad: the commons were, goaded by the tribunes with the excitement of the agrarian law. The consuls, nothing intimidated by the condemnation of Menenius, nor by the danger of Servilius, resist with their utmost might; Cn. Genucius, a tribune of the people, arraigned the consuls on their going out of office.

2.54.3Lucius Aemilius and Opiter Virginius enter on the consulate. Instead of Virginius I find Vopiscus Julius consul in some annals. In this year (whatever consuls it had) Furius and Manlius, being summoned to trial before the people, go about in suppliant garb not more to the commons than to the younger patricians;

2.54.4they advise, they caution them to keep themselves from honours and the administration of public affairs, and that they would consider the consular fasces, the praetexta and curule chair, as nothing else than the decorations of a funeral; that when covered with these fine insignia, as with fillets, they were doomed to death.

2.54.5But if the charms of the consulate were so great, they should rest satisfied that the consulate was held in captivity and crushed by the tribunitian power; that every thing was to be done at the nod and command of the tribune by the consul, as if he were a tribune's beadle.

2.54.6If he stir, if he have reference to the patricians, if he should think for a moment that there existed any other party in the state but the commons, let him place before his eyes the banishment of Caius Marcius, the condemnation and death of Menenius.

2.54.7Fired by these discourses, the patricians from that time held their consultations not in public, but in private, and withdrawn from the knowledge of the many; where when this one point was agreed on, that the accused must be rescued whether by just or unjust means, every proposition that was most desperate was most approved; nor was an actor wanted for any deed however daring.

2.54.8Accordingly on the day of trial, when the people stood in the forum in anxious expectation, they at first began to feel surprised that the tribune did not come down; then when the delay was now becoming more suspicious, they considered that he was deterred by the nobles, and they complained that the public cause was abandoned and betrayed.

2.54.9At length those who had been waiting before the gate of the tribune's residence, bring word that he was found dead in his house. As soon as rumour spread this through the whole assembly, just as an army disperses on the fall of its general, so did they separate in different directions. The principal panic seized the tribunes, now warned by their colleague's death what little aid the devoting laws afforded them.

2.54.10Nor did the patricians bear their joy with sufficient moderation; and so far was any of them from feeling compunction at the guilty act, that even those who were innocent wished to be considered to have perpetrated it, and it was openly declared that the tribunitian power should be subdued by chastisement.

2.55.1Immediately after this victory of a most ruinous precedent a levy is proclaimed; and the tribunes being now overawed, the consuls accomplish the matter without any opposition.

2.55.2Then indeed the commons became enraged more on account of the silence of the tribunes than the command of the consuls: and they said there was an end of their liberty: that they were come back again to the old condition of things; that the tribunitian power had died along with Genucius and was buried with him; that other means must be devised and practised, by which to resist the patricians; and that the only method for that was that the people should defend themselves, since they now had no other aid.

2.55.3That four-and- twenty lictors waited on the consuls; and that these very individuals were from among the commons; that nothing could be more despicable, nor weaker, if there were only persons who could despise them; that each person magnified those things and made them objects of terror to himself.

2.55.4When they had excited each other by these discourses, a lictor was despatched by the consuls to Volero Publilius, a man belonging to the commons, because he stated, that having been a centurion he ought not to be made a common soldier.

2.55.5Volero appeals to the tribunes. When one came to his assistance, the consuls order the man to be stripped and the rods to be got ready. I appeal to the people, says Volero, since tribunes had rather see a Roman citizen scourged before their eyes, than themselves be butchered by you in their bed. The more vehemently he cried out, the more violently did the lictor tear off his clothes and strip him.

2.55.6Then Volero, being both himself of great bodily strength, and being aided by his partisans, having repulsed the lictor, when the shouts of those indignant in his behalf became very intense, betook himself into the thickest part of the crowd, crying out, I appeal, and implore the protection of the commons;

2.55.7assist me, fellow citizens; assist me, fellow soldiers; there is no use in waiting for the tribunes, who themselves stand in need of your aid.

2.55.8The men, being much excited, prepare as it were for battle; and it became manifest that there was urgent danger, that nothing would be held sacred by any one, that there would no longer exist any public or private right.

2.55.9When the consuls faced this so violent storm, they soon experienced that majesty without strength had but little security; the lictors being maltreated, the fasces broken, they are driven from the forum into the senate-house, uncertain how far Volero would push his victory.

2.55.10After that, the disturbance subsiding, when they had ordered the senate to be convened, they complain of the outrages committed on themselves, of the violence of the people, the daring of Volero.

2.55.11Many violent measures having been proposed, the elder members prevailed, who recommended that the unthinking rashness of the commons should not be met by the passionate resentment of the patricians.

2.56.1The commons having espoused the interest of Volero, with great warmth choose him, at the next election, tribune of the people for that year, which had Lucius Pinarius and Publius Furius for consuls;

2.56.2and, contrary to the opinion of all men, who thought that he would let loose his tribuneship in harassing the consuls of the preceding year, postponing private resentment to the public interest, without assailing the consuls even by a single word, he proposed a law to the people that plebeian magistrates should be elected at the comitia by tribes.

2.56.3A matter of no trifling moment was now being brought forward, under an aspect at first sight by no means alarming; but one which in reality deprived the patricians of all power to elect whatever tribunes they pleased by the suffrages of their clients.

2.56.4The patricians used all their energies in resisting this proposition, which was most pleasing to the commons; and though none of the college could be induce by the influence either of the consuls or of the chief member of the senate to enter a protest against it, the only means of resistance which now existed; yet the matter, important as it was by its own weight, is spun out by contention till the following year.

2.56.5The commons re-elect Volero as tribune. The senators, considering that the question would be carried to the very extreme of a struggle, elect to the consulate Appius Claudius, the son of Appius, who was both hated by and hated the commons, ever since the contests between them and his father.

2.56.6Titus Quintius is assigned to him as his colleague. In the very commencement of the year no other question took precedence of that regarding the law.

2.56.7But though Volero was the inventor of it, his colleague, Laetorius, was both a more recent abettor of it, as well as a more energetic one. Whilst Volero confined himself to the subject of the law, avoiding all abuse of the consuls, he commenced with accusing Appius and his family, as having ever been most overbearing and cruel towards the Roman commons, contending that he had been elected by the senators, not as consul, but as executioner, to harass and torture the people;

2.56.8his rude tongue, he being a military man, was not sufficient to express the freedom of his sentiments.

2.56.9Language therefore failing him, he says, Romans, since I do not speak with as much readiness as I make good what I have spoken, attend here tomorrow. I will either die here before your eyes, or will carry the law.

2.56.10On the following day the tribunes take possession of the temple; the consuls and the nobility take their places in the assembly to obstruct the law. Laetorius orders all persons to be removed, except those going to vote; the young nobles kept their places, paying no regard to the officer; then Laetorius orders some of them to be seized.

2.56.11The consul Appius insisted that the tribune had no jurisdiction over any one except a plebeian; for that he was not a magistrate of the people in general, but only of the commons;

2.56.12for that even he himself could not, according to the usage of their ancestors, by virtue of his authority remove any person; because the words run thus, if ye think proper, depart, Romans. He was able to disconcert Laetorius by arguing fluently and contemptuously concerning the right.

2.56.13The tribune therefore, burning with rage, sends his beadle to the consul; the consul sends his lictor to the tribune, exclaiming that he was a private individual, without power and without magistracy;

2.56.14and the tribune would have been roughly treated, had not both the entire assembly risen up with great warmth in behalf of the tribune against the consul, and a rush of persons belonging to the multitude, which was now much excited, taken place from the entire city into the forum.

2.56.15Appius, however, withstood so great a storm with obstinacy, and the contest would have ended in a battle, not without blood, had not Quintius, the other consul, after giving it in charge to the men of consular dignity to remove his colleague from the forum by force, if they could not do it otherwise, himself assuaged the enraged people by entreaties, and implored the tribunes to dismiss the assembly.

2.56.16That they should give their passion time to cool; that delay would not deprive them of their power, but would add prudence to strength; and that the senators would be under the control of the people, and the consul under that of the senators.

2.57.1With difficulty the people were pacified by Quintius: with much more difficulty was the other consul by the patricians.

2.57.2The assembly of the people being at length dismissed, the consuls convene the senate; where, though fear and resentment by turns had produced a diversity of opinions, the more they were recalled, after the lapse of time, from violence to reflection, the more averse did they become to a continuance of the dispute, so that they returned thanks to Quintius, because by his exertions the disturbance had been quieted.

2.57.3Appius is requested to consent that the consular dignity should be merely so great as it could be in a peaceably conducted state; that as long as the tribune and consuls were drawing all power, each to his own side, no strength was left between; that the object aimed at was in whose hands the commonwealth should be, distracted and torn as it was, rather than that it should be safe.

2.57.4Appius, on the contrary, called gods and men to witness that the commonwealth was betrayed and abandoned through cowardice; that it was not the consul that was wanting to the senate, but the senate to the consul; that more oppressive laws were now being submitted to than were sanctioned on the sacred mount. Overcome however by the unanimous feeling of the senators, he desisted: the law is carried without opposition.

2.58.1Then for the first time the tribunes were elected in the comitia by tribes. Piso said that three were added to the number, whereas there had been only two before.

2.58.2He names the tribunes also, Caius Sicinius, Lucius Numitorius, Marcus Duilius, Spurius Icilius, Lucius Mecilius.

2.58.3During the disturbance at Rome, a war with the Volscians and Aequans broke out; they had laid waste the lands, so that if any secession of the people should take place, they might find a refuge with them. The differences being afterwards settled, they removed their camp backwards. Appius Claudius was sent against the Volscians; the Aequans fell to Quintius as his province.

2.58.4The severity of Appius was the same in war as at home, being more unrestrained because he was free from tribunitian control.

2.58.5He hated the commons with more than his father's hatred: he had been defeated by them: when he was set up as the only consul to oppose the tribunitian influence, a law was passed, which former consuls obstructed with less effort, amid hopes of the senators by no means so great (as those formed of him). His resentment and indignation at this, excited his imperious temper to harass the army by the rigour of his command;

2.58.6nor could it (the army) however be subdued by any means; such a spirit of opposition had they imbibed.

2.58.7They executed every measure slowly, indolently, negligently, and with stubbornness: neither shame nor fear restrained them. If he wished the army to move on with expedition, they designedly went more slowly: if he came up to them to encourage them in their work, they all relaxed the energy which they before exerted of their own accord:

2.58.8when he was present they cast down their eyes, they silently cursed him as he passed by; so that his mind, invulnerable to plebeian hatred, was sometimes moved.

2.58.9All kind of harsh treatment being tried in vain, he no longer held any intercourse with the soldiers; he said the army was corrupted by the centurions; he sometimes gibingly called them tribunes of the people and Voleros.

2.59.1None of these circumstances were unknown to the Volscians, and they pressed on with so much the more vigour, hoping that the Roman army would entertain the same spirit of opposition against Appius, which they had formerly entertained against the consul Fabius.

2.59.2But they were much more violent against Appius than against Fabius. For they were not only unwilling to conquer, like Fabius' army, but they wished to be conquered. When led out to the field, they made for their camp in an ignominious flight, nor did they stand their ground until they saw the Volscians advancing to their fortifications, and making dreadful havoc on the rear of their army.

2.59.3Then the obligation to fight was wrung from them, in order that the victorious enemy should be dislodged from their lines; yet it was sufficiently plain that the Roman soldiers were only unwilling that their camp should be taken; some of them gloried in their own defeat and disgrace.

2.59.4When the determined spirit of Appius, undaunted by these things, wished to exercise severity still further, and he summoned a meeting, the lieutenant-generals and tribunes flock around him, advising him that he would not determine on venturing a trial of an authority, the entire strength of which lay in the acquiescence of those who were to obey.

2.59.5That the soldiers generally refused to come to the assembly, and that their clamours were heard in every direction demanding that the camp should be removed from the Volscian territory. That the victorious enemy were but a little time ago almost at the very gates and rampart; and that not merely a suspicion, but a manifest indication of a grievous disaster presented itself to their eyes.

2.59.6Yielding at length, (since they would gain nothing save a delay of punishment,) having prorogued the assembly, after he had given orders that their march should be proclaimed for the following day, he, at the first dawn, gave the signal for departure by sound of trumpet.

2.59.7When the army, having just got clear of the camp, were forming themselves, the Volscians, as being aroused by the same signal, fall upon those in the rear; from whom the alarm spreading to the van, confounded both the battalions and ranks with such consternation, that neither the generals' orders could be distinctly heard, nor the lines be drawn up, no one thinking of any thing but flight.

2.59.8In such confusion did they make their way through heaps of dead bodies and of arms, that the enemy ceased to pursue sooner than the Romans to fly.

2.59.9The soldiers being at length collected from their scattered rout, the consul, after he had in vain followed his men for the purpose of rallying them, pitched his camp in a peaceful part of the country; and an assembly being convened, after inveighing not without good reason against the army, as traitors to military discipline, deserters of their posts, frequently asking them, one by one, where were their standards, where their arms;

2.59.10he first beat with rods and then beheaded those soldiers who had thrown down their arms, the standard-bearers who

2.59.11had lost their standards, and moreover the centurions, and those with the double allowance, who had left their ranks. With respect to the rest of the multitude, every tenth man was drawn by lot for punishment.

2.60.1In a contrary manner to this, the consul and soldiers in the country of the Aequans vied with each other in courtesy and acts of kindness: both Quintius was naturally milder in disposition, and the ill-fated severity of his colleague caused him to indulge more in his own good temper.

2.60.2This, such great cordiality between the general and his army, the Aequans did not venture to meet; they suffered the enemy to go through their lands committing devastations in every direction. Nor were depredations committed more extensively in that quarter in any preceding war.

2.60.3Praises were also added, in which the minds of soldiers find no less pleasure than in rewards. The army returned more reconciled both to their general, and also on account of the general to the patricians; stating that a parent was assigned to them, a master to the other army by the senate.

2.60.4The year now passed, with varied success in war, and furious dissensions at home and abroad, was rendered memorable chiefly by the elections by tribes; the matter was more important from the victory in the contest entered into, than from any real advantage;

2.60.5for there was more of dignity abstracted from the elections themselves by the exclusion of the patricians, than there was influence either added to the commons or taken from the patricians.

2.61.1A more turbulent year

2.61.2next followed, Lucius Valerius, Tiberius Aemilius being consuls, both by reason of the struggles between the different orders concerning the agrarian law, as well as on account of the trial of Appius Claudius; for whom, as a most active

2.61.3opposer of the law, and as one who supported the cause of the possessors of the public land, as if a third consul, Marcus Duilius and Caius Sicinius appointed a day of trial. Never before was an accused person so hateful to the commons brought to trial before the people; overwhelmed with

2.61.4their resentment on his own account, and also on account of his father. The patricians too seldom made equal exertions in behalf of any one: that the champion of the senate, and the assertor of their dignity, opposed to all the storm of the tribunes and commons, was exposed to the resentment of the commons, merely for having exceeded bounds in the contest. Appius Claudius himself was the only one of the patricians who made light both of the tribunes and commons and his own trial. Neither the threats of the commons, nor the entreaties of the senate, could ever persuade him not only to change his garb, or address persons as a suppliant, but not even so far as to soften or relax any thing from the usual asperity of his style, when his cause was to be pleaded before the people. The expression of his countenance was the same; the same stubbornness in his looks, the same spirit of

2.61.5pride in his language; so that a great part of the commons felt no less awe of Appius when arraigned, than they had felt of him when consul. He pleaded his cause once, and with the same spirit of an accuser which he had been accustomed to adopt on all occasions: and

2.61.6he so far astounded both the tribunes and the commons by his intrepidity, that, of their own accord, they postponed the day of trial; then they allowed the matter to be protracted. Nor

2.61.7was the time now very distant; before, however, the appointed day came, he dies of some disease; and when the tribunes of the people endeavoured to impede his funeral panegyric, the commons would not allow that the last day of so great a man should be defrauded of the usual honours; and they listened to the panegyric of him when dead with as patient ears, as they had listened to the charges brought against him when living, and attended his funeral in vast numbers.

2.62.1In the same year the consul Valerius, having marched an army against the Aequans, when he could not entice the enemy to an engagement, set about assaulting their camp. A violent storm sent down from heaven with thunder and hail prevented him.

2.62.2Then, on a signal for a retreat being given, their surprise was excited by the return of such fair weather, that they felt a scruple a second time to attack a camp which was defended as it were by some divine power; all the rage of war was turned on the devastation of the land.

2.62.3The other consul, Aemilius, conducted the war against the Sabines. There also, because the enemy confined themselves within their walls, the lands were laid waste.

2.62.4Then, by the burning not only of the country-houses, but of the villages also, which were thickly inhabited, the Sabines being aroused, after they met the depredators, on retreating from an engagement left undecided, on the following day removed their camp into a safer situation.

2.62.5This seemed a sufficient reason to the consul why he should leave the enemy as conquered, departing thence the war being still unfinished.

2.63.1During these wars, whilst dissensions still continued at home, Titus Numicius Priscus, Aulus Virginius, were elected consuls.

2.63.2The commons appeared determined no longer to brook a delay of the agrarian law, and extreme violence was on the eve of being resorted to, when it was ascertained from the burning of the country-houses and the flight of the peasants that the Volscians were at hand: this circumstance checked the sedition that was now ripe and almost breaking out.

2.63.3The consuls, having been instantly forced to the war by the senate, after leading forth the youth from the city, rendered the rest of the commons more quiet.

2.63.4And the enemy indeed, having done nothing else except alarming the Romans by groundless fear, depart with great precipitation. Numicius marched to Antium against the Volscians, Virginius against the Aequans. Here a signal overthrow being well nigh received

2.63.5from an ambuscade, the bravery of the soldiers restored (the Roman) superiority, which had been endangered through the carelessness of the consul. The general conducted affairs better against the Volscians. The enemy were routed in the first engagement, and forced to fly into the city of Antium,

2.63.6a very wealthy place considering those times; the consul, not venturing to attack it, took from the people of Antium another town, Ceno, which was by no means so wealthy. Whilst the Aequans and Volscians engage the attention of the Roman armies, the Sabines advanced in their devastations even to the gates of the city: then they themselves, a few days after, received from the two armies heavier losses than they had occasioned, the two consuls having entered their territories under exasperated feelings.

2.64.1Towards the close of the year there was some peace, but, as frequently at other times, disturbed by contests between the patricians and commons.

2.64.2The exasperated commons refused to attend the consular elections: Titus Quintius, Quintus Servilius, were elected consuls by the patricians and their dependents: the consuls have a year similar to the preceding, the commencement embroiled, and afterwards tranquil by external war.

2.64.3The Sabines marching across the plains of Crustuminum with great rapidity, after carrying fire and sword along the banks of the Anio, being repulsed when they had come up nearly to the Colline gate and the walls, drove off however great booty of men and cattle:

2.64.4the consul Servilius, having pursued them with a determined army, was unable to come up with the main body itself on the champaign country; he carried his devastation however so extensively, that he left nothing unmolested by war, and returned after obtaining plunder much exceeding that carried off by the enemy.

2.64.5The public interest was supported extremely well against the Volscians also by the exertions as well of the general as of the soldiers. First they fought a pitched battle, on equal ground, with great slaughter and much bloodshed on both sides:

2.64.6and the Romans, because the fewness of their numbers was more likely to make the loss felt, would have given way, had not the consul, by a well-timed fiction, re-animated the army, crying out that the enemy were flying on the other wing; making a charge, they, by supposing that they were victorious, became so.

2.64.7The consul, fearing lest by pressing too far he might renew the contest, gave the signal for a retreat.

2.64.8A few days intervened; rest being taken on both sides as if by a tacit suspension of arms; during these days a vast number of persons from all the states of the Volscians and Aequans came to the camp, certain that the Romans would depart during the night, if they should perceive them.

2.64.9Accordingly about the third watch they come to attack the camp. Quintius having allayed the confusion which the sudden panic had occasioned, after ordering the soldiers to remain quiet in their tents, leads out a cohort of the Hernician for an advance guard:

2.64.10the trumpeters and horneteers he mounts on horseback, and commands them to sound their trumpets before the rampart, and to keep the enemy in suspense till daylight: during the rest of the night every thing was so quiet in the camp, that the Romans had even the advantage of sleep.

2.64.11The sight of the armed infantry, whom they both considered to be more numerous than they were, and to be Romans, the bustle and neighing of the horses, which became restless, both from the strange riders placed on them, and moreover from the sound of the trumpets frightening them, kept the Volscians intently awaiting an attack of the enemy.

2.65.1When day dawned, the Romans, invigorated and refreshed with sleep, on being marched out to battle, at the first onset overpowered the Volscians, wearied from standing and want of rest; though the enemy rather retired than were routed, because in the rear there were hills to which there was a secure retreat, the ranks behind the first line being unbroken.

Book 2, Part 7

2.65.2The consul, when they came to the uneven ground, halts his army; the soldiers were kept back with difficulty; they cried out and demanded to be allowed to pursue the enemy now discomfited. The cavalry, crowding around the general, proceed more violently: they cry out that they would proceed before the first line.

2.65.3Whilst the consul hesitates, relying on the valour of his men, yet having little confidence in the place, they all cry out that they would proceed; and execution followed the shout. Fixing their spears in the ground, in order that they may be lighter to ascend the steeps, they run upwards.

2.65.4The Volscians, having discharged their missile weapons at the first onset, fling the stones lying at their feet on them as they advanced upwards, and having thrown them into confusion by incessant blows, they drove them from the higher ground: thus the left wing of the Romans was nearly overborne, had not the consul dispelled their fear by exciting a sense of shame as they were just retreating, chiding at the same time their temerity and their cowardice. At first they stood their ground with determined firmness; then, according as their strength carried them against those in possession of the ground, they venture to advance themselves; and by renewing the shout they encourage the whole body to move on; then again making a new effort, they force their way up and surmount the disadvantage of the ground.

2.65.5They were on the point of gaining the summit of the eminence, when the enemy turned their backs, and the pursued and pursuers with precipitate speed rushed into the camp almost in a body.

2.65.6In this consternation the camp is taken; such of the Volscians as were able to make their escape, take the road to Antium. The Roman army also was led to Antium; after being invested for a few days it surrenders without any additional force of the besiegers, but because their spirits had sunk ever since the unsuccessful battle and the loss of their camp.

Book 3, Part 1

3Disturbances about the agrarian laws. The Capitol surprised by exiles and slaves. Quintius Cincinnatus called from the cultivation of his farm in the country, made dictator, and appointed to conduct the war against the Aequans. He conquers the enemy, and makes them pass under the yoke. The number of the tribunes increased to ten. Decemvirs, appointed for the purpose of digesting and publishing a body of laws. These having promulgated a code of laws contained in ten tables, obtain a continuation of their authority for another year, during which they add two more to the former ten tables. Refusing to resign their office, they retain it a third year. Their conduct at first equitable and just; afterwards arbitrary and tyrannical. The commons, in consequence of the base attempt of Appius Claudius, one of them, to debauch the daughter of Virginius, seize on the Aventine mount, and oblige them to resign. Appius and Oppius, two of the most obnoxious, are thrown into prison, where they put an end to their own lives; the rest are driven into exile. War with the Sabines, Volscians, and Aequans.—Unfair decision of the Roman people, who being chosen arbitrators between the people of Ardea and Aricia concerning some disputed lands, adjudge them to themselves.

3.1.1AFTER the taking of Antium, Titus Aemilius and Quintus Fabius are elected consuls. This was the Fabius Quintus who alone had survived the family cut off at Cremera.

3.1.2Already, in his former consulate, Aemilius had been an adviser of giving land to the people. Accordingly in his second consulate also both the abettors of the agrarian law had raised themselves to the hope of carrying the measure, and the tribunes, supposing that a matter frequently attempted in opposition to both consuls might be obtained with the assistance at least of one consul, take it up, and the consul remained stedfast in his sentiments.

3.1.3The possessors and a considerable part of the patricians complaining that a person at the head of the state was recommending himself by his tribunitial proceedings, and that he was making himself popular by giving away other persons' property, had transferred the odium of the entire affair from the tribunes to the consul.

3.1.4A violent contest was at hand, had not Fabius set the matter straight, by an expedient disagreeable to neither party, that under the conduct and auspices of Titus Quintius, there was a considerable tract of land taken the preceding year from the Volscians;

3.1.5that a colony might be sent to Antium, a neighbouring, convenient, and maritime city; that the commons might come in for lands without any complaints of the present occupiers, that the state might remain in quiet.

3.1.6This proposition was accepted. He appoints as triumvirs for distributing the land, Titus Quintius, Aulus Virginius, and Publius Furius: those who wished to obtain land were ordered to give in their names.

3.1.7The gratification of their aim begat disgust, as usually happens; so few gave in their names that Volscian colonists were added to fill up the number: the rest of the people preferred clamouring for land in Rome, rather than receive it elsewhere.

3.1.8The Aequans sued for peace from Quintus Fabius, (he was sent thither with an army,) and they themselves broke it by a sudden incursion into the Latin territory.

3.2.1In the following year Quintus Servilius, (for he was consul with Spurius Posthumius,) being sent against the Aequans, fixed his camp in the Latin territory: inaction necessarily kept the army within the camp, involved as they were in a distemper.

3.2.2The war was protracted to the third year, Quintus Fabius and Titus Quintius being consuls. To Fabius, because he, as conqueror, had granted peace to the Aequans, that province was assigned by an extraordinary commission: who, setting out with certain hope that the fame of his name would reduce the Aequans to submission, sent ambassadors to the council of the nation, and ordered them to say that Quintus Fabius, the consul, stated that he had brought peace to Rome from the Aequans, that from Rome he now brought war to the Aequans, that same right hand being armed, which he had formerly given to them in amity;

3.2.3that the gods were now witnesses, and would presently be avengers of those by whose perfidy and perjury that was brought to pass. That he, however, be matters as they

3.2.4might, would even now prefer that the Aequans should repent of their own accord than be subject to the vengeance of an enemy. If they repent, that there would be a safe retreat in

3.2.5that clemency already experienced; but if they still delighted in perjury, they would wage war with the angry gods rather than with enemies. This statement had so

3.2.6little effect on any of them, that the ambassadors were near being ill-treated, and an army was sent to Algidum against the Romans. When these tidings were brought to Rome, the indignity of the affair, rather than the danger, called out the other

3.2.7consul from the city; thus two consular armies advanced against the enemy in order of battle, so that they might at once engage. But as it so happened that much of the day did not now remain, a person from the advanced guard of the enemy cries out, This is making a display of war, Romans, not waging it; you draw up your army in

3.2.8line of battle, when night is at hand; we require a greater length of day-light for

3.2.9the contest which is to come on. To-morrow by sun-rise return to the field: you shall have an opportunity of fighting, never fear. The soldiers, stung by these threats, are marched back into the camp till the following day; thinking that the approaching night was tedious, which would cause delay to the contest. Then indeed they refresh their bodies with food and sleep:

3.2.10on the following day, when it was light, the Roman army took their post considerably sooner. At length the Aequans also came forward. The battle was obstinate on both sides, because both the Romans fought under the influence of resentment and hatred; and a consciousness of danger brought

3.2.11on by misconduct, and despair of obtaining future confidence afterwards, obliged the Aequans to exert and have recourse to the most desperate efforts. The Aequans however did not withstand the Roman troops, and when on being beaten they had betaken themselves to their own territories, the outrageous multitude, with dispositions not at all more disposed to peace, began to chide their leaders: that their interest was committed to the hazard of a pitched battle, in which mode of fighting the Romans were superior. That the Aequans were better fitted for

3.2.12depredations and incursions, and that several parties acting in different directions conducted wars more successfully than the unwieldy mass of one single army.

3.3.1Having left therefore a guard on the camp, they marched out and attacked the Roman frontiers with such fury, as to carry terror even to the city:

3.3.2the unexpected nature of the thing also caused more alarm, because nothing could be less apprehended, than that an enemy, vanquished and almost besieged in their camp, should entertain a thought of depredation:

3.3.3and the peasants, in a panic pouring in at the gates, cried out, that it was not mere plundering, nor small parties of depredators, but, exaggerating every thing through groundless fear, that whole armies and legions of the enemy were advancing, and that they were pushing forward to the city determined for an assault.

3.3.4Those who were nearest (the gates) carried to others the accounts heard from these, uncertain as they were, and therefore the more groundless; and the hurry and confused clamour of those calling to arms bore no distant resemblance to the panic of a city taken by storm.

3.3.5It so happened that the consul Quintius had returned to Rome from Algidum; this was some relief for their terror; and the tumult being calmed, and after chiding them for being in dread of a vanquished enemy, he posted a guard on the gates.

3.3.6Then having convened the senate, when he set out to defend the frontiers, a suspension of civil business having been proclaimed by a decree of the senate, leaving Quintus Servilius behind as prefect of the city, he found no enemy in the

3.3.7country. Matters were conducted with distinguished success by the other consul; who having attacked the enemy, wherever he knew that they were to come, laden with booty, and proceeding therefore with their army the more encumbered, made their depredation prove fatal to

3.3.8them. Few of the enemy escaped from the ambuscade; all the booty was recovered; thus the return of the consul Quintius to the city put a termination to the justitium, which lasted only four

3.3.9days. A census was then held, and the lustrum was closed by Quintius: the number of citizens rated are said to have been one hundred and twenty-four thousand two hundred and fourteen, besides orphans of both

3.3.10sexes. Nothing memorable occurred afterwards among the Aequans; they betook themselves into their towns, suffering their possessions to be consumed by fire and to be devastated. The consul, after he had repeatedly carried depredation through the entire country of the enemy, returned to Rome with great glory and booty.

3.4.1Then Aulus Posthumius Albus and Spurius Furius Fusus were consuls. Furii some writers have written Fusii; this I mention, lest any one may imagine that the change, which is only in the names, may be in the persons themselves.

3.4.2There was no doubt but that one of the consuls would commence hostilities against the Aequans. The Aequans accordingly sought aid from the Volscians of Ecetra; which being granted readily, (so keenly did these states vie in inveterate hatred against the Romans,) preparations for war were made with the utmost vigour.

3.4.3The Hernicians came to the knowledge of it, and warned the Romans that the Ecetrans had revolted to the Aequans; the colony of Antium also was suspected, because when the town was taken, a great number of the inhabitants had fled thence for refuge to the Aequans: and these proved the bravest soldiers during the war with the Aequans.

3.4.4Afterwards the Aequans being driven into the towns, this rabble withdrawing privately, when they returned to Antium, seduced from the Romans the colonists who were already disposed to treachery of their own accord.

3.4.5The matter not being yet ripe, when it was announced to the senate that a defection was intended, the consuls were charged to inquire into the business by summoning to Rome the leading men of the colony.

3.4.6When those persons attended without reluctance, being conducted to the senate by the consuls, they so answered to the questions put to them, that they were dismissed more suspected than they had come. Upon this war was considered as inevitable.

3.4.7Spurius Fusius, one of the consuls to whom that province had fallen, having marched against the Aequans, found the enemy committing depredations in the country of the Hernicians; and being ignorant of their numbers, because they had never been seen all together, he rashly hazarded an engagement with an army not a match for their forces.

3.4.8Being beaten from his ground at the first onset, he betook himself to his camp: nor was that an end of the danger: for both on the next night and the following day, his camp was beset and assaulted with such vigour, that not even a messenger could be sent from thence to Rome.

3.4.9The Hernicians brought an account both that a defeat had taken place, and that the army was besieged: and they struck such terror into the senate, that a charge was given to the other consul Posthumius, that he should take care that the common- wealth sustained no injury, which form of a decree has ever been deemed to be one of extreme exigency. It seemed most advisable that the consul himself should remain at Rome to enlist all who were able to bear arms: that Titus Quintius should be sent as pro-consul to the relief of the camp with the army of the allies:

3.4.10to complete that army the Latins and Hernicians, and the colony of Antium, were ordered to supply Quintius with subitary soldiers (so they then called auxiliaries raised for sudden emergencies).

3.5.1During those days many movements and many attempts were made on either side, because the enemy, having the advantage in numbers, attempted to weaken the Roman strength by dividing it into many parts, as not being likely to suffice for all points of attack.

3.5.2At the same time the camp was besieged, at the same time a part of the army was sent to devastate the Roman territory, and to attempt the city itself, if fortune should favour.

3.5.3Lucius Valerius was left to guard the city: the consul Postumius was sent to repel the attacks on the frontiers.

3.5.4There was no abatement in any part either in vigilance or activity; watches in the city, out-posts before the gates, and guards stationed along the walls: and a justitium was observed for several days (a thing which was necessary in such general confusion). In the mean time the consul Furius, after he had at first passively endured the siege in his camp, burst forth from the Decuman gate on the enemy when off their guard;

3.5.5and though he might have pursued them, he stopped through fear, lest an attack should be made on the camp from the other side.

3.5.6The lieutenant-general Furius (he was the consul's brother) was carried away too far by his ardour; nor did he, from his eagerness to pursue, observe his own party returning, nor the attack of the enemy on his rear: thus being shut out, after repeatedly making many unavailing efforts to force his way to the camp, he fell, fighting bravely.

3.5.7And the consul, turning about to renew the fight, on hearing the account that his brother was surrounded, rushing into the thick of the fight rather rashly than with sufficient caution, received a wound, and was with difficulty rescued by those around him.

3.5.8This both damped the courage of his own men, and rendered the enemy more daring; who, being encouraged by the death of the lieutenant-general, and by the consul's wound, could not afterwards be withstood by any force, so as to prevent the Romans from being driven within their camp and again submitting to a siege, as being a match for them neither in hopes nor in strength; and every thing would have been endangered, had not T. Quintius come to their relief with foreign troops from the Latin and Hernician army.

3.5.9He at- tacked the Aequans on their rear whilst intent on the Roman camp, and insultingly displaying the head of the lieutenant- general, and, a sally being made at the same time from the camp on a signal given at a distance by him, he surrounded a great number of the enemy.

3.5.10Of the Aequans on the Roman territory the slaughter was less, their dispersion was more complete. On these as they straggled in different directions, and were driving plunder before them, Postumius made an attack in several places, where he had posted convenient de- tachments; these straying about and pursuing their flight in great disorder, fell in with the victorious Quintius as he was returning with the wounded consul.

3.5.11Then did the consular army by their distinguished bravery take ample vengeance for the consul's wound, and for the death of the lieutenant-general and the cohorts; heavy losses were both inflicted and received on both sides during those days.

3.5.12In a matter of such anti- quity it is difficult to state with certainty the exact number of those who fought or fell: Antias Valerius, however, ven- tures to sum them up;

3.5.13that in the Hernician territory there fell five thousand three hundred Romans; that of the preda- tory parties of the Aequans, who strayed through the Roman frontiers for the purpose of plundering, two thousand four hundred were slain by the consul Postumius; that the rest of the body that were driving booty before them, and which fell in with Quintius, by no means got off with so light a loss: that of these four thousand, and by way of stating the num- ber exactly, two hundred and thirty, were slain.

3.5.14After this they returned to Rome; the order for the justitium was dis- charged. The sky seemed to be all on fire; and other pro- digies either actually presented themselves to their sight, or exhibited imaginary appearances to their affrighted minds. To avert these terrors, a solemn festival of three days was pro- claimed, during which, all the temples were filled with a crowd of men and women, earnestly imploring the protection of the gods.

3.5.15After this the Latin and Hernician cohorts were sent back to their respective homes, thanks having been returned to them for their spirited military services. The thousand soldiers from Antium were dismissed almost with disgrace, because they had come after the battle with assistance then too late.

3.6.1The elections were then held: Lucius Aebutius and Publius Servilius being elected consuls, enter on their office on the calends of August, which was then considered as the commencement of the year. This was a distressing time, and it so happened that the season was pestilential to the city and country, and not more to men than to cattle; and they increased the malignity of the distemper, by admitting the cattle and the peasants into the city through dread of

3.6.2devastation. This collection of animals of every kind mixed together, distressed both the citizens by the unusual stench, and the peasants crowded together into their close apartments, with heat, want of sleep, and their attendance on each other, and contact itself propagated the

3.6.3disease. Whilst with difficulty sustaining these calamities, ambassadors from the Hernicians suddenly bring word that the Aequans and Volscians, having united their forces, had pitched their camp in their territory, that from thence they were depopulating their frontiers with an immense

3.6.4army. Besides that the thinness of the senate was a proof to the allies that the state was prostrated by the pestilence, they further received this melancholy answer: That the Hernicians, with the Latins, must now defend their possessions by their own exertions. That the Roman city, through the sudden anger of the gods, was now depopulated by disease. If any respite from that calamity should come, that they would afford aid to their allies, as they had done the year before, and always on other

3.6.5occasions. The allies departed, carrying home, instead of the melancholy news (they had brought), news still more melancholy, as being persons who were now obliged to sustain by their own means a war, which they had sustained with difficulty when backed by the power of

3.6.6Rome. The enemy did not confine themselves any longer to the Hernician territory. They proceed thence with determined hostility into the Roman territories, which were already devastated without the injuries of war. Where, when there was no one to meet them, not even an unarmed person, and they passed through every place destitute not only of troops, but even of the cultivation of the husbandman, they reached as far as the third stone on the Gabinian

3.6.7road. Aebutius, the Roman consul, was dead; his colleague, Servilius, was dragging out life with slender hope of recovery; most of the leading men, the chief part of the patricians, all of the military age, were lying sick, so that strength was wanting not only for the expeditions, which, amid such an alarm the conjuncture required, but scarcely had they sufficient even for quietly mounting

3.6.8guard. The senators whose age and health permitted them, discharged personally the duty of sentinels. The going around and attending to these was assigned to the aediles of the people; on them devolved the chief administration of affairs and the majesty of the consular authority.

3.7.1The commonwealth thus desolate, without a head, without strength, the guardian gods and good fortune of the city saved, which inspired the Volscians and Aequans with the disposition of banditti rather than of enemies;

3.7.2for so far was any hope not only of taking but even of approaching the walls of Rome from taking possession of their minds, and so thoroughly did the sight of the houses in the distance, and the adjacent hills, divert their thoughts, (from such an attempt,) that, a murmur

3.7.3having arisen in every direction throughout the entire camp, why they should waste time in indolence without booty in a wild and desert land, amid the putrid decay of cattle and of human beings, when they might repair to places uninjured by infection, the Tusculan territory abounding in wealth? they suddenly tore up their standards, and by journeys across the country, they passed through the Lavican territory to the Tusculan hills; and to that quarter was the whole violence and storm of the war directed.

3.7.4In the mean time the Hernicians and Latins, influenced not only by compassion but by shame, if they neither gave opposition to the common enemy, when making for the city of Rome with a hostile army, nor afforded any aid to their allies when besieged march to Rome with their forces united.

3.7.5Where, when they did not find the enemy, following their tracks as indicated by rumour, they meet them as they are coming down from the Tusculan territory into the Alban valley: there a battle was fought under circumstances by no means equal; and their fidelity proved by no means favourable to the allies for the present.

3.7.6The mortality at Rome by disease was not less than that of the allies by the sword (of the enemy); the only surviving consul dies; other eminent characters also died, Marcus Valerius, Titus Virginius Rutilus, the augurs; Servius Sulpicius, principal curio;

3.7.7and through persons of inferior note the virulence of the disease spread extensively: and the senate, destitute of human aid, directed the people's attention to the gods and to prayers; they were ordered to go to supplicate with their wives and children, and earnestly to implore the protection of heaven.

3.7.8Besides that their own sufferings obliged each to do so, when called on by public authority, they fill all the shrines; the prostrate matrons in every quarter sweeping the temples with their hair, beg for a remission of the divine displeasure, and a termination to the pestilence.

3.8.1From this time, whether it was from the favour of the gods being obtained, or that the more unhealthy season of the year was now passed,

3.8.2the bodies of the people having shaken off disease, gradually began to be more healthy, and their attention being now directed to public concerns, when several interregna had expired, Publius Valerius Publicola, on the third day after he had entered on his office of interrex, causes Lucretius Tricipitinus, and Titus Veturius Geminus, (or Velusius,) to be elected consuls.

3.8.3They enter on their consulship on the third day of the Ides of August, the state being now sufficiently strong, not only to repel a hostile attack, but even to act itself on the offensive.

3.8.4Therefore when the Hernicians brought an account that the enemy had made an incursion into their frontiers, assistance was readily promised two consular armies were enlisted. Veturius was sent against the Volscians to carry on an offensive war.

3.8.5Tricipitinus being appointed to protect the territory of the allies from devastation, proceeds no further than into the country of the Hernicians.

3.8.6Veturius routs and puts to flight the enemy in the first en- gagement. A party of plunderers which had marched over the Praenestine mountains, and from thence descended into the plains, escaped the notice of Lucretius, whilst he lay encamped amongst the Hernicians.

3.8.7These laid waste all the country around Praeneste and Gabii: from the Gabinian territory they turn their course towards the heights of Tusculum; great alarm was excited in the city of Rome also, more from the suddenness of the affair, than that there was not sufficient strength to repel violence.

3.8.8Quintus Fabius had the command in the city; he, by arming the young men and posting guards, rendered things secure and tranquil. The enemy therefore carrying off plunder from the adjacent places, not venturing to approach the city, when they were returning by a circuitous route, their caution being now more relaxed, in proportion as they removed to a greater distance from the enemy's city, fall in with the consul Lucretius, who had already explored their motions, drawn up in battle-array and determined on an engagement.

3.8.9Accordingly having attacked them with predetermined resolution whilst struck with sudden panic, though considerably fewer in numbers, they rout and put to flight their numerous army, and having driven them into the deep valleys, when an egress from thence was not easy, they surround them.

3.8.10There the Volscian nation was almost entirely cut off. In some histories I find that thirteen thousand four hundred and seventy fell in the field and in the pursuit, that one thousand two hundred and fifty were taken alive, that twenty-seven military standards were carried off; where, though there may have been some exaggeration in the number, there certainly was great slaughter.

3.8.11The victorious consul having obtained immense booty returned to the same standing camp. Then the consuls join their camps. The Volscians and Aequans also unite their shattered strength. This was the third battle on that year; the same good fortune gave them victory; the enemy being beaten, their camp was also taken.

3.9.1Thus affairs at Rome returned to their former state; and successes abroad immediately excited commotions in the city.

3.9.2Caius Terentillus Arsa was tribune of the people in that year: he, considering that an opportunity was afforded for tribunitian intrigues during the absence of the consuls, after railing against the arrogance of the patricians for several days before the people, inveighed chiefly against the consular

3.9.3authority, as being exorbitant and intolerable in a free state: "for that, in name

3.9.4only, it was less invidious, in reality almost more oppressive than that of kings. For that two masters had been

3.9.5adopted instead of one, with unbounded, unlimited power; who, themselves unrestrained and unbridled, directed all the terrors of the law, and all kinds of severity against the commons. Now, in order that this licentious power might not continue perpetual, he would propose a law, that five persons be appointed to draw up laws regarding the consular

3.9.6power. That the consul should use that right which the people may give him over them; that they should not hold their own caprice and licentiousness as law. This law being published, when the patricians became afraid, lest, in the absence of the consuls, they should be subjected to the yoke, the senate is convened by Quintus Fabius, praefect of the city, who inveighed so vehemently against the bill and the author of it, that nothing was omitted of threats and intimidation, even

3.9.7though both the consuls in all their exasperation surrounded the tribune, that he had lain in wait, and, watching his opportunity, he made an attack on the commonwealth. If the gods in their anger had given them any tribune like him on the preceding year, during the pestilence and war, he could not have been withstood. Both the consuls being dead, and the exhausted state lying enfeebled in universal confusion,

3.9.8that he would have proposed laws to abolish the consular government altogether from the state; that he would have headed the Volscians and Aequans to attack the city. What? if the consuls adopted any tyrannical or cruel proceedings against any of the citizens, was it not

3.9.9competent to him to appoint a day of trial for him; to arraign him before those very judges against any one of whom severity may have been exercised? That it was not the consular authority but the tribunitian power that

3.9.10he was rendering hateful and insupportable: which having been peaceable and reconciled to the patricians, was now about to be brought back anew to its former mischievous habits. Nor would he entreat him not to go on as he commenced. Of you, the other tribunes, says Fabius, we request, that you will first of all consider that that

3.9.11power was provided for the aid of individuals, not for the ruin of the community: that you were created tribunes of the commons, not enemies of the patricians. To us it is distressing, to

3.9.12you a source of odium, that the republic, now bereft of its chief magistrates, should be attacked; you will diminish not your rights, but the odium against you. Confer with your colleague, that he may postpone this business till the arrival of the consuls; even the Aequans and the Volscians, when our consuls were carried off by pestilence last year, did not press on us with

3.9.13a cruel and tyrannical war. The tribunes confer with Terentillus, and the bill being to all appearance deferred, but in reality abandoned, the consuls were immediately sent for.

3.10.1Lucretius returned with immense spoil, and much greater glory; and this glory he increased on his arrival, by exposing all the booty in the Campus Martius, so that each person might, during three days, recognise his own and carry it away; the remainder was sold, for which no owners appeared.

3.10.2A triumph was by universal consent due to the consul: but the matter was deferred, the tribune still pressing his law; this to the consul seemed of greater importance.

3.10.3The business was discussed for several days, both in the senate and before the people: at length the tribune yielded to the majesty of the consul, and desisted; then the due honour was rendered to the general and his army.

3.10.4He triumphed over the Volscians and Aequans: his troops followed him in his triumph. The other consul was allowed to enter the city in ovation without his soldiers. On the following year the Terentillian law having been taken up by the entire college, assailed the new consuls; the consuls were Publius Volumnius and Servius Sulpicius.

3.10.5On that year the sky seemed to be on fire; a violent earthquake also occurred;

3.10.6it was now believed that an ox spoke, which circumstance had not obtained credit on the year before; among other prodigies it rained flesh also; which shower a great number of birds is reported to have carried off by flying so as to intercept it; that which did fall, is said to have lain scattered about for several days, so that its smell evinced no change. The books were consulted by the duumviri for sacred rites: dangers of attacks being made on the highest parts of the city, and of bloodshed thence resulting, were predicted as about to come from an assemblage of strangers; among

3.10.7other things, an admonition was given that all intestine disturbances should be abandoned. The tribunes alleged that that

3.10.8was done to obstruct the law, and a desperate contest was at hand. Lo! (that the same circle of events may revolve every year) the Hernicians bring word that the Volscians and the Aequans, though their strength was much impaired, were recruiting their armies: that their chief dependence was Antium; that the inhabitants of Antium openly held councils at Ecetra: that that was the source —there the strength —for the war. As soon as this announcement was made in the senate, a levy was ordered: the consuls were commanded to divide the management of the war between them; that the Volscians

3.10.9should be the province of the one, the Aequans that of the other. The tribunes cried out to their faces in the forum, That the Volscian war was

3.10.10all a concerted farce: that the Hernicians were instructed to act their parts; that the liberty of the Roman people was now no longer crushed by manly efforts, but that it was baffled by cunning; because all probability was now gone that the Volscians, who were almost exterminated,

3.10.11and the Aequans, would of themselves commence hostilities, new enemies were sought for: that a loyal colony, and one in their very vicinity, was being rendered infamous: that war was proclaimed against the unoffending people of Antium, and in reality waged with the commons of Rome, which after loading them with arms they were determined to drive out of the city with precipitous haste, wreaking

3.10.12their vengeance on the tribunes, by the exile and expulsion of their fellow-citizens. That by these means, and let them

3.10.13not think that there was any other object contemplated, the law was defeated; unless, whilst the matter was still in abeyance, whilst they were still at home and in the garb of citizens, hey would take precaution that they may not be

3.10.14driven out of possession of the city, and be subjected to the yoke. If they only had spirit, that support would not be wanting; that all the tribunes were unanimous; that there was no apprehension from abroad, no danger. That the gods had taken care, on the pre- ceding year, that their liberty could now be defended with safety. Thus far the tribunes.

3.11.1But, on the other side, the consuls, having placed their chairs within view of them, were proceeding with the levy; thither the tribunes hasten, and draw the assembly along with them; a few were cited, by way of making an experiment, and instantly violence commenced.

3.11.2Whomsoever the lictor laid hold of by order of the consul, him the tribune ordered to be discharged; nor did his own proper jurisdiction set a limit to each, but whatever you set your mind upon, was to be attained by the hope of strength and by force.

3.11.3Just as the tribunes had behaved in impeding the levy, in the same manner did the consuls conduct themselves in obstructing the law which was brought on every assembly day.

3.11.4The commencement of the riot was, when the tribunes ordered the people to proceed to the vote, because the patricians refused to withdraw. The elder citizens scarcely attended the contest, inasmuch as it was one likely not to be directed by prudence, but abandoned to temerity and daring.

3.11.5The consuls also generally kept out of the way, lest in the general confusion they should expose their dignity to any insult.

3.11.6There was a young man, Caeso Quintius, a daring youth, as well by the nobility of his descent, as by his personal size and strength; to those endowments granted by the gods he himself had added many military honours, and eloquence in the forum; so that no person in the state was considered more efficient either in speaking or in acting.

3.11.7When this person took his place in the centre of a body of the patricians, conspicuous above the rest, carrying as it were in his eloquence and bodily strength dictatorships and consulships combined, he alone withstood the storms of the tribunes and the populace.

3.11.8Under his guidance the tribunes were frequently driven from the forum, the commons routed and dispersed; such as came in his way, went off after being ill-treated and stripped; so that it became sufficiently evident, that, if he were allowed to proceed in this way, the law would be defeated.

3.11.9Then the other tribunes being now almost thrown into despair, Aulus Virginius, one of the college, institutes a criminal prosecution on a capital charge against Caeso. By this proceeding he rather irritated than intimidated his violent temper: so much the more vigorously did he oppose the law, annoyed the commons, and persecuted the tribunes, as it were by a regular war.

Book 3, Part 2

3.11.10The prosecutor suffered the accused to rush on headlong, and to heighten the charges against him by the flame and material of the popular odium thus incurred: in the mean time he proceeded with the law, not so much in the hope of carrying it through, as to provoke the temerity of Caeso.

3.11.11There many inconsiderate expressions and actions passing among the young men, are charged on the temper of Caeso, through the prejudice raised against him; still the law was resisted.

3.11.12And Aulus Virginius frequently remarks to the people, Are you even now sensible that you cannot have Caeso, as a fellow-citizen, with the law which you desire? Though why do I say law?

3.11.13he is an opponent of your liberty; he surpasses all the Tarquins in arrogance. Wait till he is made consul or dictator, whom, though but a private citizen, you now see exercising kingly sway over you by his strength and audacity. Many assented, complaining that they had been beaten by him: and strongly urged on the tribune to go through with the prosecution.

3.12.1The day of trial now approached, and it was evident that persons in general considered that their liberty depended on the condemnation of Caeso: then, at length being forced to it, he addressed the commons individually, though with a strong feeling of indignation; his relatives followed him, the principal members of the state.

3.12.2Titus Quintius Capitolinus, who had been thrice consul, after he recounted many splendid

3.12.3achievements of his own, and of his family, stated, that neither in the Quintian family, nor in the Roman state, had there appeared such promising genius of such early valour. That he had first been his soldier, that he had often in his sight fought against the enemy."

3.12.4Spurius Furius declared, that he having been sent to him by Quintius Capitolinus, had come to his aid when in the midst of danger; that there was no individual by whose exertions he considered the common weal more effectually re-established."

3.12.5Lucius Lucretius, the consul of the preceding year, in the full splendour of recent glory, shares his own services with Caeso; he recounted his battles, detailed his distinguished exploits, both on expeditions and in the field;

3.12.6he advised and recommended that they would prefer this extraordinary young man, endowed with all the advantages of nature and of rank, and (one who would prove) of the utmost importance to the interest of that state into which he should come, to be their fellow-citizen, rather than the citizen of a foreign state.

3.12.7That with respect to that which may be offensive in him, heat and vehemence, time would diminish daily; that the prudence, which may be wanting in him, was increasing daily; that as his faults were declining and his virtues ripening to maturity, they should allow so distinguished a man to become old in their state."

3.12.8Among these his father, Lucius Quintius, who bore the surname of Cincinnatus, without dwelling on his merits, lest he should heighten public hatred, but soliciting pardon for his errors and his youth, implored of them to forgive his son for his sake, who had not given offence to any one by either word or deed.

3.12.9But some, through respect or fear, turned away from listening to his entreaties; others complaining that themselves and their friends had been ill-treated, by the harshness of their answer declared their sentence beforehand.

3.13.1Independently of the general odium, one charge bore heavily on the accused; that Marcus Volscius Fictor, who some years before had been tribune of the people, had come forward as a witness:

3.13.2that not long after the pestilence had been in the city, he had fallen in with a party of young men rioting in the Suburra; that a scuffle arose there; and that his elder brother, not yet perfectly recovered from his illness, had fallen down almost dead, being struck with the fist by Caeso; that he was carried home between the hands of some persons, and that he considered that he died from that blow; and that it had not been permitted to him by the consuls of former years to follow up the matter.

3.13.3In consequence of Volscius vociferating these charges, the people became so excited, that Caeso was near being killed through the violence of the people. Virginius orders him to be seized and carried to prison. The patricians oppose force to force. Titus Quintius exclaims, that a person for whom a day of trial for a capital offence has been appointed, and whose trial was now at hand, ought not to be outraged before trial and without sentence being passed.

3.13.4The tribune says, that he would not inflict punishment on him before condemnation, that he would however keep him in prison until the day of trial; that the Roman people may have an opportunity of inflicting punishment on one who had killed a man. The tribunes being appealed to, secure their prerogative by adopting a middle course; they forbid his being thrown into confinement, and

3.13.5declare it to be their wish that the accused should appear on his trial, and that a sum of money should be promised to the people, in case he should not appear. How large a sum of money ought to be promised, came under discussion: that is referred to the senate. The accused was detained in the public assembly, until the patricians should be consulted: it was determined that he should give bail: each bail they bound to the amount of three thousand asses; how

3.13.6many should be given, was left to the tribunes; they limited the number to ten; for ten sureties the prosecutor

3.13.7discharged the accused. He was the first who gave public sureties. Being discharged from the forum, he went the following night into exile among the Etrurians. When on the day of trial it was pleaded that he had quitted his home in order to go into exile, Virginius notwithstanding holding the comitia, his colleagues when appealed to dismissed the assembly: the fine was rigorously exacted from the father; so

3.13.8that after selling all his effects, he lived for a considerable time in a solitary cottage on the other side of the Tiber, as if in exile. This trial and the proposing of the law gave full employment to the state: there was quiet from foreign arms.

3.14.1When the tribunes, flushed as it were with victory, imagined that the law was in a manner passed, the

3.14.2patricians being now dismayed by the banishment of Caeso, and when, with respect to the seniors of the patricians, they had relinquished all share in the administration of the commonwealth;

3.14.3the juniors, more especially those who were the intimate friends of Caeso, redoubled their resentful feelings against the commons, and suffered not their spirits to droop; but the greatest improvement was made in this particular, that they tempered their animosity by a certain degree of moderation.

3.14.4When for the first time after Caeso's banishment the law began to be brought forward, arrayed and well prepared with a numerous body of clients, they attacked the tribunes, on their affording a pretext for it by attempting to remove them, in such a manner, that no one individual carried home from thence any prominent share either of glory or ill-will; the people complained that for one Caeso a thousand had started up.

3.14.5During the intermediate days, when the tribunes made no stir regarding the law, nothing could be more mild or peaceable than those same persons; they saluted the plebeians courteously, entered into conversation, and invited them home; they attended the forum, and suffered the tribunes themselves to hold their meetings without interruption: they never were uncivil to any one either in public or in private, unless when the business respecting the law began to be agitated. On other occasions the young men were popular.

3.14.6And not only did the tribunes transact all their other affairs without disturbance, but they were even re-elected for the following year, without one offensive expression, much less any violence being employed. By soothing and managing the commons they gradually rendered them tractable. By these methods the law was evaded for the entire year.

3.15.1The consuls Caius Claudius, the son of Appius, and Publius Valerius Publicola, found the state in a more tranquil condition. The new year had brought with it nothing new; the thoughts about carrying the law, or submitting to it, engrossed all the members of the state.

3.15.2The more the younger members of the senate endeavoured to insinuate themselves into favour with the commons, the more strenuously did the tribunes strive to thwart them, so that they rendered them suspicious in the eyes of the commons by alleging:

3.15.3that a conspiracy was formed; that Caeso was in Rome; that plans were concerted for assassinating the tribunes, and butchering the commons. That the commission assigned by the elder members of the patricians was, that the young men should abolish the tribunitian power from the state, and the form of government should be the same as it had been before the sa- cred mount had been taken possession of.

3.15.4Both a war from the Volsci and Aequi, which was now a stated thing, and one that was a regular occurrence for almost every year, was apprehended, and another evil nearer home started up unexpectedly.

3.15.5The exiles and slaves to the number of four thousand and five hundred men took possession of the Capitol and citadel during the night, under the command of Appius Herdonius, a Sabine.

3.15.6Immediately a massacre took place in the citadel of those who had evinced an unwillingness to enter into the conspiracy and to take up arms. Some, during the alarm, run down to the forum, driven precipitately through the panic; the cries, to arms, and the enemy are in the city, were heard alternately.

3.15.7The consuls were both afraid to arm the commons, and to suffer them to remain unarmed; uncertain what sudden calamity had assailed the city, whether external or intestine, whether from the hatred of the commons or the treachery of the slaves: they were for quieting the tumults, by such endeavours they sometimes exasperated them; for the populace, panic-stricken and terrified, could not be directed by authority.

3.15.8They give out arms, however, not indiscriminately; only so that, the enemy being still uncertain, there might be a protection sufficient to be relied on for all emergencies. The remainder of the night they passed in posting guards through proper places through the entire city, anxious and uncertain, as to who the persons might be, and how great the number of the enemy was.

3.15.9Day-light then disclosed the war and the leader of the war. Appius Herdonius summoned the slaves to liberty from the Capitol: that he had espoused the cause of every most unfortunate individual, in order to bring back to their country those driven out by oppression, and to remove the grievous yokel from the slaves. That he had rather that were done under the authority of the Roman people. If there be no hope in that quarter, that he would rouse the Volscians and Aequi, and would try all extremities.

3.16.1The matter began to disclose itself more clearly to the patricians and the consuls; besides those things, however, which were openly declared, they dreaded lest this might be a scheme of the Veientes or Sabines;

3.16.2and, as there were so many of the enemy in the city, lest the Sabine and Etrurian troops might come on according to a concerted plan; and then lest their eternal enemies, the Volscians and Aequi, should come, not to ravage their territories, as before, but to their very city, already in part taken.

3.16.3Many and various were their fears; among others, the most prominent was their dread of the slaves, lest each might harbour an enemy in his own house, one whom it was neither sufficiently safe to trust, nor to deny confidence to him lest, by not trusting him, he might become more

3.16.4incensed. And (the evil) seemed scarcely capable of being resisted by perfect harmony (between the different orders of the state); only no one apprehended the tribunes or commons, other evils predominating and constantly starting up; that appeared an evil of a mild nature, and one always arising during the cessation of other evils, and it then appeared to be lulled to rest by external

3.16.5terror. Yet that was almost the only one that most aggravated their distressing circumstances: for such madness took possession of the tribunes, that they contended that not war, but the empty appearance of war had taken possession of the Capitol, to avert the people's minds from attending to the law; that these friends and clients of the patricians would depart in greater silence than they came, if they once perceived that, by the law being passed, they had raised these tumults in

3.16.6vain. They then held a meeting for passing the law, having called away the people from their arms. In the mean time, the consuls convene the senate, another dread presenting itself on the part of the tribunes, greater than that which the nightly foe had occasioned.

3.17.1When it was announced that their arms were being laid aside, and that the men were quitting their posts, Publius Valerius, his colleague still detaining the senate, hastens from the senate-house; he comes thence into the meeting to the tribunes: What is all this, says he, tribunes?

3.17.2Are you deter- mined to overthrow the commonwealth under the guidance and auspices of Appius Herdonius? Has he been so successful in corrupting you, who, by his authority, has not influenced your slaves? When the enemies are over our heads, is it your pleasure that arms should be given up, and laws be proposed? Then directing his discourse to the populace: If, Romans, no concern for your city, for yourselves, moves you, at least revere the gods of your country, now made captive by the enemy.

3.17.3Jupiter, the best and greatest, Queen Juno, and Minerva, the other gods and goddesses, are besieged; the camp of slaves now holds the tutelary gods of the state. Does this seem to you the form of a state in its senses?

3.17.4Such a crowd of enemies is not only within the walls, but in the citadel, commanding the forum and senate-house: in the mean while meetings are being held in the forum; the senate is in the senate-house, just as when perfect tranquillity prevails; the senator gives his opinion, the other Romans give their votes. Would it not behove all the patricians and commons, consuls, tribunes, citizens, and all classes of persons, to bring aid with arms in their hands, to run into the Capitol, to liberate and restore to peace that most august residence of Jupiter, the best and greatest?

3.17.5O Father Romulus! do thou infuse into thy progeny that determination of thine, by which you once recovered from these same Sabines the citadel, when obtained by gold.

3.17.6Order them to pursue this same path, which thou, as leader, and thy army, pursued. Lo! I, as consul, shall be the first to follow thee and thy footsteps, as far as a mortal can follow a god. The close of his speech was: That he would take up arms, that he invited every citizen of Rome to arms; if any one should oppose, that he, forgetful of

3.17.7the consular authority, the tribunitian power, and the devoting- laws, would consider him as an enemy, whoever he may, wheresoever he may, in the Capitol, or in the forum. That the tribunes might order arms to be taken up against Publius Valerius the consul, since they forbid it against Appius Herdonius; that he

3.17.8would venture to act in that manner in the case of the tribunes, in which the founder of his family had ventured to act in the case of kings. It now became apparent that extreme violence was about to take place, and that a disturbance among the Romans would be exhibited as a sight to the enemy; the law, however, could neither

3.17.9be prepared, nor could the consul proceed to the Capitol: night quashed the contest that had commenced; the tribunes yielded to the night, dreading the arms of the consuls. The fomenters

3.17.10of the disturbances being removed from thence, the patricians went about among the commons, and introducing themselves into their circles of conversation, they introduced observations suited to the occasion: they advised them to beware into what hazard they were bringing the commonwealth; that the contest was not between the patricians and commons, but that patricians and

3.17.11commons together, the fortress of the city, the temples of the gods, the guardian gods of the state and of private families, were being delivered up to the enemy. Whilst these affairs are going on in the forum for the purpose

3.17.12of appeasing the disturbances, the consuls in the mean time had armed the several gates and the walls, lest the Sabines or the Veientian enemy should make any move.

3.18.1On the same night, messengers come to Tusculum announcing that the citadel was taken, and the Capitol seized, and the other state of disturbance in the city.

3.18.2Lucius Mamilius was at that time dictator at Tusculum; he, having immediately convoked the senate and introduced the messengers, earnestly advises:

3.18.3That they should not wait until ambassadors came from Rome, suing for assistance; that the very danger and risk, and the social gods, and the faith of treaties, demanded it; that the gods would never afford them an equal opportunity of obliging so powerful a state and so near a neighbour. It is determined that assistance should be sent: the young men are enrolled; arms are given to them.

3.18.4Coming to Rome at break of day, they at a distance exhibited the appearance of enemies. The Aequi or Volscians appeared to be coming. Then when the groundless alarm was removed, they are admitted into the city, and descend in a body into the forum.

3.18.5There Publius Valerius, having left his colleague to guard the gates, was now drawing up in order of battle.

3.18.6The great influence of the man had produced an effect, when he affirmed that, the Capitol being recovered, and the city restored to peace, if they would allow themselves to be convinced what lurking fraud was concealed under the law proposed by the tribunes, that he would offer no obstruction to the meeting of the people, mindful of his ancestors, mindful of his surname, and that the province of protecting the people had been handed down to him as hereditary by his ancestors.

3.18.7Following him as their leader, notwithstand- ing the tribunes cried out against it, they direct their march up the Capitoline hill. The Tusculan troops also joined them. Allies and citizens vied with each other which of them should appropriate to themselves the honour of recovering the citadel. Each leader encourages his own men.

3.18.8Then the enemy became terrified, and placed no dependence on any but the place. The Romans and allies advance on them whilst in this state of alarm. They had now broken into the porch of the temple, when Publius Valerius is slain animating the fight at the head of his men.

3.18.9Publius Volumnius, a man of consular rank, saw him falling. Having directed his men to cover the body, he rushes forward to the place and office of consul. Through their ardour and impetuosity the perception of so heavy a blow did not reach the soldiers; they conquered before they perceived that they conquered without a leader.

3.18.10Many of the exiles defiled the temple with their blood; many were taken alive; Herdonius was slain. Thus the Capitol was recovered. With respect to the prisoners, punishment was inflicted on each according to his

3.18.11station, whether he was a freeman or a slave. The commons are stated to have thrown farthings into the consul's house, that he might be buried with greater solemnity.

3.19.1Peace being established, the tribunes then pressed on the patricians to fulfil the promise of Publius Valerius; they pressed on Claudius, to free the shade of his colleague from breach of faith, and to allow the business of the law to proceed. The consul asserted that he would suffer the discussion on the law to go on, till he had a colleague appointed in the room of the deceased.

3.19.2These disputes held on until the elections for substituting a consul. In the month of December, by the most zealous exertions of

3.19.3the patricians, Lucius Quintius Cincinnatus, Caeso's father, is elected consul to enter on his office without delay. The commons were dismayed at their being about to have as consul a man incensed against them, powerful by the support of the patricians, by his own merit, and by three sons, not one of whom yielded to Caeso in greatness of

3.19.4spirit; whilst they were superior to him by their exercising prudence and moderation, when the occasion required. When he entered on his office, in his frequent harangues from the tribunal, he was not more vehement in restraining the commons than in reproving the senate, by the listlessness of which body the tribunes of the commons, now become perpetual, by means of their tongues and prosecutions exercised regal

3.19.5authority, not as in a republic of the Roman people, but as if in an ill-regulated family. That with his son Caeso, fortitude, constancy, all the splendid qualifications of youth in war or in peace, had been driven and exiled from the city of Rome: that talkative and turbulent men, sowers

3.19.6of discord, twice and even thrice re-elected tribunes, lived in the most destructive practices with regal tyranny. Did that Aulus Virginius, says he, deserve less punishment than Appius Herdonius, because he was not in the Capitol? considerably more, by Jove, (in the mind of any one) who would judge the matter fairly. Herdonius, if nothing else, by avowing himself an enemy, in a manner gave you notice to take up arms: this man, by denying the existence

3.19.7of war, took arms out of your hands, and exposed you defenceless to your slaves and exiles. And did you, (without any offence to Caius Claudius and to Publius Valerius, now no more let me say it,) did you advance against the Capitoline hill before you expelled those enemies from the forum. It is shameful before gods and men. When the enemy were in the citadel, in the very Capitol, when the leader of the exiles and slaves, after profaning every thing, took up his residence in the

3.19.8shrine of Jupiter, the best and greatest, arms were taken up in Tusculum sooner than in Rome. It was a matter of doubt whether Lucius Mamilius, the Tusculan leader, or Publius Valerius and Caius Claudius, the consuls, recovered the Roman citadel, and we, who formerly did not suffer the Latins to touch arms, even in their own defence, when they had the enemy in their very frontiers, should have been taken and destroyed now, had not the Latins taken up arms of their own accord. Tribunes, is this bringing

3.19.9aid to the commons, to expose them in a defenceless state to be butchered by the enemy. Now, if any one, even the humblest individual of your commons, (which portion you have as it were broken off from the rest of the state, and made it your country and pe- culiar commonwealth,) if any one of these persons were to bring word that his house was beset by an armed band of slaves, you would think that assistance should be afforded to him. Was Jupiter, the best

3.19.10and greatest, when surrounded by the arms of exiles and of slaves, deserving of no human aid? And do these persons require that they be considered sacred and inviolable, with whom the gods themselves are neither sacred nor inviolable? But, steeped as ye are in crimes against both gods and men, do ye say that you will pass your law this year? Verily then the day on which I was created consul was a disastrous day for the commonwealth, much more

3.19.11so even than that on which Publius Valerius the consul fell, if ye should carry it. Now, first of all, says he, Romans, it is the intention of myself and of my colleague to march the legions against the Volsci and the Aequi. I know not by what fatality we find the gods more propitious when we are at war than in peace. How great the danger from those states would have been, had they known that the Capitol was besieged by exiles, it is better to conjecture from the past, than to feel from actual experience.

3.20.1The consul's harangue had a great effect on the commons; the patricians, recovering their spirits, considered the state as re-established. The other consul, more eager as a seconder than as the first mover (of a measure), readily suffering his colleague to take the first lead in a matter of so much importance, claimed to himself his share of the consular duty in executing the plan.

3.20.2Then the tribunes, mocking these declarations as empty, went on inquiring by what means the consuls would lead out the army, as no one would allow them to hold a levy?

3.20.3But, says Quintius, " we have no occasion for a levy; since at the time Publius Valerius gave arms to the commons to recover the Capitol, they all took an oath to him, that they would assemble on an order from the consul, and would not depart without an order.

3.20.4We therefore publish our order that all of you, who have sworn, attend to-morrow under arms at the lake Regillus. The tribunes then began to cavil, and wished to absolve the people from their obligation; that Quintius was a private person at the time at which they were bound by the oath.

3.20.5But that disregard of the gods which prevails in the present age had not yet arrived; nor did every one, by his own interpretation, accommodate oaths and laws to his own purposes, but rather adapted his conduct to them.

3.20.6Wherefore the tribunes, as there was no hope of obstructing the matter, attempted to delay the departure (of the army) the more earnestly on this account, because a report had gone out both that the augurs had been ordered to attend at the lake Regillus, and to consecrate a place, where business might be transacted with the people with the benefit of auspices; that whatever had been passed at Rome by tribunitian violence, might be repealed there in an assembly.

3.20.7That all would agree to that which the consuls wished; for that there was no appeal at a distance greater than that of a mile from the city: and that the tribunes, if they should come there, would, among the rest of the crowd, be subjected to the consular authority.

3.20.8These matters alarmed them; but the greatest terror which acted on their minds was, that Quintius frequently said, that he would not hold an election of consuls. That the state was affected with such a disease, as could not be stopped by the ordinary remedies. That the commonwealth required a dictator, so that whoever should stir a step to disturb the peace of the state, might feel that the dictatorship was without appeal.

3.21.1The senate was assembled in the Capitol. Thither the tribunes come with the commons in great consternation: the populace, with loud clamours, implore the protection now of the consuls, now of the patricians: nor could they make the consul recede from his determination, until the tribunes promised that they would be under the direction of the patricians.

3.21.2Then on the consul's laying before them the demands of the tribunes and commons, decrees of the senate are passed, That neither the tribunes should propose the law during that year, and that the consuls should not lead the army from the city —that for the time to come, the senate decided that it was to the injury of the commonwealth, that the same magistrates should be continued, and the same tribunes be re-appointed.

3.21.3The consuls conformed to the authority of the senate, the tribunes were re-appointed notwithstanding the remonstrances of the consuls. The patricians also, that they might not yield to the commons in any par- ticular, re-elected Lucius Quintius consul.

3.21.4No proceeding of the consul was urged with more warmth during the entire year. Can I be surprised, says he, if your authority is of little weight, conscript fathers? yourselves are disparaging it.

3.21.5Forsooth, because the commons have violated a decree of the senate, by re-appointing their magistrates, you yourselves also wish it to be violated, lest ye should yield to the populace in rashness; as if to possess greater power in the state consisted in having more of inconstancy and irregularity; for it is certainly more inconstant and greater folly, to do away with one's own decrees and resolutions, than those of others.

3.21.6Imitate, conscript fathers, the inconsiderate multitude; and ye, who should be an example to others, transgress by the example of others, rather than others should act correctly by yours, provided I imitate not the tribunes, nor suffer myself to be reelected consul, contrary to a decree of the senate.

3.21.7But I advise you, Caius Claudius, that both you on your part restrain the Roman people from this licentiousness, and that you be persuaded of this on my part, that I shall so take it, as not to consider that my honour has been obstructed by you, but that the glory of declining the honour has been augmented, and the odium, which would hang over me from its being continued, has been lessened.

3.21.8Upon this they issue this order jointly: That no one should attempt to make Lucius Quintius consul: if any one should do so, that they would not allow that vote.

3.22.1The consuls elected were Quintus Fabius Vibulanus, a third time, and Lucius Cornelius Maluginensis. The census was performed that year; it was a matter of religious scruple that the lustrum should be closed, on account of the Capitol having been taken and the consul slain.

3.22.2In the consulate of Quintus Fabius and Lucius Cornelius, disturbances broke out immediately at the commencement of the year. The tribunes were urging on the commons. The Latins and Hernici brought word that a formidable war was in preparation on the part of the Volscians and Aequi; that the troops of the Volscians were now at Antium. Great apprehension was also entertained, that the colony itself would revolt: and with difficulty were the tribunes prevailed on to allow the war to take precedence.

3.22.3The consuls then divided the provinces between them. It was assigned to Fabius to march the legions to Antium; to Cornelius, to protect the city; lest any part of the enemy, as was the practice of the Aequi, should come to commit depredations.

3.22.4The Hernici and Latins were ordered to supply soldiers in conformity to the treaty; and in the army two parts consisted of allies, one part of natives. When the allies came to the day already appointed, the consul pitches his camp outside the Capuan gate. Then, after the army was purified, he set out for Antium, and encamped not far from the town, and standing camp of the enemy.

3.22.5Where, when the Volscians, not venturing to risk an engagement, were preparing to protect themselves quietly within their ramparts, on the following day Fabius drew up not one mixed army of allies and citizens, but three separate bodies of the three states around the enemy's works. He himself was in the centre with the Roman legions.

3.22.6He ordered them to watch for the signal from thence, so that the allies might both commence the action together, and retire together, if he should sound a retreat. He placed their cavalry in the rear of each division.

3.22.7Having thus assailed the camp in three different points, he surrounds it; and when he pressed on from every side, he dislodges from the rampart the Volscians, not able to sustain his attack. Having then crossed the fortifications, he expels from the camp the crowd who were dismayed and inclining towards one direction.

3.22.8Upon this the cavalry, who could not easily pass over the rampart, having stood by up to that period mere spectators of the fight, having come up with them whilst flying in disorder on the open plain, enjoys a share of the victory, by cutting down the affrighted troops.

3.22.9The slaughter of them as they fled was great, both in the camp and outside the lines; but the booty was still greater, because the enemy were scarcely able to carry off their arms with them; and their entire army would have been destroyed, had not the woods covered them in their flight.

3.23.1Whilst these transactions are taking place at Antium, the Aequi, in the mean while, sending forward the main strength of their youth, surprise the citadel of Tusculum by night, and with the rest of their army they sit down at no great distance from the walls of Tusculum, so as to divide the forces of the enemy.

3.23.2This account being quickly brought to Rome, and from Rome to Antium, affect the Romans not less than if it was told them that the Capitol was taken; so recent were both the services of the Tusculans, and the very similitude of the danger seemed to require a return of the aid that had been afforded.

3.23.3Fabius, giving up every other object, removes the booty hastily from the camp to Antium. Having a small garrison there, he hurries on his army by forced marches to Tusculum. The soldiers were allowed to carry nothing but their arms, and whatever dressed provision was at hand. The consul Cornelius sends provisions from Rome. The war was carried on at Tusculum for several months.

3.23.4With one part of his army the consul assailed the camp of the Aequi; a part he had given to the Tusculans to recover their citadel. They never could have made their way to it by force. Famine at length withdrew the enemy from it.

3.23.5And when they came to this at last, they were all sent under the yoke by the Tusculans, unarmed and naked. These, when betaking themselves home by an ignominious flight, were overtaken by the Roman consul on Algidum and cut off to a man.

3.23.6After this victory, having marched back his army to Columen, (that is the name of the place,) he pitches his camp. The other consul also, as soon as the Roman walls

3.23.7ceased to be in danger, the enemy being defeated, set out from Rome. Thus the consuls, having entered the territories of the enemies on two different sides, strenuously vie with each other in depopulating the Volscians on the one hand, the Aequi on the other. I find in some writers that the people of Antium revolted the same year. That Lucius Cornelius, the consul, conducted that war and took the town, I would not venture to affirm for certain, because no mention is made of the matter among the older writers.

3.24.1This war being concluded, a tribunitian war at home alarms the senate. They exclaim, "that the detaining the army abroad was done for a fraudulent motive: that such frustration was for the purpose of doing away with the law; that they, however, would go through with the matter undertaken by them.

3.24.2Publius Lucretius, however, the praefect of the city, so far prevailed that the proceedings of the tribunes were postponed till the arrival of the consuls. A new cause of disturbance also arose.

3.24.3Aulus Cornelius and Quintus Ser- vilius, quaestors, appoint a day of trial for Marcus Volscius, because he had come forward as a manifestly false witness against Caeso. For it appeared by many proofs, that the brother of Volscius, from the time he first became ill, not only never appeared in public, but that he had not even arisen from his sick bed, and that he died of an illness of several months' standing;

3.24.4and that at the time to which the witness had referred the commission of the crime, Caeso had not been seen at Rome: those who served in the army with him, positively stating that at that time he had constantly attended at his post with them without any leave of absence.

3.24.5Many persons proposed on their own private responsibility to Volscius to have a judicial decision on the matter. As he would not venture to go to trial, all these matters coinciding rendered the condemnation of Volscius no less certain. than that of Caeso

3.24.6had been on the testimony of Volscius. The tribunes occasioned a delay, who said that they would not suffer the quaestors to hold the assembly concerning the accused, unless it was first held concerning the law. Thus both matters were spun out till the arrival of the consuls. When they entered the city in triumph with their victorious army, because silence was (observed) with regard to the law, many thought that the tribunes were struck with dismay. But they, (for it was now the close of the year,) desirous of obtaining a fourth tribuneship, had turned

3.24.7away their efforts from the law to canvassing for the elections; and when the consuls strove with no less strenuousness than if the law in question were proposed for the purpose of lessening their own dignity, the victory in the contest was on the side of the tribunes. On the same year peace was granted to the Aequi on their suing for it. The census, a matter commenced on the preceding year, is

3.24.8completed. The number of citizens rated were one hundred and seventeen thousand three hundred and nineteen. The consuls obtained great glory this year both at home and in war, because they both re-established peace abroad and at home; though the state was not in a state of absolute concord, yet it was less disturbed than at other times.

3.25.1Lucius Minucius and Caius Nautius being next elected consuls, took up the two causes which lay over since the preceding year. The consuls obstructed the law, the tribunes the trial of Volscius in the same manner: but in the new quaestors there was greater power, and greater influence.

3.25.2With Marcus Valerius, son of Valerius and grandson of Volesus, Titus Quintius Capitolinus, who had been thrice consul, was appointed quaestor.

3.25.3Since Caeso could neither be restored to the Quintian family, nor could he, though a most promising young man, be restored to the state, he justly, and as in duty bound, prosecuted the false witness who had deprived an innocent person of the power of pleading his cause.

Book 3, Part 3

3.25.4When Virginius in particular and the (other) tribunes were promoting the passing of the law, the space of two months was allowed to the consuls to examine into the law: so that, when they had satisfied the people, as to what secret designs were concealed under it, they should then allow them to give their votes.

3.25.5The granting this respite established tranquillity in the city. The Aequi however did not allow them long rest; who, in violation of the treaty which had been made with the Romans the year before, confer the chief command on Gracchus Claelius. He was then the leading man amongst the Aequi.

3.25.6Under the command of Gracchus they carry hostile depredations into the district of Lavici, from thence into that of Tusculum, and laden with booty they pitch their camp at Algidum. To that camp Quintus Fabius, Publius Volumnius, Aulus Posthumius, come to complain of the wrongs committed, and to demand restitution in accordance with the treaty.

3.25.7The general of the Aequi commands them to deliver to the oak whatever instructions they brought from the Roman senate; that he in the mean time should attend to other matters. A large oak tree hung over the praetorium, the shade of which constituted a pleasant seat.

3.25.8Then one of the ambassadors, when departing, says, Let both this consecrated oak and all the gods hear the treaty violated by you, and favour both our complaints now, and our arms presently, when we shall simultaneously avenge the rights of gods and men as violated by you.

3.25.9As soon as the ambassadors returned to Rome, the senate ordered one of the consuls to lead his army against Gracchus at Algidum, to the other they assigned as his province the laying waste of the country of the Aequi. The tribunes, according to their practice, attempted to obstruct the levy; and probably would have eventually prevented it, but a new cause of alarm was suddenly added.

3.26.1A large body of Sabines, committing dreadful devastation, approached very close to the walls of the city. The fields were laid waste, the city was struck with terror. Then the commons cheerfully took up arms; two large armies were raised, the tribunes remonstrating to no purpose.

3.26.2Nautius led the one against the Sabines; and having pitched his camp at Eretum, by small detachments, generally by nightly incursions, he effected such desolation in the Sabine land, that, when compared to it, the Roman territories seemed intact by an enemy.

3.26.3Minucius had neither the same success nor the same energy of mind in conducting his business; for after he had pitched his camp at no great distance from the enemy, without having experienced any considerable loss, he kept himself through fear within the camp.

3.26.4When the enemy perceived this, their boldness increased, as sometimes happens, from others' fears; and having attacked his camp by night, when open force did not succeed well, they on the following day drew lines of circumvallation around it. Before these could close up all the passes, by a vallum being thrown up on all sides, five horsemen being despatched between the enemies' posts, brought the account to Rome, that the consul and his army were besieged. Nothing could have happened so unexpected, nor so unlooked-for.

3.26.5Accordingly the panic and the alarm was as great as if the enemy besieged the city, not the camp. They send for the consul Nautius;

3.26.6in whom when there seemed to be but insufficient protection, and they were determined that a dictator should be appointed to retrieve their embarrassed affairs, Lucius Quintius Cincinna- tus is appointed by universal consent.

3.26.7It is worth those persons' while to listen, who despise all things human in comparison with riches, and who suppose that there i no room for exalted honour, nor for virtue, unless where riches abound in great profusion. Lucius Quintius, the sole hope of the Roman people, cultivated a farm of four acres, at the other side of the Tiber, which are called the Quintian meadows, opposite to the very place where the dock-yard now is.

3.26.8There, whether leaning on a stake in a ditch which he was digging, or in the employment of ploughing, engaged at least on some rural

3.26.9work, as is certain, after mutual salutations had passed, being requested by the ambassadors to put on his gown, and listen to the commands of the senate, (with wishes) that it might be happy both to him and to the commonwealth, being astonished, and asking frequently whether all was safe, he bids his wife Racilia immediately to bring his toga from his hut.

3.26.10As soon as he put this on and came forward, after first wiping off the dust and sweat, the ambassadors, congratulating him, unite in saluting him as dictator: they call him into the city; explain to him what terror now exists in the army.

3.26.11A vessel was prepared for Quintius by order of government, and his three sons having come out to meet him, receive him on his landing at the other side; then his other relatives and friends; then the greater part of the patricians. Accompanied by this numerous attendance, and the lictors going before him, he was conducted to his residence.

3.26.12There was a numerous concourse of the commons also; but they by no means looked on Quintius with equal pleasure, considering both the extent of his authority as too great, and the man vested with such authority rather arbitrary. And during that night in deed nothing was done in the city besides posting guards.

3.27.1On the next day the dictator, after he had come into the forum before day-light, names a master of the horse, Lucius Tarquitius, a man of patrician family, but one who, though he had served his campaigns among the foot by reason of his scanty means, was yet considered by many degrees the first in military skill among the Roman youth.

3.27.2With his master of the horse he came into the assembly, proclaims a suspension of civil business, orders the shops to be closed throughout the city, and forbids any one to attend to any private affairs.

3.27.3Then he commands that all, whoever were of the military age, should attend under arms, in the Campus Martius, before sun-set, with dressed provisions for

3.27.4five days and twelve palisades, and he commanded that whose age was too far advanced for military service, should dress their victuals for the soldiers in their vicinity, whilst the latter were preparing arms, and procuring the palisade.

3.27.5Accordingly, the young men run in different directions to procure the palisades; they took them wherever they were nearest to them; no one was prevented, and they all attended punctually according to the dictator's order.

3.27.6Then the troops being formed, not more fitted for the march than for an engagement, should the occasion require it, the dictator himself marches at the head of the legions, the master of the horse at the head of his cavalry.

3.27.7In both bodies there were such exhortations as the juncture itself required; that they should quicken their pace; that there was need of expedition, that they might reach the enemy by night; that the consul and the Romans were besieged; that they had been shut up now three days: that it was uncertain what each day or night might bring with it; that the issue of the most important affairs often depended on a moment of time.

3.27.8They, to please their leaders, exclaimed among themselves, Standard-bearer, hasten on; follow, soldier. At midnight they reach Algidum: and, as soon as they perceived that they were near the enemy, they halted.

3.28.1There the dictator, having rode about, and having observed, as far as could be ascertained by night, what the situation of the camp was, and what its form, commanded the tribunes of the soldiers to order the baggage to be thrown into one place, and that the soldiers with their arms and palisades should return to their ranks.

3.28.2What he commanded was executed. Then, with the regularity which they had observed on the march, he draws the entire army in a long column around the enemies' camp, and directs that, when the signal was given, they should all raise a shout; and that on the shout being raised, each man should throw up a trench before his post, and fix his palisade.

3.28.3The orders being issued, the signal followed: the soldiers perform what they were commanded; the shout resounds around the enemy: it then passes beyond the camp of the enemy, and reaches the consul's camp: it occasions panic in one place, great joy in another.

3.28.4The Romans, observing to each other with exultation, that this was the shout of their countrymen, and that aid was at hand, from their watch-guards and out-posts intimidate the enemy on their part.

3.28.5The consul says, that there must be no delay: that by that shout not only their arrival was intimated, but that proceedings were already commenced by their friends; and that it would be a wonder if the enemies' camp were not attacked on the outside. He therefore orders his me to take up arms and follow him.

3.28.6The battle was commenced by the legions during the night: they give notice to the dictator by a shout, that on that side also the action was commenced.

3.28.7The Aequans were now preparing to prevent the works from being brought around them, when, the battle being commenced by the enemy from within, turning their attention from those employed on the fortifications to those who were fighting on the inside, lest a sally should be made through the centre of their camp, they left

3.28.8the night to remain without interruption for the finishing of the work; and they continued the fight with the consul till daylight. At the break of day they were now encompassed by the dictator's works, and were scarcely able to maintain the fight against one army. Then their lines were attacked by Quintius's army, who immediately

3.28.9after completing their work returned to their arms. Here a new fight pressed on them: the former one had suffered no relaxation. Then the twofold peril pressing hard on them, turning from fighting to entreaties, they implored the dictator on the one hand, the consul

3.28.10on the other, not to make the victory consist in their general slaughter, that they would suffer them to depart without arms. When they were bid by the consul to go to the dictator, he, incensed against them, added ignominy (to defeat). He orders Gracchus Cloelius, their general, and other leaders to be brought to him in chains, and that they should evacuate the town of Corbio; that he wanted not the blood of the Aequans: that they were allowed to depart; but that the confession may be at length extorted, that their nation was defeated and subdued, that they should pass under the yoke.

3.28.11The yoke is formed with three spears, two fixed in the ground, and one tied across between the upper ends of them. Under this yoke the dictator sent the Aequans.

3.29.1The enemy's camp being taken, which was full of every thing, (for he had sent them away naked,) he distributed all the booty among his own soldiers only:

3.29.2chiding the consul's army and the consul himself, he says, Soldiers, ye shall do without any portion of the spoil taken from that enemy to which you were well nigh becoming a spoil: and you, Lucius Minutius, until you begin to assume the spirit of a consul, shall command these legions as lieutenant-general.

3.29.3Minutius accordingly resigns his office of consul, and remains with the army, as he had been commanded. But so meekly obedient were the minds of men at that time to authority combined with superior merit, that this army, mindful of the kindness (conferred) rather than of the slur (cast on them), both voted a golden crown of a pound weight to the dictator, and saluted him as their patron when setting out.

3.29.4The senate at Rome, being convened by Quintus Fabius, praefect of the city, ordered Quintius to enter the city in triumph, in the order of march in which he was coming.

3.29.5The leaders of the enemy were led before his car: the military standards were carried before him: his army followed laden with spoil. Tables with provisions are said to have been laid out before the houses of all, and (the soldiers) partaking of the entertainment, followed the car with the triumphal hymn and the usual jests, after the manner of revellers.

3.29.6On that day the freedom of the state was granted to Lucius Mamilius of Tusculum, with universal approbation.

3.29.7The dictator would have laid down his office, had not the assembly for the trial of Marcus Volscius, the false witness, detained him; the fear of the dictator prevented the tribunes from obstructing it. Volscius was condemned and went into exile to Lanuvium. Quintius laid down his dictatorship on the sixteenth day, having received it for six months. During those days the consul Nautius engages the Sabines at Eretum with distinguished success. Besides the devastation of their lands, this additional blow also befell the Sabines. Fabius Quintus was sent to Algidum as successor to Minucius.

3.29.8Towards the end of the year the tribunes began to agitate the question of the law; but because two armies were abroad, the patricians carried the point, that no business should be proposed to the people. The commons succeeded in electing the same tribunes for the fifth time.

3.29.9They report that wolves seen in the Capitol were driven away by dogs; that on account of that prodigy the Capitol was purified. Such were the transactions in that year.

3.30.1Quintus Minucius and Caius Horatius Pulvillus follow as the next consuls.

3.30.2At the commencement of this year, when there was peace abroad, the same tribunes and the same law occasioned disturbances at home; and parties would have proceeded further, (so highly were their passions inflamed,) had not, as if for the very purpose, news been brought, that by an attack of the Aequans the garrison at Corbio had been cut off.

3.30.3The consuls convene the senate; they are ordered to raise a hasty levy and to proceed to Algidum. Then the contest about the law being given up, a new dispute arose regarding the levy.

3.30.4And the consular authority was about to be overpowered by tribunitian influence, when an additional cause of alarm comes

3.30.5on them: that the Sabine army had made a descent into the Roman lands to commit depredations; that from thence they were advancing to the city. This fear influenced the tribunes to allow the levy to proceed, not without a stipulation, however, that since

3.30.6they had been foiled for five years, and as that was but little protection to the commons, ten tribunes of the people should henceforward be elected. Necessity wrung this from the patricians; this exception only they made, that they should not

3.30.7hereafter reelect the same tribunes. The election for the tribunes was held immediately, lest that measure also, like others, might prove a delusion after the war. On the thirty-sixth year after the first tribunes, ten were elected, two from each class; and provision was made

3.30.8that they should be elected in this manner for the future. The levy being then held, Minucius marched out against the Sabines, and found no enemy. Horatius, after the Aequans, having put the garrison at Corbio to th sword, had taken Ortona also, fights a battle at Algidum; he slays a great number; drives the enemy not only from Algidum, but from Corbio and Ortona also. Corbio he razed to the ground for their having betrayed the garrison.

3.31.1Marcus Valerius and Spurius Virginius are next elected consuls. Quiet prevailed at home and abroad. They laboured under a scarcity of provisions on account of the excessive rains. A law was proposed regarding the making Mount Aventine public property.

3.31.2The same tribunes of the people being re-elected on the following year, Titus Romilius and Caius Veturius being consuls, strongly recommended the law in all their harangues, That they were ashamed of their number increased to no purpose, if that question should lie for their two years in the same manner as it had lain for the whole preceding five. Whilst they were most busily employed in these matters, an alarming account comes from Tusculum, that the Aequans were in the Tusculan territory. The recent services of that state made them ashamed of delaying relief.

3.31.3Both the consuls were sent with an army, and find the enemy in their usual post in Algidum. A battle was fought there; upwards of seven thousand of the enemy were slain; the rest were routed; immense booty was obtained. This

3.31.4the consuls sold on account of the low state of the treasury; the proceeding was the cause of dissatisfaction to the army, and it also afforded to the tribunes materials for bringing a charge against the consuls before the commons. Accordingly, as soon as they went out of office, in the consulship of Spurius Tarpeius and Aulus Aterius, a day was appointed for Romilius by Caius Claudius Cicero, tribune of the people;

3.31.5for Veturius, by Lucius Alienus, plebeian aedile. They were both condemned, to the great mortification of the patricians; Romilius to pay ten thousand asses; Veturius, fifteen thousand. Nor did this misfortune of their predecessors render the new consuls more remiss. They said that they too might be condemned, and that the commons and tribunes could not

3.31.6carry the law. Then having thrown up the law, which, in its repeated publication, had now grown old, the tribunes adopted a milder mode of proceeding with the patricians. That they should at length put an end to their disputes. If plebeian laws displeased them, at least they should suffer legislators (chosen) in common, both from the commons and from

3.31.7the patricians, who would propose measures advantageous to both parties, and such as might tend to the equalization of liberty. This proposal the patricians did not reject. They said that no one should propose laws, except some of the patricians. When they agreed with respect to the laws, and differed only with respect to the proposer; ambassadors were sent to Athens, Spurius Posthumius Albus, Aulus Manlius Publius Sulpicius Camerinus; and they were ordered to copy out the celebrated laws of Solon, and to become acquainted with the institutions, customs, and laws of the other states of Greece.

3.32.1The year was undisturbed by foreign wars; the following one was still more quiet, Publius Curiatius and Sextus Quintilius being consuls, the tribunes observing uninterrupted silence, which was occasioned in the first place by their waiting for the ambassadors who had gone to Athens, and for the foreign laws;

3.32.2in the next place, two heavy calamities arose at the same time, famine and pestilence, (which proved) destructive to man, and equally so to cattle. The lands were left desolate; the city exhausted by a constant succession of deaths.

3.32.3Many and illustrious families were in mourning. The Flamen Quirinalis, Servilius Cornelius, died; as also the augur, Caius Horatius Pulvillus; into whose place the augurs elected Caius Veturius, the more eagerly, because he had been condemned by the commons.

3.32.4The consul Quintilius died, and four tribunes of the people. The year was rendered a melancholy one by these manifold disasters; but from an enemy there was perfect quiet.

3.32.5Then Caius Menenius and Publius Sestius Capitolinus were elected consuls. Nor was there in that year any external war: disturbances arose at home.

3.32.6The ambassadors had now returned with the Athenian laws; the tribunes pressed the more urgently, that a commencement should at length be made of compiling the laws. It was resolved that decemvirs should be elected without appeal, and that there should be no other magistrate during that year.

3.32.7There was, for a considerable time, a dispute whether plebeians should be admitted among them: at length the point was given up to the patricians, provided that the Icilian law regarding the Aventine and the other devoting laws were not repealed.

3.33.1In the three hundred and first year after Rome was built, the form of the government was a second time changed, the supreme power being transferred from consuls to decem- virs, as it had passed before from kings to consuls.

3.33.2The change was less remarkable, because not of long duration; for the joyous commencement of that government became too licentious. So much the sooner did the matter fall, and (the usage) was recurred to, that the name and authority of consuls was committed to two persons.

3.33.3The decemvirs appointed were, Appius Claudius, Titus Genucius, Publius Sestius, Lucius Veturius, Caius Julius, Aulus Manlius, Servius Sulpicius, Publius Curiatius, Titus Romilius, Spurius Postumius.

3.33.4On Claudius and Genucius, because they had been elected consuls for that year, the honour was conferred in compensation for the honour (of the consulate); and on Sestius, one of the consuls of the former year, because he had proposed that matter to the senate against the will of his colleague.

3.33.5Next to these were considered the three ambassadors who had gone to Athens; at the same time that the honour might serve as a recompence for so distant an embassy; at the same time they considered that persons acquainted with the foreign laws would be of use in digesting the new code of regulations.

3.33.6Other persons made up the number. They say that persons advanced in years were appointed by the last suffrages, in order that they might oppose with less warmth the opinions of others.

3.33.7The direction of the entire government was rested in Appius through the favour of the commons, and he had assumed a demeanour so new, that from a severe and harsh reviler of the people, he became suddenly a protector of the commons, and a candidate for popular favour.

3.33.8They administered justice to the people one every tenth day. On that day the twelve fasces attended the prefect of justice; one beadle attended each of his nine colleagues, and in the singular harmony among themselves, which unanimity might sometimes prove prejudicial to private persons, the strictest equity was shown to others. It will suffice to adduce a proof of their moderation by instancing one matter.

3.33.9Though they had been appointed without (the privilege of) appeal, yet a dead body having been found buried in the house of Publius Sestius, a man of patrician rank, and this

3.33.10having been brought forward in an assembly, in a matter equally clear and atrocious, Caius Julius, a decemvir, appointed a day of trial for Sestius, and appeared before the people as prosecutor (in a matter) of which he was legally a judge; and relinquished his right, so that he might add what had been taken from the power of the office to the liberty of the people.

3.34.1Whilst the highest and lowest alike experienced from them this prompt administration of justice, impartial, as if from an oracle, then their attention was devoted to the framing of laws; and the ten tables being proposed amid the intense expectation of all, they summoned the people to an assembly:

3.34.2and what may prove favourable, advantageous, and happy to the commonwealth themselves, and to their children, ordered them to go and read the laws that were exhibited.

3.34.3That they had equalized the rights of all, both the highest and the lowest, as far as could be devise by the abilities of ten men;

3.34.4that the understanding and counsels of a greater number might prove more successful; that they should turn in their minds each particular within themselves, canvass it in conversation; and bring together under public discussion whatever might seem an excess or deficiency under each particular.

3.34.5That the Roman people should have such laws, as the general consent might appear not so much to have ratified when proposed, as to have proposed from themselves.

3.34.6When they appeared sufficiently corrected according to public opinion (as expressed) regarding each chapter of the laws as it was published, the laws of the ten tables were passed at the assembly voting by centuries; which, even at the present time, amid this immense heap of laws crowded one upon the other, still remain the source of all public and private jurisprudence.

3.34.7A rumour was then spread that two tables were wanting; on the addition of which a body, as it were, of the whole Roman law might be completed. The expectation of this, as the day of election approached, created a desire to appoint decemvirs again.

3.34.8The commons now, besides that they detested the name of consuls as much as that of kings, required not even the tribunitian aid, as the decemvirs in turn submitted to appeal.

3.35.1But when the assembly for electing decemvirs was proclaimed for the third market-day, so strong

3.35.2a flame of ambition blazed forth, that the first men of the state began to canvass individuals, (through fear, I suppose, lest the posses- sion of such high authority might become accessible to persons not sufficiently worthy, if the post were left unoccupied by themselves,) suppliantly soliciting for an honour, which had been opposed by them with all their might, from that commons with whom they had so often contended.

3.35.3Their dignity now lowered to the risk of a contest, at such an age, and after passing through such honours, stimulated the exertions of Appius Claudius.

3.35.4You would not know whether to reckon him among the decemvirs or the candidates; he resembled more closely one canvassing for the office than one invested with it; he aspersed the nobility, extolled every most insignificant and humble candidate;

3.35.5surrounded by the Duilii and Icilii who had been tribunes, he bustled about the forum, through their means he recommended himself to the commons; until his colleagues even, who till then had been extremely devoted to him, turned their eyes on him, wondering what he meant.

3.35.6It was evident to them, that there was no sincerity in it; that certainly such affability amid such pride would not be for nothing. That this excessive lowering of himself, and putting himself on a level with private citizens, was not so much the conduct to be expected from one hastening to go out of office, as of one seeking the means of continuing that office.

3.35.7Not daring openly to oppose his wishes, they set about baffling his ardour by humouring it. They by common consent confer on him, as being the youngest, the office of presiding at the elections.

3.35.8This was an artifice, that he might not appoint himself; which no one ever did, except the tribunes of the people, and that too with the very worst precedent.

3.35.9He, however, declaring that with the favour of fortune he would preside at the elections, seized on the (intended) obstacle as a happy occasion: and having by a coalition foiled the two Quintii, Capitolinus and Cincinnatus, and his own uncle, Caius Claudius, a man most stedfast in the interest of the nobility, and

3.35.10other citizens of the same eminence, he appoints as decemvirs men by no means equal in rank of life: himself in the first instance, which proceeding honourable men

3.35.11disapproved so much the more, as no one had imagined that he would have the daring to act so. With him were elected Marcus Cornelius Maluginensis, Marcus Sergius, Lucius Minutius, Quintus Fabius Vibulanus, Quintus Pœtelius, Titus Antonius Merenda, Caeso Duilius, Spurius Oppius Cornicen, Manius Rabuleius.

3.36.1This was the end of Appius's assumption of a character not his own. Henceforward he began to live according to his own natural disposition, and to mould to his own temper his new colleagues before they should enter on their office.

3.36.2They held daily meetings remote from witnesses: then, furnished with their schemes of tyranny, which they digested apart from others, no longer dissembling their arrogance, difficult of access, morose to all who addressed them, they carried out the matter to the ides of May. The ides of May were at that time the usual period

3.36.3for commencing office. At the commencement then of their magistracy, they rendered the first day of their office remarkable by making an exhibition of great terror. For when the preceding decemvirs had observed the rule, that only one should have the fasces, and that this emblem of royalty should pass through all in rotation, to each in his turn, they all suddenly came forth with the twelve fasces. One hundred and twenty lictors filled the forum, and carried before them the axes tied up with the fasces: and they explained that it was of no consequence that the axe should be taken away, as they had been appointed without the

3.36.4privilege of appeal. There was the appearance of ten kings, and terrors were multiplied not only in the humblest individuals, but even in the principal men among the patricians, who thought that a pretext and commencement of bloodshed were sought for; so that if any

3.36.5one should utter a word favourable to liberty, either in the senate or in a meeting of the people, the rods and axes would be instantly brought forward, even to intimidate the rest. For besides that there was no protection in the people, the right of appeal being done away with, they had also by mutual consent prohibited interference with each other: whereas the preceding decemvirs

3.36.6had allowed the points of law decided by themselves to be amended by appeal to a colleague, and had referred to the people some points which might seem to come within their own jurisdiction. For a considerable time the terror seemed equalized among all ranks; gradually it began to turn entirely on the commons. They spared the patricians; arbitrary and cruel treatment was shown to the humbler classes: they were wholly respective of the person, not of the cause: as being persons with whom interest usurped the force of justice. Their decisions

3.36.7they concerted at home, and pronounced in the forum. If any person appealed to a colleague, he left the one to whom he had appealed in such a manner

3.36.8as to regret that he had not abided by the sentence of the former. An opinion also had gone abroad without an authority, that they had conspired in their tyranny not only for the present time, but that a clandestine league had been struck among them (accompanied) with an oath, that they would not hold the comitia, and that by perpetuating the decemvirate they would retain the power now in their possession.

3.37.1The plebeians then began to watch narrowly the countenances of the patricians, and (hoped) to catch the breeze of liberty from that quarter, by apprehending slavery from which, they had brought the republic into its present condition.

3.37.2The leading members of the senate detested the decemvirs, detested the commons; they neither approved of what was going on, and they considered that what befell the latter was not without their deserving it.

3.37.3They were unwilling to assist men who, by rushing too eagerly towards liberty, had fallen into slavery: they even heaped injuries on them, that, from their disgust at the present state of things, two consuls and the former mode of government may at length become desirable.

3.37.4The greater part of the year was now passed, and two tables of laws had been added to the ten tables of the former year; and if these laws also were once passed in an assembly of the centuries, there now remained no reason why the republic should require that form of government. They were anxiously waiting to see how soon the assembly would be proclaimed for the election of consuls.

3.37.5The commons were only devising by what means they should re-establish the tribunitian power, that bulwark of their liberty, a thing now so long discontinued. When in the mean time no mention was made of the elections, and the decemvirs, who had at first exhibited themselves to the people, surrounded by men of tribunitian rank, because that was deemed popular, now guarded themselves by collecting young patricians; troops of these beset the tribunals.

3.37.6These seized and drove about the commons, and the effects of the commons; when success attended the more powerful individual, as far as obtaining any thing he might covet. And now they spared not even their backs. Some were beaten with rods; others had to submit to the axe; and lest such cruelty might go for nothing, a grant of his effects followed the punishment of the owner. Corrupted by such bribes, the young nobility not only made no opposition to oppression, but openly avowed their preference of their own gratification to the general liberty.

3.38.1The ides of May came. No new election of magistrates having taken place, private persons came forth as decemvirs, without any abatement either in their determination to enforce their authority, or any diminution in the emblems employed to make a parade of their station. This indeed seemed to be regal tyranny. Liberty is now deplored as lost for ever; nor does any champion stand forth, or appear likely to do so. And not only they themselves sunk into despondence, but they began to be looked down upon by the neighbouring states; and they felt indignant that dominion should exist where liberty was lost. The Sabines with a numerous body of men made an incursion on the Roman territory; and having committed extensive devastations, after they had driven with impunity booty of men and cattle, they recalled their troops which had been dispersed in different directions to Eretum,

3.38.2and pitch their camp there, grounding their hopes on the dissensions at Rome; (and trusting) that they would prove an obstruction to the levy. Not only the couriers, but the flight of the country people through the city, occasioned alarm. The decemvirs consult what

3.38.3should be done. Whilst they were thus left destitute between the hatred of the patricians and people, fortune added, moreover, another cause of alarm. The Aequans on the opposite side pitch their camp at Algidum; and ambassadors from Tusculum, imploring relief, bring accounts that the Tusculan land was ravaged

3.38.4by detachments from thence. The panic occasioned hereby urged the decemvirs to consult the senate, two wars at the same time surrounding the city. They order the patricians to be summoned into the senate-house, well aware what a storm of resentment was ready to break upon them; that all would heap on them the causes of the land laid waste, and of the dangers which threatened them; and that that would occasion an attempt to abolish their office, if they

3.38.5did not unite in resisting, and by enforcing their authority with severity on a few of an intractable spirit repress the efforts of others. When the voice was heard in the forum of the crier summoning the senators into the senate-house before the decemvirs; as a matter altogether new, because they had long since laid aside the custom of consulting the senate, it attracted the attention

3.38.6of the people, who expressed their surprise: What could have happened, that after so long an interval they should revive a practice now discontinued. That they had reason

3.38.7to return thanks to the enemy and to war, that any thing was done that used to be done when their state was free. They looked around for a senator through all parts of the forum, and seldom recognised one any where: they then directed their attention to the senate-house, and to the solitude around the decemvirs: whilst both they themselves referred the non-assembling of the patricians to their own universally detested government, and the commons (would have it, that the cause of the non-assembling was) because, being but private citizens, they (the decemvirs) had no right to convene the senate; that a head was now formed of those who would demand back their liberty, if the commons would but accompany the senate, and as the patricians, when summoned, did not attend the senate, so the commons also should refuse to enlist. Such were the remarks of the commons. There was scarcely any of the patricians in the forum, and but very few in the city. In disgust with the state of affairs, they had retired into the country, and were attending to their own affairs, renouncing all

3.38.8public concerns, considering that they themselves were aloof from ill-treatment in proportion as they should remove themselves from the meeting and converse of their imperious masters. When those who had been summoned did not assemble, apparitors were despatched to their houses, both to levy the penalties, and to ascertain whether they declined attendance through design? They bring back word that the senate was in the country. This was more pleasing to the decemvirs, than if they brought word that they were present and refused obedience to their commands. They command them all to be sent for, and proclaim a meeting of the senate for the following day; which congregated together in much greater numbers than they themselves had

Book 3, Part 4

3.38.9expected. By which proceeding the commons considered that their liberty was betrayed by the patricians, because the senate had obeyed those persons, as if they had a right to compel them, who had already gone out of office; and were but private individuals, were it not for the violence employed by them.

3.39.1But they showed more obedience in coming into the senate than servility in the sentiments expressed by them, as we have learned.

3.39.2It is recorded that, after Appius's stating the subject of the meeting, and before the opinions were demanded in order, Lucius Valerius Potitus excited a commotion, by demanding permission to express his sentiments concerning the state, and when the decemvirs were prohibiting him with threats, declaring that he would present himself before the people.

3.39.3(We have also heard) that Marcus Horatius Barbatus entered the lists with no less boldness, calling them ten Tarquins, and reminding them, that under the leadership of the Valerii and Horatii the kings had been expelled. Nor was it of the mere name that men were then tired, it being that by which it was usual to style Jupiter, and by which Romulus, the founder of the city, and his successors were also styled;

3.39.4a name too which has been retained even in the ceremonies of religion, as a solemn one; that it was the tyranny and arrogance of a king

3.39.5they then detested, which if they were not to be tolerated in one who was both a king himself and the son of a king, who was to tolerate it in so many private citizens? that they should beware lest, by preventing persons from speaking their sentiments freely in the senate, they might oblige them to raise their

3.39.6voice outside the senate-house. Nor could he see how it was less allowable for him, a private citizen, to summon the people to an assembly, than for them to convene the senate. They might try, whenever they pleased, how much more determined a sense of wrong will be found to be in vindicating one's own liberty, than ambition in (vindicating) usurped domination. That they proposed the question concerning the Sabine war, as

3.39.7if the Roman people had any more important war on hand, than that against those who, having been elected for the purpose of framing laws, had left no law in the state; who had abolished elections, annual magistrates, the regular change of rulers, which was the only means

3.39.8of equalizing liberty; who, though private citizens, still possess the fasces and regal dominion. That on the expulsion of the kings, patrician magistrates were ap- pointed, and subsequently, after the secession of the people, plebeian magistrates. To which party, he asked, did they belong? To the popular party? What had they ever done with the concurrence of the people? were they nobles? who for now nearly an entire

3.39.9year have not held a meeting of the senate; and then hold one in such a manner, that they actually prevent numbers from expressing their sentiments regarding the commonwealth; that they should not place too much hope in the fears of others; that the grievances which they are suffering now appear to men more oppressive than any they may have to apprehend.

3.40.1Whilst Horatius was exclaiming in this manner, and the decemvirs could not discover any limit either to their anger or forbearance, nor could they see to what

3.40.2the thing would come, Caius Claudius, who was uncle to Appius the decemvir, delivered an address more like entreaties than reproach, beseeching him by the shade of his own brother and of his

3.40.3father, that he would hold in recollection the civil society in which he had been born rather than the confederacy nefariously entered into with his colleagues; that he besought this much more on Appius's own account, than for the sake of the commonwealth.

3.40.4For that the commonwealth would assert its rights in spite of them, if it could not obtain them with their consent. But that from great contests great animosities arise; the result of the latter he dreads."

3.40.5Though the decemvirs forbad them to speak on any other subject than that which they had submitted to them, they felt too, much respect for Claudius to interrupt him. He therefore concluded his address by moving that it was their wish that no decree of the senate should be passed.

3.40.6And all understood the matter thus, that they were judged by Claudius to be private citizens; and many of the men of consular standing expressed their assent.

3.40.7Another measure proposed, more harsh in appearance, possessed much less efficacy; one which ordered the patricians to assemble to elect an interrex; for by passing any resolution they judged, that those persons who convened the senate were magistrates of some kind or other, whilst the person who recommended that no decree of the senate should be passed, had thereby declared them private citizens.

3.40.8When the cause of the decemvirs was now sinking, Lucius Cornelius Maluginensis, brother of Marcus Cornelius the decemvir, having been purposely reserved from among the consular men to close the debate, by affecting an anxiety about the war, defended his brother and his colleagues thus:

3.40.9saying, "he wondered by what fatality it had occurred, that those who had been candidates for the decemvirate, should attack the decemvirs, either as secondaries, or as principals: or when no one disputed for so many months whilst the state was disengaged, whether legal magistrates had the management of affairs, why do they now sow discord, when the enemies are nearly at the gate; unless that in a state of confusion they think that what they are aiming at will be less seen through.

3.40.10But that it was not just that any one should prejudice so important a cause, whilst our minds are occupied with a more momentous concern. It was his opinion, that the point which Valerius and Horatius urged, viz. that the decemvirs had gone out of office before the ides of May, should be discussed in the senate, when the wars which are now impending are over, and the commonwealth has been restored to tranquillity: and that Appius Claudius should now prepare to take notice that an account is to be rendered by him of

3.40.11the comitia which he himself held for electing decemvirs, whether they were elected for one year, or until

3.40.12the laws which were wanting were ratified. It was his opinion that all other matters should be laid aside for the present, except the war; and if they thought that the reports regarding it were propagated without foundation, and that not only the couriers, but the ambassadors of the Tusculans also had stated what was false, he thought that scouts should be despatched to bring back more certain information; but if credit were given both to the couriers and the ambassadors, that the levy should be held at the

3.40.13very earliest opportunity; that the decemvirs should lead the armies, whither it may seem proper to each; and that no other matter should take precedence.

3.41.1The junior patricians succeeded in having this opinion carried. Valerius and Horatius rising again with greater vehemence demanded aloud, " that it should be allowed them to express their sentiments concerning the republic; that they would address the people, if by a faction they were not allowed to do so in the senate. For that private individuals, either in the senate or in a general assembly, could not prevent them; nor would they yield to their imaginary fasces.

3.41.2Appius then considering that the crisis was now nigh at hand, when their authority would be overpowered, unless their violence were resisted with equal boldness:

3.41.3It will be better, says he, "not to utter a word on any subject, except that which we are now considering: and to Valerius, when he refused to be silent for a private individual, he commands a lictor to proceed.

3.41.4When Valerius, on the threshold of the senate-house, now craved the protection of the citizens, Lucius Cornelius, embracing Appius, put an end to the dispute, not consulting the interest of him whose interest he affected to consult; and permission to speak his sentiments being obtained for Valerius through Cornelius, when this liberty did not extend beyond words, the decemvirs obtained their object.

3.41.5The consulars also and senior members, from the hatred of tribunitian power still rankling in their bosoms, the desire of which they considered was much more keenly felt by the commons than that of the consular power, almost had rather that the decemvirs themselves should voluntarily resign their office at some future period, than that the people should rise once more into consequence through their unpopularity.

3.41.6If the matter, conducted with gentleness, should again return to the consuls without popular turbulence, that the commons might be induced to forget their tribunes, either by the intervention of wars or by the moderation of the consuls in exercising their authority.

3.41.7A levy is proclaimed amid the silence of the patricians; the young men answer to their names, as the government was without appeal.

3.41.8The legions being enrolled, the decemvirs set about arranging among themselves who should set out to the war, who command the armies. The leading men among the decemvirs were, Quintus Fabius and Appius Claudius. There appeared a more serious war at home than abroad. They considered the violence of Appius as better suited to suppress commotions in the city; that Fabius possessed a disposition rather inconstant in good pursuits than strenuous in bad ones.

3.41.9For this man, formerly distinguished at home and abroad, his office of decemvir and his colleagues had so changed, that he chose rather to be like to Appius than like himself.

3.41.10To him the war against the Sabines was committed, his colleagues, Manius Rabuleius and Quintus Paetelius, being sent with him. Marcus Cornelius was sent to Algidum with Lucius Menucius and Titus Antonius, and Caeso Duilius and Marcus Sergius: they determine on Spurius Oppius as an assistant to Appius Claudius to protect the city, their authority being equal to that of all the decemvirs.

3.42.1The republic was managed with no better success in war than at home.

3.42.2In this the only fault in the generals was, that they had rendered themselves objects of hatred to their fellow citizens: in other respects the whole fault lay with the soldiers; who, lest any enterprise should succeed under the conduct and auspices of the decemvirs, suffered themselves to be beaten, to their own disgrace, and that of them (the generals). Their armies were routed by the Sabines at Eretum, and in Algidum by the Aequans.

3.42.3Having fled from Eretum during the silence of the night, they fortified their camp nearer to the city, on an elevated situation between Fidenae and Crustumeria;

3.42.4no where encountering the enemy, who pursued them, on equal ground, they protected themselves by the nature of the place and a rampart, not by valour or arms.

3.42.5Greater disgrace and greater loss were sustained in Algidum, their camp also was lost; and the soldiers, stripped of all their utensils, betook themselves to Tusculum, determined to procure the means of subsistence from the good faith and compassion of their hosts; which, however, did not disappoint them.

3.42.6Such alarming accounts were brought to Rome, that the patricians, having laid aside their hatred of the decemvirs, passed an order that watches should be held in the city; commanded that all who were able by reason of their age to carry arms, should mount guard on the walls, and form out-posts before the gates; they also voted arms to be sent to Tusculum, besides a reinforcement;

3.42.7that the decemvirs also should come down from the citadel of Tusculum and keep their troops encamped; that the other camp should be removed from Fidenae into the Sabine territory; and that the enemy might be deterred, by thus attacking them first, from entertaining any intentions of attacking the city.

3.43.1To the calamities received from the enemy, the decemvirs add two flagitious deeds, one abroad, and the other in the city.

3.43.2In the Sabine district, Lucius Siccius, who, during the unpopularity of the decemvirs, introduced, in secret conversation with the common soldiers, mention of electing tribunes and of a secession, was sent forwards to select a place for a camp:

3.43.3instructions were given to the soldiers whom they had sent to accompany him in that expedition, to attack him in a convenient place and slay him.

3.43.4They did not kill him with impunity; for several of the assassins fell around him resisting them, whilst, possessing great personal strength and with a courage equal to that strength, he was defending himself against them, now surrounded as he was.

3.43.5The rest bring an account into the camp that Siccius, when fighting bravely, had fallen into an ambush, and that some soldiers were lost with him.

3.43.6At first the narrators were believed; afterwards a cohort, which went by permission of the decemvirs to bury those who had fallen, when they observed that none of the bodies there were stripped, that Siccius lay in the middle with his arms, all the bodies being turned towards him, whilst there was neither any body of the enemy, nor even any traces of them as going away; they brought back his body, saying, that he had certainly been slain by his own men.

3.43.7The camp was now filled with indignation, and it was being determined that Siccius should be forthwith brought to Rome, had not the decemvirs hastened to perform a military funeral for him at the public expense. He was buried amid the great grief of the soldiery, and with the worst possible reputation of the decemvirs among the common people.

3.44.1Another atrocious deed follows in the city, originating in lust, attended with results not less tragical than that deed which drove the Tarquins from the city and the throne through the injured chastity and violent death of Lucretia: so that the decemvirs not only had the same end as the kings had, but the same cause also of losing their power. Appius Claudius was seized with a criminal passion for violating the person of a young woman of plebeian condition.

3.44.2Lucius Virginius, the girl's father, held an honourable rank among the centurions at Algidum, a man of exemplary good conduct both at home and in the service.

3.44.3His wife had been educated in a similar manner, as also were their children. He had betrothed his daughter to Lucius Icilius, who had been a tribune, a man of spirit and of approved zeal in the interest of the people.

3.44.4This young woman, in the bloom of youth, distinguished for beauty, Appius, burning with desire, at- tempted to seduce by bribes and promises; and when he perceived that all the avenues (to the possession of her) were barred by modesty, he turned his thoughts to cruel and tyrannical violence.

3.44.5He instructed a dependent of his, Marcus Claudius, to claim the girl as his slave, and not to yield to those who might demand her interim retention of liberty; considering that, because the girl's father was absent, there was an opportunity for committing the injury.

3.44.6The tool of the decemvir's lust laid hands on the girl as she was coming into the forum (for there in the sheds the literary schools were held); calling her the daughter of his slave and a slave herself, he commanded her to follow him; that he would force her away if she demurred.

3.44.7The girl being stupified with terror, a crowd collects at the cries of the girl's nurse, who besought the protection of the citizens. The popular names of her father, Virginius, and of her spouse, Icilius, are in the mouths of every one.

3.44.8Their regard for them gains over their acquaintances, whilst the heinousness of the proceeding gains over the crowd. She was now safe from violence, when the claimant says, that there was no occasion for raising a mob; that he was proceeding by law, not by force.

3.44.9He cites the girl into court. Those who stood by her advising her to follow him, they now reached the tribunal of Appius. The claimant rehearses the farce well known to the judge, as being the author of the plot, "that a girl born in his house, and clandestinely transferred from thence to the house of Virginius, had been fathered on the latter.

3.44.10That he stated a thing ascertained by certain evidence, and would prove it to the satisfaction even of Virginius himself, whom the principal portion of that loss would concern. That it was but just that in the interim the girl should accompany her master.

3.44.11The advocates for Virginia, after they had urged that Virginius was absent on business of the state, that he would be here in two days if word were sent to him, that it was unfair that in his absence he should run any risk regarding his children, demand that he adjourn the whole matter till the arrival of the father;

3.44.12that he should allow the claim for her interim liberty according to the law passed by himself, and not allow a maiden of ripe age to encounter the risk of her reputation before that of her liberty.

3.45.1Appius prefaced his decree by observing that the very law, which Virginius's friends were putting forward as the ground of their demand, clearly showed how much he favoured liberty. But that liberty would find secure protection in it on this condition, that it varied neither with respect to Cases or persons. For with respect to those individuals who were claimed as free, that point of law was good, because any person may pro- ceed by law (and act for them); with respect to her who is in the hands of her father, that there was no other

3.45.1Appius here contrasts two classes of persons, one consisting of individuals, who are in their own power; the other, of those who are not sui juris, but are under the control either of a parent, or some other person. If the question arise concerning a person who is sui juris, whether he is to be consigned to slavery, or to be restored to liberty, then id juris esse, sc. that he remain free till the decision is made, because any person, as being homo sui juris, and consequently he himself, may proceed by law; but he says, that this does not hold good with respect to a person who is not sui juris, but is in the hands of others; such a person, he says, cannot be pronounced free, but must be subject to the power, either of the parent or master, so that no injury be done to either. Wherefore, since the girl is not sui juris, she must be in the power, either of Virginius, who says he is her father, or of Claudius, who says he is her master. But since Virginius is not present, that she can be in the power of no one but Claudius, until Virginius arrive.

3.45.1I cannot resist the temptation of giving in full Mr. Gunn's note on the passage, as found in his very neat edition of our author.

3.45.1Appius for his own purposes, in interpreting his own law, introduces a distinction betwixt those who were suijuris, entirely free, and those who were subject to the patria potestas. The law, according to him, can apply only to the former, because in them only is there a true claim for liberty, and in them only could a judge give an interim decision secundum libertatem. To give such a decision in favour of Virginia, would be a variatio personarum; it would be introducing as entitled to the benefit of the law a class of persons, who were, even according to their own statements, not entitled to vindiciae secundum libertatem. Besides, and most important of all, the law could act in the former, as any citizen was entitled to plead the cause of one presumptively free. But in this case no one could plead, but either the father as master on the one hand, or the alleged master on the other: as the father was not present, consequently no one had any legal claim to urge the law.

3.45.2person (than her father) to whom her master need relinquish his right of possession. That it was his determination, therefore, that her father should be sent for: in the mean time, that the claimant should suffer no loss of his right, but that he should carry off the girl with him, and promise that she should be produced on the arrival of him who was called her father. When many rather murmured against the injustice of this decision than any one individual ventured to protest against it, the girl's uncle, Publius Numitorius, and her betrothed

3.45.3spouse, Icilius, just come in; and way being made through the crowd, the multitude thinking that Appius might be most effectually resisted by the intervention of Icilius, the lictor declares that he had decided the matter, and removes Icilius, when he attempted to raise his voice. Injustice so atrocious would have fired even a cool temper. By the sword, Appius, says he, I must be removed hence, that you may carry off in silence that which you wish to be concealed. This young woman I am about to marry, determined to have a lawful and chaste wife. Wherefore call together all the lictors even of your colleagues; order the rods and axes to be had in readiness; the betrothed wife of Icilius shall not remain without her father's house. Though you have taken from us the aid of our tribunes, and the power of appeal to the commons of Rome, the two bulwarks for maintaining our liberty, absolute dominion has

3.45.4not therefore been given to you over our wives and children. Vent your fury on our backs and necks; let chastity at least be secure. If violence be offered to her, I

3.45.5shall implore the protection of the citizens here present in behalf of my spouse; Virginius will implore that of the soldiers in behalf of his only daughter; we shall all implore the protection of gods and men, nor shall you carry that sentence into effect without our blood. I demand of you, Appius, consider again and again to what lengths you are proceeding. Let Virginius, when he comes, consider what conduct he should pursue with respect to his daughter. Let him only be assured of this, that if he yield to the claims of this man, he will have to seek out another match for his daughter. As for my part, in vindicating the liberty of my spouse, life shall leave me sooner than my honour.

3.46.1The multitude was now excited, and a contest seemed likely to ensue.

3.46.2The lictors had taken their stand around Icilius; nor did they, however, proceed beyond threats, when Appius said, that it was not Virginia that was defended by Icilius, but that, being a restless man, and even now breathing the spirit of the tribuneship, he was seeking an occasion for a disturbance.

3.46.3That he would not afford him material on that day; but in order that he may now know that the concession has been made not to his petulance, but to the absent Virginius, to the name of father and to liberty, that he would not decide the cause on that day, nor interpose a decree: that he would request of Marcus Claudius to forego somewhat of his right, and suffer the girl to be bailed till the next day.

3.46.4But unless the father attended on the following day, he gave notice to Icilius and to men like Icilius, that neither the founder would be wanting to his own law, nor firmness to the decemvir; nor would he assemble the lictors of his colleagues to put down the promoters of sedition; that he would be content with his own lictors.

3.46.5When the time of this act of injustice was deferred, and the friends of the maiden had retired, it was first of all determined, that the brother of Icilius and the son of Numitorius, both active young men, should proceed thence straightforward to the gate, and that Virginius should be brought from the camp with all possible haste.

3.46.6That the safety of the girl depended on his being present next day at the proper time, as her protector from injury. They proceed according to directions and with all speed carry the account to her father.

3.46.7When the claimant of the maiden was pressing Icilius to become defendant, and give sureties, and Icilius said that that was the very thing he was doing, designedly spinning out the time, until the messengers sent to the camp might gain time for their journey, the multitude raised their hands on all sides, and every one showed himself ready to go surety for

3.46.8Icilius. And he with tears in his eyes says, It is very kind of you; on to-morrow I will avail myself of your assistance; at present I have sufficient

3.46.9sureties. Thus Virginia is bailed on the security of her relations. Appius having delayed a short time, that he might not appear to have sat on account of the present case, when no one applied, all other concerns being given up by reason of their solicitude about the one, betook himself home, and writes to his colleagues to the camp, "not to grant leave of absence to Virginius, and even to keep him in

3.46.10confinement. This wicked scheme was late, as it deserved to be; for Virginius, having already obtained his leave, had set out at the first watch, while the letter regarding his detention was delivered on the following morning to no purpose.

3.47.1But in the city, when the citizens were standing in the forum erect with expectation, Virginius, clad in mourning, by break of day conducts his daughter, also attired in weeds, attended by some matrons, into the forum, with a considerable body of advocates.

3.47.2He then began to go round and to solicit individuals; and not only to entreat their aid as a boon to his prayers, but demanded it as due to him: that he stood daily in the field of battle in defence of their children and wives, nor was there any other man, to whom a greater number of brave and intrepid deeds in war can be ascribed than to him. What availed it, if, whilst the city was still secure, their children would be exposed to suffer the severest hardships which would have to be dreaded if it was taken? Delivering these observations like one haranguing in an assembly, he solicited them individually. Similar arguments were used by Icilius: the female attendants produced more effect by their silent tears than any language.

3.47.3With a mind utterly insensible to all this, (such a paroxysm of madness, rather than of love, had perverted his mind,) Appius ascended the tribunal;

3.47.4and when the claimant began to complain briefly, that justice had not been administered to him on the preceding day through a desire to please the people, before either he could go through with his claim, or an opportunity of reply was afforded to Virginius, Appius interrupts him. The preamble with which he prefaced the sentence, ancient authors may have handed down perhaps with truth; because I no where find any one that was likely (to have been used) on so scandalous a business, it seems, that the naked fact should be stated as being a point which is agreed on, viz.

3.47.5that he passed a sentence consigning her to slavery. At first all were astounded with amazement at so heinous a proceeding; then silence prevailed for some time. Then when Marcus Claudius proceeded to seize the maiden, the

3.47.6matrons standing around her, and was received with piteous lamentation of the women, Virginius, menacingly extending his hands towards Appius, says, To Icilius, and not to you, Appius, have I betrothed my daughter, and for matrimony, not prostitution, have I brought her up. Do you wish men to

3.47.7gratify their lust promiscuously, like cattle and wild beasts? Whether these persons will endure such things, I know not; I hope that those will not who have arms in their hands. When the claimant of the girl was repulsed by the crowd of women and advocates who were standing around her, silence was commanded by the crier.

3.48.1The decemvir, engrossed in mind by his lustful propensities, states that not only from the abusive language of Icilius yesterday, and the violence of Virginius, of which he had the entire Roman people as witnesses, but from authentic information also he ascertained, that cabals were held in the city during the whole night to stir up a sedition.

3.48.2Accordingly that he, being aware of that danger, had come down with armed soldiers; not that he would molest any peaceable person, but in order to punish suitably to the majesty of the government persons disturbing the tranquillity of the state.

3.48.3It will, therefore, be better to remain quiet. Go, lictor, says he, remove the crowd; and make way for the master to lay hold of his slave. When, bursting with passion, he had thundered out these words, the multitude themselves voluntarily separated, and the girl stood deserted a prey to injustice.

3.48.4Then Virginius, when he saw no aid any where, says, I beg you, Appius, first pardon a father's grief, if I have said any thing too harsh against you: in the next place, suffer me to question the nurse before the maiden, what all this matter is? that if I have been falsely called her father, I may depart hence with a more resigned mind.

3.48.5Permission being granted, he draws the girl and the nurse aside to the sheds near the temple of Cloacina, which now go by the name of the new sheds: and there snatching up a knife from a butcher, In this one way, the only one in my power, do I secure to you your liberty. He then transfixes the girl's breast, and looking back towards the tribunal, he says, With this blood I devote thee, Appius, and thy head. Appius, aroused by the cry raised at so dreadful a deed, orders Virginius to be seized.

3.48.6He, armed with the knife, cleared the way whithersoever he went, until, protected by the crowd of persons attending him, he reached the gate.

3.48.7Icilius and Numitorius take up the lifeless body and exhibit it to the people: they deplore the villany of Appius, the fatal beauty of the maiden, and the dire necessity of the father. The matrons who followed exclaim, Was this the condition of rearing children?

3.48.8were these the rewards of chastity? and other things which female grief on such occasions suggests, when their complaints are so much the more affecting, in proportion as (their grief) is more intense from the natural tenderness of their minds.

3.48.9The voice of the men, and more especially of Icilius, entirely turned on the tribunitian power, on the right of appeal to the people which had been taken from them, and on the indignities thrown upon the state.

3.49.1The multitude was excited partly by the atrocious nature of the deed, partly by the hope of recovering their liberty through a favourable opportunity.

3.49.2Appius now orders Icilius to be summoned before him, now on refusing to come to be seized; at length, when an opportunity of approaching him was not afforded to the beadles, he himself proceeding through the crowd with a body of young patricians, orders him to be taken into confinement.

3.49.3Now not only the multitude, but Lucius Valerius and Marcus Horatius, the leaders of the multitude, stood around Icilius: who, having repulsed the lictor, stated, that if he meant to proceed by law, they would protect Icilius from one who was but a private citizen; if he desired to employ force, that they would be no bad match for him even then.

3.49.4Hence arises a furious scuffle. The decemvir's lictor attacks Valerius and Horatius: the fasces are broken by the people. Appius ascends the tribunal; Horatius and Valerius follow him.

3.49.5To them the assembly pays attention, they drown with clamour the voice of the decemvir. Now Valerius authoritatively ordered the lictors to depart from one who was but a private citizen: when Appius, whose spirits were now broken, being alarmed for his life, betook himself into a house in the vicinity of the forum, unknown to his enemies, with his head covered up.

3.49.6Spurius Oppius, in order to assist his colleague, rushes into the forum from the opposite side; he sees their authority overpowered by force. Distracted then by various counsels between which he wavered, by assenting to several advisers from every side, he eventually ordered the senate to be convened.

3.49.7Because the proceedings of the decemvirs seemed to be displeasing to the greater portion of the patricians, this step quieted the people with the hope that the government would be abolished through the senate.

3.49.8The senate gave their opinion that neither the commons should be exasperated, and much more that care should be taken that the arrival of Virginius should not occasion any commotion in the army.

3.50.1Accordingly some of the junior patricians, being sent to the camp which was at that time on Mount Vecilius, announce to the decemvirs that by every means in their power they should keep the soldiers from mutinying.

3.50.2Where Virginius occasioned greater commotion than he had left behind him in the city. For besides that he was seen coming with a body of near four hundred men, who, fired at the heinous enormity of the occurrence, had accompanied him from the city;

3.50.3the unsheathed weapon and himself besmeared with blood, attracted to him the entire camp; and the gowns seen in the different parts of the camp, had caused the number of people from the city to appear much greater than it really was.

3.50.4When they asked him what was the matter, in consequence of his weeping he uttered not a word. At length, as soon as the crowd of those running together became still, and silence took place, he related every thing in order as it occurred.

3.50.5Then extending his hands towards heaven, addressing his fellow soldiers, he begged of them, not to impute to him that which was the crime of Appius, not to abhor him as the murderer of his children. To him the life of his daughter was dearer than his own, if she had been allowed to live in freedom and chastity.

3.50.6When he beheld her dragged to prostitution as if a slave, thinking it better that his child should be lost by death than by dishonour, through compassion for her he fell into an appearance of cruelty. Nor would he have survived his daughter, had he not placed hope of avenging her death in the aid of his fellow soldiers.

3.50.7For hat they too had daughters, sisters, and wives; nor was the lust of Ap- pius Claudius extinguished with his daughter; but in proportion as it escaped with impunity, so much the more unbridled would it be. That in the calamities of others a warning was given to them to guard against a similar injury.

3.50.8That for his own part, his wife had been taken from him by fate; his daughter, because she no longer could live in chastity, died an unfortunate but honourable death; that there was no longer in his house an opportunity for Appius's lust; that from any other violence of his he would defend his person with the same spirit with which he vindicated that of his daughter.

3.50.9That others should take care of themselves and of their children. To Virginius, uttering these words in a loud voice, the multitude responded with a shout, that they would not be backward, with respect either to his wrongs or their own liberty.

3.50.10And the gown-men mixing with the crowd of soldiers, both by narrating with sorrow those same circumstances, and by showing how much more shocking they must have appeared when seen than when merely heard, and also by telling them that matters were now desperate at Rome; those also who followed (the persons that accompanied Virginius from Rome) and alleged that Appius, having with difficulty escaped with life, had gone into exile;

3.50.11all these individuals so far influenced them that there was a general cry to arms, they snatched up their standards, and set out for Rome.

3.50.12The decemvirs, being alarmed at the same time both by what they now saw, as well as by those things which they had heard had taken place at Rome, ran about to different parts of the camp to quell the commotion. Whilst they proceeded with mildness no answer was returned to them.

3.50.13If any of them attempted to exert authority over them, the answer given was, that they were men and had arms. They go in a body to the city and post themselves on the Aventine; encouraging the commons, according as each person met them, to reassume their liberty, and elect tribunes of the people;

3.50.14no other violent expression was heard.

3.50.15Spurius Oppius holds a meeting of the senate; it is resolved that no harsh proceedings should be adopted, as occasion for the sedition had been given by themselves. Three men of consular rank, Spurius Tarpeius, Caius Julius, Publius Sulpicius, are sent as ambas- sadors, to inquire, in the name of the senate, by whose orders they had deserted the camp? or what they intended in posting themselves on the Aventine in arms, and in turning away their arms from the enemy and taking their own country?

3.50.16They were at no loss for an answer; they wanted so ne one to give the answer, there being as yet no certain leader, and individuals not being forward enough to expose themselves to the invidious office. The multitude only called out with one voice, that they should send Lucius Valerius and Marcus Horatius to them: that to them they would give their answer.

3.51.1The ambassadors being dismissed, Virginius reminds the soldiers that a little time before they had been embarrassed in a matter of no very great difficulty, because the multitude was without a head; and that the answer given, though not inexpedient, was the result rather of an accidental concurrence than of a concerted plan.

3.51.2His opinion was, that ten persons be elected, who should preside in the management of their affairs, and, in the style of military dignity, that they should be called tribunes of the soldiers.

Book 3, Part 5

3.51.3When that honour was offered to himself in the first instance, he replied, Reserve for an occasion more favourable to you and to me those your kind opinions of me.

3.51.4My daughter being unavenged, neither allows any honour to be satisfactory to me, nor in the disturbed state of things is it useful that those should be at your head who are most obnoxious to party malice.

3.51.5If there will be any use of me, such

3.51.6use will be derived not in a less degree from me in a private station.

3.51.7They then elect military tribunes ten in number. Nor was the army among the Sabines inactive. There also, at the instance of Icilius and Numitorius, a secession from the decemvirs took place, the commotion of men's minds on recollecting the murder of Siccius being not less than that, which the recent account of the barbarous attempt made on the maiden to gratify lust had enkindled.

3.51.8When Icilius heard that tribunes of the soldiers were elected on Mount Aventine, lest the election-assembly in the city might follow the precedent of the military assembly,

3.51.9by electing the same persons tribunes of the commons, being well versed in popular intrigues and having an eye to that office, he also takes care, before they proceeded to the city, that the same number be elected by his own party with an equal power.

3.51.10They entered the city through the Colline gate in military array, and proceeded in a body to the Aventine through the middle of the city. There, joined to the other army, they commissioned the twenty tribunes of the soldiers to select two out of their number, who should hold the command in chief.

3.51.11They choose Marcus Oppius and Sextus Manilius. The patricians, alarmed for the general safety, though there was a meeting every day, waste the time in wrangling more frequently than in deliberation.

3.51.12The murder of Siccius, the lust of Appius, and the disgraces incurred in war were urged as charges against the decemvirs. It was resolved that Valerius and Horatius should proceed to the Aventine. They refused to go on any other conditions, than that the decemvirs should lay down the badges of that office, which had expired the year before.

3.51.13The decemvirs, complaining that they were now being degraded, stated that they would not resign their office, until those laws were passed on account of which they had been appointed.

3.52.1The people being informed through Marcus Duilius, who had been tribune of the people, that by reason of their continual contentions no business was transacted, passes from the Aventine to the Sacred mount; Duilius affirming that serious concern for business would not enter the minds of the patricians, until they saw the city deserted.

3.52.2That the Sacred mount would remind them of the people's firmness; that they would then know, that matters could not be restored to concord without the restoration of (the tribunitian) power.

3.52.3Having set out along the Nomentan way, which was then called the Ficulnean, they pitched their camp on the Sacred mount, imitating the moderation of their fathers by committing no violence.

3.52.4The commons followed the army, no one whose age would permit him declining to go. Their wives and children attended their steps, piteously asking to whom would they leave them, in a city in which neither chastity nor liberty were respected?

3.52.5When the unusual solitude rendered every place in Rome void; when there was in the forum no one but a few old men; when, the patricians being convened into the senate, the forum appeared deserted; more now besides Horatius and Valerius began to exclaim, What will ye now wait for, conscript fathers?

3.52.6If the decemvirs do not put an end to their obstinacy, will ye suffer all things to go to wreck and ruin? What power is that, decemvirs, which ye embrace and hold so firmly? do you mean to administer justice to walls and mere houses?

3.52.7Are you not ashamed that an almost greater number of your lictors is to be seen in the forum than of the other citizens? What are ye to do, in case the enemy should approach the city? What, if the commons should come presently in arms, if we seem not to be moved by their secession? do you mean to conclude your power by the fall of the city?

3.52.8But (the case is this,) either we must not have the commons, or they must have their tribunes. We would sooner dispense with our patrician magistrates, than they with their plebeian.

3.52.9That power, when new and untried, they wrested from our fathers; much less will they, now that they have tested the sweets of it, endure its loss: more especially since we make not a moderate use of our power, so that they may not stand in need of (tribunitian) aid.

3.52.10When these arguments were thrown out from every quarter, the decemvirs, overpowered by the united opinions of all, declare that, since such seems to be the feeling, they would submit to the authority of the patricians.

3.52.11All they ask is, that they may be protected from popular rage; they give a warning, that they should not through shedding their blood habituate the people to inflict punishment on the patricians.

3.53.1Then Valerius and Horatius, having been sent to bring back the people on such terms as might seem fit, and to adjust all differences, are directed to make provision also for the decemvirs from the resentment and violence of the multitude.

3.53.2They set forward and are received into the camp with great joy by the people, as being their liberators beyond all doubt, both at the commencement of the disturbance and at the termination of the matter. In consideration of these things, thanks were returned to them on their arrival.

3.53.3Icilius speaks in the name of the people. When the terms came to be considered, the ambassadors inquiring what were the demands of the people, the same individual, having already concerted the plan before the arrival of the ambassadors, stated demands of such a nature, that it became evident, that more ho e was placed in the justice of their case than in arms.

3.53.4For they demanded back the tribunitian office and the right of appeal, which, before the appointment of decemvirs, had been the props of the people, and that it

3.53.5should not be visited with in- jury to any one, to have instigated the soldiers or the commons to seek back their liberty by a secession.

3.53.6Concerning the punishment only of the decemvirs was their demand immoderate; for they thought it but just that they should be delivered up to them; and they threatened that they would burn them alive.

3.53.7In answer the ambassadors say, the demands which have been the result of deliberation are so rea- sonable, that they should be voluntarily offered to you; for you seek them as safeguards to your liberty, not as means of licentious power to assail others.

3.53.8Your resentment we must rather pardon than indulge; seeing that from your hatred of cruelty ye rush into cruelty, and almost before you are free yourselves, you wish already to lord it over your enemies. Shall our state never enjoy rest from punishments, either of the patricians on the Roman commons, or of the commons on the patricians?

3.53.9you have occasion for a shield rather than for a sword.

3.53.10He is sufficiently and abundantly humble, who lives in a state on an equal footing, neither inflicting nor suffering injury. Moreover, should you feel disposed to render yourselves formidable, when, having recovered your magistrates and laws, decisions on our lives and fortunes shall be in your hands; then you shall determine according to the merits of each case; now it is sufficient that your liberty be restored.

3.54.1All permitting them to act just as they think proper, the ambassadors assure them that they would speedily return, having completed every matter.

3.54.2When they went and laid before the patricians the message of the commons, the other decemvirs, since, contrary to their own expectation, no mention was made of their punishment, raised no objection.

3.54.3Appius, being of a truculent disposition and a particular object of detestation, measuring the rancour of others towards him by his own towards them, says, I am aware of the fate which hangs over me.

3.54.4I see that the contest against us is deferred, until our arms are delivered up to our adversaries. Blood must be offered up to popular rage.

3.54.5Not even do I demur to resign my decemvirate. A decree of the senate is then passed, that the decemvirs should without delay resign their office; that Quintus Furius, chief pontiff, should hold an election of plebeian tribunes, and that the secession of the soldiers and commons should not be visited on any one.

3.54.6These decrees being finished, the senate being dismissed, the decemvirs come forth into the assembly, and resign their office, to the great joy of all.

3.54.7News of this is carried to the commons. All the people remaining in the city escort the ambassadors. This crowd was met by another joyous body from the camp; they congratulate each other on the restoration of peace and concord to the state.

3.54.8The deputies address the assembly: Be it advantageous, fortunate, and happy for you and the republic, return into your country to your household gods, your wives and children; but carry into the city the same modesty which you observed here, where, amid the consumption of so many matters necessary for so large a number of persons, no man's field has been injured.

3.54.9Go to the Aventine, whence ye set out. In that auspicious place, where ye took the first step towards liberty, ye shall elect tribunes of the people. The chief pontiff will be at hand to bold the elections.

3.54.10Great was their assent and joy, as evinced in their approbation of every measure. They then hastily raise their standards, and having set out for Rome, vie in exultation with all they met.

3.54.11There, the chief pontiff holding the meeting for the elections, they elected as their tribunes of the people, first of all A. Virginius, then Lucius Icilius, and Publius Numitorius the uncle of Virginia, the advisers of the secession.

3.54.12Then Caius Sicinius, the offspring of him who is recorded to have been elected first tribune of the commons on the Sacred mount; and Marcus Duilius, who had passed through a distinguished tribuneship before the creation of the decemvirs, and was never wanting to the commons in their contests with the decemvirs.

3.54.13Marcus Titinius, Marcus Pomponius, Caius Apronius, Publius Villius, and Caius

3.54.14Oppius, were elected more from hope (entertained of them) than from any services (performed). When he entered on his tribuneship, Lucius Icilius proposed to the commons, and the commons ordered, that the secession from the decemvirs which had taken place should not prove detrimental to an individual.

3.54.15Immediately after Duilius carried a proposition for electing consuls, with right of appeal. All these things were transacted in an assembly of the commons in the Flaminian meadows, which they now call the Flaminian circus.

3.55.1Then through an interrex Lucius Valerius and Marcus Horatius were elected consuls, who immediately entered on their office; whose consulship was popular without any ac- tual injury to the patricians, though not without their displeasure;

3.55.2for whatever provision was made for securing the liberty of the commons, that they considered to be a diminution made in their own power.

3.55.3First of all, when it was as it were a point in controversy, whether patricians were bound by regulations enacted in an assembly of the commons, they proposed a law in the assembly of the centuries, that whatever the commons ordered collectively, should bind the entire people; by which law a most keen-edged weapon was given to motions introduced by tribunes.

3.55.4Then another law made by a consul concerning the right of appeal, a singular security to liberty, and subverted by the decemviral power, they not only restore, but guard it also for the time to come, by enacting a new law, that no one should appoint any magistrate without a right of appeal;

3.55.5if any person should so elect, it would be lawful and right that he be put to death; and that such killing should not be deemed a capital offence.

3.55.6And when they had sufficiently secured the commons by the right of appeal on the one hand, by tribunitian aid on the other, they renewed for the tribunes themselves (the privilege) that they should be held sacred and inviolable, the memory of which matter had now been almost lost, reviving certain ceremonies which had been long disused;

3.55.7and they rendered them inviolable both by the religious institution, as well as by a law, enacting, that whoever should offer injury to tribunes of the people, aediles, judges, decemvirs, his person should be devoted to Jupiter, and his property be sold at the temple of Ceres, Liber and Libera.

3.55.8Commentators deny that any person is by this law sacrosanct; but that he who may do an injury to any of them, is deemed to be devoted;

3.55.9therefore that an aedile may be arrested and carried to prison by superior magistrates, which, though it be not expressly warranted by law, for an injury is done to a person to whom it is not lawful to do an injury according to this law, yet it is a proof that an aedile is not considered as sacred;

3.55.10that the tribunes were sacred and inviolable by an ancient oath of the commons, when first they created that office.

3.55.11There have been persons who supposed that by this same Horatian law provision was made for the consuls also and the praetors, because they were elected under the same auspices as the consuls; for that a consul was called a judge.

3.55.12Which interpretation is refuted, because at this time it was not yet the custom for the consul to be styled judge, but the praetor.

3.55.13These were the laws proposed by the consuls. It was also regulated by the same consuls, that decrees of the senate should be deposited with the aediles of the commons in the temple of Ceres; which before that used to be suppressed and altered at the pleasure of the consuls.

3.55.14Marcus Duilius then, tribune of the commons, proposed to the people, and the people ordered, that whoever left the people without tribunes, and whoever caused a magistrate to be elected without the right of appeal, should be punished with stripes and beheaded.

3.55.15All these matters, though against the feelings of the patricians, passed off without opposition from them, because no severity was aimed at any particular individual.

3.56.1Then both the tribunitian power and the liberty of the commons being firmly established, the tribunes now deeming it both safe and seasonable to attack individuals, single out Virginius as the first prosecutor and Appius as defendant.

3.56.2When Virginius appointed a day for Appius, and Appius came down to the forum, accompanied by some young patricians, the memory of his most profligate exercise of power was instantly revived in the minds of all, as soon as they beheld himself and his satellites.

3.56.3Then Virginius says, Long speeches have been invented for matters of a doubtful nature. Accordingly I shall neither waste time in dwelling on the guilt of this man before you, from whose cruelty ye have rescued yourselves by force of arms, nor shall I suffer him to add impudence to his other enormous crimes in defending himself.

3.56.4Wherefore, Appius Claudius, I remit to you the accumulated impious and nefarious deeds you have had the effrontery to commit for the last two years; with respect to one charge only, unless you will appoint a judge, (and prove) that you have not, contrary to the laws, sentenced a free person to be a slave, I order that you be taken into custody.

3.56.5Neither in the aid of the tribunes, nor in the judgment of the people, could Appius place any hope: still he both appealed to the tribunes, and, when no one regarded him, being seized by the bailiff, he exclaims, I appeal.

3.56.6The hearing of this one expression, that safeguard of liberty, uttered from that mouth by which a free citizen was so recently consigned to slavery, occasioned general silence.

3.56.7And, whilst they observe to each other, that "at length there are gods, and that they do not disregard human affairs; and that punishments await tyranny and cruelty, which, though late, are still by no means light; that he now appealed, who had abolished all right of appeal;

3.56.8and that he implored the protection of the people, who had trampled down all the rights of the people; and that he was dragged off to prison, destitute of the rights of liberty, who had doomed a free person to slavery. Amid the murmurs of the assembly, the voice of Appius was heard imploring the protection of the Roman people.

3.56.9He enumerated the services of his ancestors to the state, at home and abroad; his own unfortunate zeal towards the Roman commons; that he had resigned the consulship, to the great displeasure of the patricians, for the purpose of equalizing the laws; (he then mentioned) his laws; which, though they still remained in force, the framer of them was dragged to a prison.

3.56.10But the peculiar advantages and disadvantages of his case he would then make trial of, when an opportunity would be afforded him of stating his defence. At present, he, a Roman citizen, demanded, by the common right of citizenship, that he be allowed to speak on the day appointed, and to appeal to the judgment of the Roman people.

3.56.11That he did not dread popular rage so much as not to place any hope in the equity and compassion of his fellow citizens. But if he were led to prison without being heard, that he once more appealed to the tribunes of the people, and warned them not to imitate those whom they hated.

3.56.12But if the tribunes acknowledge themselves bound in the same confederacy for abolishing the right of appeal, which they charged the decemvirs with having formed, then he appealed to the people: he implored the benefit of the laws passed that very year, both by the consuls and tribunes, regarding the right of appeal.

3.56.13For who would appeal, if this were not allowed a person as yet uncondemned, whose case has not been heard? what plebeian and humble individual would find protection in the laws, if Appius Claudius could not? that he would afford a proof, whether tyranny or liberty was established by the new laws; and whether the right of appeal and of challenge against the injustice of magistrates was only held out in empty words, or effectually granted.

3.57.1Virginius, on the other hand, affirmed that Appius Claudius was the only person not entitled to a participation in the laws, nor in civil or human society.

3.57.2That men should look to the tribunal, the fortress of all villanies; where that perpetual decemvir, venting his fury on the properties, backs, and blood of the citizens, threatening all with his rods and axes, a despiser of gods and men, attended

3.57.3with executioners, not lictors, changing his mind from rapine and murder to lust, before the eyes of the Roman people, tore a free-born maiden, as if a prisoner of war, from the embraces of her father, and gave her as a present to a dependant, the pander to his secret pleasures.

3.57.4Where by a cruel decree, and by a most villainous decision, he armed the right hand of the father against the daughter: where he ordered the spouse and uncle, on their raising the lifeless body of the girl, to be taken off to a prison; moved more at the interruption to his sensual gratification than at her untimely death. That the prison was built for him also, which he used to call the domicile of the Roman commons.

3.57.5Wherefore, though he may appeal again and oftener, he would as frequently refer him to a judge, on the charge of having sentenced a free person to slavery; if he would not go before a judge, that he ordered him to be taken to prison as one condemned.

3.57.6He was thrown into prison, and though without the disapprobation of any individual, yet not without considerable emotions of the public mind, when, in consequence of the punishment of so distinguished a man, their own liberty began to appear to the commons themselves as excessive. The tribune deferred the day of trial.

3.57.7Whilst these matters are going on, ambassadors from the Hernicians and Latins came to Rome to present their congratulations on the harmony subsisting between the patricians and commons; and as an offering on that account to Jupiter, the best and greatest, they brought into the Capitol a golden crown, of small weight, as riches at that time did not abound, and the duties of religion were performed rather with piety than magnificence.

3.57.8From the same source it was ascertained that the Aequans and Volscians were preparing for war with the utmost energy.

3.57.9The consuls were therefore ordered to divide the provinces between them. The Sabines fell to the lot of Horatius, the Aequans and Volscians to that of Valerius. On their proclaiming a levy for these wars, through the good wishes of the commons, not only the younger men, but of those who had served out their time, a considerable portion as volunteers, attended to give in their names: and hence the army was stronger not only by the number, but also by the kind of soldiers, veterans being mixed with them.

3.57.10Before they marched out of the city, they engraved on brass, and fixed up in public view, the decemviral laws, which have received the name of the twelve tables. There are some who state that the aediles discharged that office by order of the tribunes.

3.58.1Caius Claudius, who, detesting the crimes of the decemvirs and, above all, incensed at the arrogant conduct of his brother's son, had retired to Regillum, the country of his forefathers, having returned, though now advanced in years, to deprecate the dangers impending over that man, whose vices he had shunned, now clad in a mourning garment, with the members of his family and his clients, went about the forum, and solicited the interest of the citizens individually, That they would not cast such a stain on the Claudian family, as to consider them deserving of imprisonment and chains;

3.58.2that a man whose image would be most highly honoured with posterity, the framer of their laws and the founder of Roman jurisprudence, lay in chains amongst nightly thieves and robbers.

3.58.3(He begged) that they would turn away their minds from resentment for a while to examination and reflection; and rather pardon one at the intercession of so many members of the Claudian family, than through a hatred of one spurn the entreaties of many;

3.58.4that he himself also paid this tribute to the family and the name; nor had he been reconciled to him, whose unfortunate situation he wished to relieve; that by fortitude liberty had been recovered; by clemency the harmony of the several orders might be established.

3.58.5Some there were whom he influenced more by his warm attachment to his family than for the sake of him for whom he interceded. But Virginius begged that they would rather pity him and his daughter; and that they would listen to the entreaties, not of the Claudian family, which had assumed a sort of sovereignty over the commons, but those of the near friends of Virginia and of the three tribunes; who having been created for the aid of the commons, were now themselves imploring the protection and aid of the commons.

3.58.6These tears appeared more just. Accordingly, all hope being cut off, Appius put a period to his life, before the day arrived appointed for his trial.

3.58.7Soon after, Spurius Oppius, the next object of public indignation, as having been in the city when the unjust decision was given by his colleague, was arraigned by Publius Numitorius.

3.58.8However, an act of injustice committed by Oppius brought more odium on him, than the not preventing one (in the case of Appius). A witness was brought forward, who, after reckoning up twenty campaigns, after having been particularly honoured eight different times, and wearing these honours in the sight of the Roman people, tore open his garment and exhibited his back torn with stripes, asking no other conditions but that, if the accused could name any one guilty act of his, he might, though a private individual, once more repeat his severity on him.

3.58.9Oppius was also thrown into prison, where he put a period to his life before the day of trial. The tribunes confiscated the property of Appius and Oppius. Their colleagues left their homes to go into exile; their property was confiscated.

3.58.10Marcus Claudius, the claimant of Virginia, being condemned on the day of his trial, was discharged and went away into exile to Tibur, Virginius himself remitting the penalty as far as it affected his life;

3.58.11and the shade of Virginia, more fortunate after death than when living, after having roamed through so many families in quest of vengeance, at length rested in peace, no guilty person being left unpunished.

3.59.1Great alarm seized the patricians, and the countenances of the tribunes were now the same as those of the decemvirs had been, when Marcus Duilius, tribune of the people, having put a salutary check to their immoderate power, says, "There has been both enough of liberty on our own part, and of vengeance on our enemies;

3.59.2wherefore for this year I will neither suffer a day of trial to be appointed for any one, nor any person to be thrown into prison.

3.59.3For it is neither pleasing to me that old crimes now forgotten should be again brought forward, seeing that the recent ones have been atoned for by the punishment of the decemvirs; and the unremitting care of both the consuls in defending your liberties, is ample security that nothing will be committed which will call for tribunitian interference.

3.59.4This moderation of the tribune first relieved the patricians from their fears, and at the same time increased their ill-will towards the consuls; for they had been so devoted to the commons, that even a ple- beian magistrate took an earlier interest in the safety and liberty of the patricians, than one of patrician rank; and their enemies would have been surfeited with inflicting punishments on them, before the consuls, to all appearance, would have resisted their licentious career.

3.59.5And there were many who said that a want of firmness was shown, inasmuch as the fathers had given their approbation to the laws proposed; nor was there a doubt, but that in this troubled state of public affairs they had yielded to the times.

3.60.1The business in the city being settled, and the rights of the commons being firmly established, the consuls departed to their respective provinces. Valerius prudently deferred all warlike operations against the armies of the Aequans and the Volscians, which had now formed a junction at Algidum.

3.60.2But if he had immediately committed the result to fortune, I know not but that, such were the feelings both of the Romans and of their enemies since the unfavourable auspices of the decemvirs, the contest would have stood them in a heavy loss.

3.60.3Having pitched his camp at the distance of a mile from the enemy, he kept his men quiet. The enemy filled the space lying between the two camps with their army in order of battle, and not a single Roman made them any answer when they challenged them to battle.

3.60.4At length, wearied from standing and from waiting in vain for a contest, the Aequans and Volscians, considering that the victory was in a manner conceded to them, go off, some to the Hernicians, some to the Latins, to commit depredations. There was left in the camp rather a garrison for its defence than sufficient force for a contest.

3.60.5When the consul perceived this, he retorted the terror previously occasioned to his men, and drawing up his troops in order of battle, he now in his turn provokes the enemy to fight.

3.60.6When they, from a feeling of the absence of their forces, declined battle, the courage of the Romans immediately increased, and they considered as vanquished those who stood panic-stricken within their rampart.

3.60.7After having stood for the entire day prepared for the contest, they retired at night. And the Romans, now full of hope, set about refreshing themselves. The enemy, in by no means equal spirits, being now in trepidation, despatch messengers in every direction to call back the plundering parties.

3.60.8Those in the nearest places return thence; those who were farther off were not found. When the day dawned, the Romans leave the camp, determining on assaulting the rampart unless an opportunity of fighting were afforded; and when the day was now far advanced, and no movement was made by the enemy, the consul orders them to advance; and the troops being put in motion, the Aequans and the Volscians became indignant, that victorious armies were to be defended by a rampart rather than by valour and arms. Wherefore they also earnestly demanded the signal for battle from their generals, and received it.

3.60.9And now half of them had got out of the gates, and the others in succession were observing order, marching down each to his own post, when the Roman consul, before the enemy's line could be drawn up, supported by their entire strength, advanced on them;

3.60.10and having attacked them before they were all as yet led forth, and when those who were so had not their ranks sufficiently arranged, he falls on the unsteady crowd of them, running in trepidation from one place to another, and throwing around their eyes on themselves and on their friends, a shout and violent onset adding to the already confused state of their minds.

3.60.11The enemy at first gave way; then, when they had rallied their spirits, and their generals on every side reprovingly asked them, whether they were about to yield to their vanquished foes, the battle was restored.

3.61.1On the other side, the consul desired the Romans to remember that on that day, for the first time, they fought as free men in defence of Rome, now a free city. That it was for themselves they were to conquer, and not that they should be the prize of the decemvirs, after conquering.

3.61.2That it was not under the command of Appius that the action was being conducted, but under their consul Valerius, descended from the liberators of the Roman people, himself too a liberator.

3.61.3That they should show that in former battles it had teen the fault of the generals, and not of the soldiers, that they did not conquer. That it was shameful to have had more courage against their own countrymen than against their enemies, and to have dreaded slavery more at home than abroad.

3.61.4That Virginia was the only person whose chastity was in danger in time of peace: that Appius was the only citizen of dangerous lust. But if the fortune of war should turn against them, all their children would be in danger from so many thou- sands of enemies.

3.61.5That he would not, on account of the omen, mention things which may neither Jupiter nor their father Mars suffer to befall a city built under such auspices.

3.61.6He reminded them of the Aventine and the Sacred mount; and that they should bring back dominion unimpaired to that spot, where their liberty had been established but a few months before: and that they should show that the Roman soldiers retained the same abilities after the expulsion of the decemvirs, which they had possessed before they were appointed; and that the valour of the Roman people was not deteriorated after the laws were equalized.

3.61.7After he uttered these words among the battalions of the infantry, he flies from them to the cavalry. Come, young men, surpass in valour the infantry, as you already surpass them in honour and in rank.

Book 3, Part 6

3.61.8The infantry at the first onset have made the enemy give way: now that they have given way, do you give reins to your horses and drive them from the field. They will not stand your charge: even now they rather hesitate than resist.

3.61.9They spur on their horses, and drive in amongst the enemy who were already thrown into confusion by the attack of the infantry; and having broken through the ranks, and pushed on to the rear of their line, a part wheeling round in the open space, turn most of them away from the camp to which they were now flying from all sides, and by riding on before they deter them from that direction.

3.61.10The line of infantry, and the consul himself, and the main body of the army make for the camp, and having taken it with considerable slaughter, they get possession of a great quantity of booty.

3.61.11The fame of this battle was carried not only to the city, but to the other army also among the Sabines. In the city it was celebrated only with public rejoicing; in the camp it fired the courage of the soldiers to emulate such glory.

3.61.12Horatius, by training them in excursions, and making trial of them in slight skirmishes, had accustomed them to trust in themselves rather than to remember the ignominy incurred under the command of the decemvirs, and these little encounters had now gone so far as to insure to them the consummation of all their hopes.

3.61.13The Sabines, elated at their success on the preceding year, ceased not to provoke and urge them (to fight,) constantly asking them why they wasted time, sallying forth in small numbers and returning like marauders, and why they parcelled out the grand effort of a single war on a number of insignificant skirmishes?

3.61.14why did they not engage them in the field, and consign the result to fortune to be determined at once?

3.62.1Besides that they had already of themselves recovered a sufficient degree of courage, the Romans were fired with exasperation that the other army would soon return victorious to the city; that the enemy were now wantonly insulting them by contumelies; when would they be a match for the enemy, if they were not so then?

3.62.2When the consul ascertained that the soldiers gave expression to these sentiments in the camp, having summoned an assembly: How matters have gone on in Algidum, says he, I suppose that you, soldiers, have already heard. As became the army of a free people to behave, so have they behaved: through the judicious conduct of my colleague and the valour of the soldiers, the victory has been gained. For my part, the plan and determination which I am to maintain, you yourselves shall suggest.

3.62.3The war may be both prolonged with advantage, and be brought to a speedy conclusion.

3.62.4If it is to be prolonged, I shall take care by the same discipline with which I have commenced, that your hopes and your valour may increase every day. If you have now sufficient courage, and it is your wish that the matter be decided, come on, raise here that shout such as you will raise in the field of battle, the index at once of your inclination and your valour.

3.62.5When the shout was raised with great alacrity, he assures them that with the good favour of heaven, he would comply with their wishes and lead them next day to the field. The remainder of the day is spent in preparing their arms. On the following day, as soon as the Sabines saw the Roman army being draw up in order of battle, they too, as being long since eager for the encounter, come forward.

3.62.6The battle was such a one as may be expected between two armies confident in themselves, the one animated by the glory of former and uninterrupted glory, the other lately so by an unusual instance of success.

3.62.7The Sabines aided their strength by stratagem also; for having formed a line equal (to that of the enemy,) they kept two thousand men in reserve, to make an attack on the left wing of the Romans in the heat of the battle.

3.62.8When these, by an attack in flank, were overpowering that wing, now almost sur- rounded, about six hundred of the cavalry of two legions leap down from their horses, and rush forward in front of their men, now giving way; and they at the same time both oppose the progress of the enemy, and incite the courage of the infantry, first sharing the danger equally with them, and then by arousing in them a sense of shame.

3.62.9It was a matter of shame that the cavalry should fight in their own proper character and in that of others; and that the infantry should not be equal to the cavalry even when dismounted.

3.63.1They press forward therefore to the fight, which had been suspended on their part, and endeavour to regain the ground which they had lost, and in a moment not only is the battle restored, but one of the wings of the Sabines gives way.

3.63.2The cavalry, covered between the ranks of the foot, return to their horses; they then gallop across to the other division to announce their success to their party; at the same time also they make a charge on the enemy, now disheartened by the discomfiture of their stronger wing. The valour of none shone more conspicuous in that battle.

3.63.3The consul provided for all emergencies; he applauded the brave, rebuked wherever the battle seemed to slacken. When reproved, they displayed immediately the energy of brave men; and a sense of shame stimulated them as much as praises excited the others.

3.63.4The shout being raised anew, and making a united effort, they drive the enemy back; nor could the Roman power be any longer resisted. The Sabines, driven in every direction through the country, leave behind them their camp as plunder for the enemy. There the Roman recovers the effects not of the allies, as at Algidum, but his own property, which had been lost by the devastations of their lands.

3.63.5For this double victory, obtained in two battles, in two different places, the senate through jealousy decreed merely supplications in the name of the consuls for one day only. The people went, however, on the second day also in great numbers of their own accord to offer thanksgiving; and this unauthorized and popular supplication was even more zealously attended.

3.63.6The consuls by concert came to the city within the same two days, and called out the senate to the Campus Martius. Where, when they were relating the services performed by themselves, the chiefs of the patricians complained that the senate was convened among the soldiers designedly for the purpose of intimidation.

3.63.7The consuls therefore, lest there might be any foundation for such a charge, called away the senate to the Flaminian meadows, where the temple of Apollo now is (even then they called

3.63.8it Apollinaris). Where, when a triumph was refused by a large majority of the patricians, Lucius Icilius, tribune of the commons, proposed to the people regarding the triumph of the consuls, many persons coming forward to argue against the measure, but in particular Caius Claudius, exclaiming, That it was over the senate, not over the enemy, the consuls wished to triumph;

3.63.9and that it was intended as a return for a private service to a tribune, and not as an honour due to valour.

3.63.10That never before was the matter of a triumph managed through the people; but that the consideration concerning the honour and the disposal of it, always lay with the senate; that not even the kings had infringed on the majesty of this highest order. That the tribunes should not thus occupy every department with their own authority, so as to allow the existence of no public council; that the state would be free, and the laws equalized by these means only, if each rank would retain its own rights, its own dignity.

3.63.11Though much had been said by the other senior patricians also to the same purpose, all the tribes approved that proposition. Then for the first time a triumph was celebrated by order of the people, without the authority of the senate.

3.64.1This victory of the tribunes and people was well nigh terminating in an extravagance of a by no means salutary tendency, a conspiracy being formed among the tribunes to have the same tribunes re-elected, and in order that their ambition might be the less conspicuous, to continue their office to the consuls.

3.64.2They pleaded, as a cause, the combination of the patricians by which the privileges of the commons were attempted to be undermined by the affronts thrown upon the consuls.

3.64.3What would be the consequence, before the laws are yet firmly established, if consuls should through their factions attack the new tribunes. For that Horatii an Valerii would not always be consuls, who would postpone their own interest to the liberty of the people.

3.64.4By some concurrence of circumstances, useful at the time, it fell by lot to Marcus Duilius above any one else to preside at the elections, a man of prudence, and who perceived the storm of public odium that was hanging over them from the continuance of their office.

3.64.5And when he stated that he would take no no- tice of the former tribunes, and his colleagues strenuously insisted that he should allow the tribes to be at liberty to vote, or should give up the office of presiding at the elections to his colleagues, who would hold the election according to law rather than according to the pleasure of the patricians;

3.64.6a contention being now excited, when Duilius had sent for the consuls to his seat and asked them what they contemplated doing with respect to the consular elections, and they answered that they would appoint new consuls, having found popular supporters of a measure by no means popular, he proceeded with them into the assembly.

3.64.7Where, when the consuls, being brought forward before the people, and asked, whether if the Roman people, mindful of their liberty recovered at home through them, mindful also of their military services, should again elect them consuls, what they would do, made no change in their sentiments;

3.64.8he held the election, after eulogizing the consuls, because they persevered to the last in being unlike the decemvirs; and five tribunes of the people being elected, when, through the zealous exertions of the nine tribunes who openly pushed their canvass, the other candidates could not make up the required number of tribes, he dismissed the assembly; nor did he hold one after for the purpose of an election.

3.64.9He said that he had fulfilled the law, which without any where specifying the number of tribunes, only enacted that tribunes should be left; and recommended that colleagues be chosen by those who had been elected.

3.64.10And he recited the terms of the law, in which (it is said,) If I shall propose ten tribunes of the commons, if you elect this day less than ten tribunes of the people, then that those whom they may have chosen as colleagues for themselves be legitimate tribunes of the people, by the same law as those whom you have this day elected tribunes of the people.

3.64.11When Duilius persevered to the last, stating that the republic could not have fifteen tribunes of the people, after baffling the ambition of his colleagues, he resigned his office, being equally approved by the patricians and people.

3.65.1The new tribunes of the people in electing their colleagues evinced a disposition to gratify the wishes of the patricians; they even elected two who were patricians, and even consulars, Spurius Tarpeius and Aulus Aterius.

3.65.2The consuls then elected, Largius Herminius, Titus Virginius Caelimon- tanus, not very much inclined to the cause either of the patricians or commons, had perfect tranquillity both at home and abroad.

3.65.3Lucius Trebonius, tribune of the commons, incensed against the patricians, because, as he said, he was imposed on by them in the affair of choosing colleagues, and betrayed by his colleagues, carried a

3.65.4proposal, that whoever took the votes of the commons in electing tribunes of the people, he should go on taking the votes, until he elected ten tribunes of the people; and he spent his tribuneship in worrying the patricians, whence the cognomen of Asper was given him.

3.65.5Next Marcus Geganius Macerinus, and Caiu Julius, being elected consuls, quieted some combinations of the tribunes against the youth of the nobility, without any harsh proceeding against that power, and still preserving the dignity of the patricians;

3.65.6by proclaiming a levy for the war against the Volscians and Aequans, they kept the people from riots by keeping matters in abeyance; affirming, that every thing was quiet abroad, there being harmony in the city, and that through civil discord the enemies assumed new courage.

3.65.7Their anxiety for peace was also the cause of concord at home. But each of tile orders ever took advantage of moderation in the other. Acts of injustice began to be committed by the younger patricians on the commons when perfectly quiet.

3.65.8When the tribunes would assist the weaker party, at first it was of little use; then not even themselves escaped being ill-treated; particularly in the latter months, when injustice was committed through the combinations among the more powerful, and the vigour of every magistracy becomes considerably more lax in the latter part of the year;

3.65.9and now the commons placed hopes in the tribuneship, only on the condition that they had tribunes like Icilius; that for the last two years they had had only mere names.

3.65.10On the other hand, the elder members of the patrician order, though they considered their young men to be too overbearing, yet would rather, if bounds were to be exceeded, that a redundancy of spirit should exist in their own order than in their adversaries.

3.65.11So difficult a thing is moderation in maintaining liberty, whilst by pretending to desire equalization, every person raises himself in such a manner as to depress another; and men, by their very precautions against fear, cause themselves to become objects of dread; and we saddle on others injustice thrown off from ourselves, as if it were actual necessary either to commit injustice or to submit to it.

3.66.1Titus Quintius Capitolinus, for the fourth time, and Agrippa Furius being then elected consuls, found neither disturbance at home nor war abroad; both, however, were impending.

3.66.2The discord of the citizens could now no longer be checked, both tribunes and commons being exasperated against the patricians, when a day of trial being appointed for any of the nobility always embroiled the assemblies with new contests.

3.66.3On the first noise of which the Aequans and Volscians, as if they had received a signal, took up arms; at the same time because their leaders, desirous of plunder, had persuaded them that the levy proclaimed two years previously could not be proceeded with, the commons now refusing obedience;

3.66.4that on that account no armies were sent against them; that military discipline was subverted by licentiousness; and that Rome was no longer considered as their common country; that whatever resentment and animosity they may have entertained against foreigners, was now turned against each other; that now an occasion offered for destroying those wolves blinded by intestine rage.

3.66.5Having united their forces, they first laid waste the Latin territory: when no resistance was found there, then indeed, to the great exultation of the advisers of the war, they approached the very walls of Rome, carrying their depredations into the district around the Esquiline gate, pointing out to the city the devastation of the land by way of insult.

3.66.6Whence when they marched back to Corbio unmolested, and driving the prey before them, Quintius the consul summoned the people to an assembly.

3.67.1There I find that he spoke to this purport: "Though I am conscious to myself of no fault, Romans, yet with the greatest shame I have come forward to your assembly. That you should know this; that this should be handed down on record to posterity, that the Aequans and Volscians, a short time since scarcely a match for the Hernicians, have with impunity come with arms in their hands to the walls of Rome, in the fourth consulate of Titus Quintius.

3.67.2Had I known that this ignominy was reserved for this particular year, (though we are now long living in such a manner, such is the state of affairs, that my mind could augur nothing good,) I would have avoided this honour either by exile or by death, if there were no other means of escaping it.

3.67.3Then if men of courage had those arms, which were at our gates, could Rome be taken in my consulate? I have had sufficient honours, enough and more than enough of life: I should have died in my third consulate. Whom did these most dastardly enemies despise?

3.67.4us, consuls, or you, citizens? If the fault i in us, take away the command from us as unworthy persons; and if that is insufficient, further inflict punishment on us. If in you, may there be none of gods or men who will punish your offences; do you only repent of them.

3.67.5It is not your cowardice they have despised, nor their own valour they have confided in; for having been so often routed and put to flight, stripped of their camp, amerced in their land, sent under the yoke, they know both themselves and you.

3.67.6The discord among the several orders is the bane of this city; the contests of the patricians and commons have raised their spirits; whilst we have neither bounds in the pursuit of power, nor you in that of liberty, whilst you are tired of patrician, these of plebeian magistrates. In the name of heaven, what would ye have? You coveted tribunes of the commons; we conceded them for the sake of concord.

3.67.7Ye longed for decemvirs; we suffered them to be created. Ye became weary of decemvirs; we compelled them to resign the office.

3.67.8Your resentment against these same persons when they became private citizens still continuing, we suffered men of the highest families and rank to die or go into exile. Ye wished again to create tribunes of the commons; ye created them.

3.67.9Though we saw that it was unjust to the patricians to create consuls in your own interest, we have even seen a patrician magistracy conceded as an offering to the people. The aid of tribunes, right of appeal to the people, the acts of the commons made binding on the patricians under the pretext of equalizing the laws, the subversion of our privileges, we have borne and still bear.

3.67.10What termination is there to be to our dissensions? when shall it be allowed us to have a united city? when to have one common country? When defeated we submit with more resignation than you when victorious.

3.67.11Is it enough for you, that you are objects of terror to us? The Aventine is taken against us; against us the Sacred mount is seized. When the Esquiliae is almost taken by the enemy, and when the Volscian foe is scaling your rampart, there is no one to dislodge him: against us ye are men, against us ye take up arms.

3.68.1Come, when ye have blockaded the senate-house here, and have made the forum the seat of war, and filled the prison with the leading men of the state, march forth through the Esquiline gate, with that same determined spirit;

3.68.2or if ye do not even venture thus far, behold from your walls the lands laid waste with fire and sword, booty driven off, the houses set on fire in every direction and smoking.

3.68.3But (I may be told) it is the public weal that is in a worse condition through these results: the land is burned, the city is besieged, all the glory of the war is centred in the enemy. What in the name of heaven? in what state is your own private interest?

3.68.4just now his own private losses were announced to each of you from the lands. What, pray, is there at home, whence you may recruit them? Will the tribunes restore and compensate you for what ye have lost? Of sound and words they will heap on you as much as ye please, and of charges against the leading men, and laws one upon another, and of public meetings.

3.68.5But from these meetings never has one of you returned home more increased in substance or in fortune. Has any one ever brought back to his wife and children aught save hatred, quarrels, grudges public and private?

3.68.6from which (and their effects) you have been ever protected, not by your own valour and integrity, but by the aid of others. But, when you served under the guidance of us consuls, not under your tribunes, and the enemy trembled at your shout in the field of battle, not the Roman patricians in the assembly, booty being obtained, land taken from the enemy, with a plentiful stock of wealth and glory, both public and private, you used to return home to your household gods in triumph: now you allow the enemy to go off laden with your property.

3.68.7Continue immovably tied to your assemblies, live in the forum; the necessity of taking the field, which ye avoid, still follows you. Was it too hard on you to march against the Aequans and the Volscians? The war is at your gates: if it is not repelled from thence, it will soon be within your walls, and will scale the citadel and Capitol, and follow you into your very houses.

3.68.8Two years ago the senate ordered a levy to be held, and the army to march to Algidum; yet we sit down listless at home, quarrelling with each other like women; delighting in pre- sent peace, and not seeing that after that short-lived intermission complicated wars are sure to return.

3.68.9That there are other topics more pleasing than these, I well know; but even though my own mind did not prompt me to it, necessity obliges me to speak that which is true instead of that which is pleasing. I would indeed be anxious to please you, Romans; but I am much more anxious that ye should be preserved, whatever sentiments ye shall entertain towards me.

3.68.10It has been so ordained by nature, that he who addresses a multitude for his own private interest, is more pleasing than the man whose mind has nothing in view but the public interest. Unless perhaps you suppose that those public sycophants, those flatterers of the commons, who neither suffer you to take up arms nor to live in peace, incite and work you up for your own interests.

3.68.11When excited, you are to them sources either of honour or of profit: and because, during concord between the several orders, they see that themselves are of no importance on any side, they wish to be leaders of a bad cause rather than of no cause whatever, of tumults, and of sedition.

3.68.12Of which state of things, if a tedium can at length enter your minds, and if ye are willing to resume the modes

3.68.13of acting practised by your forefathers, and formerly by yourselves, I submit to any punishment, if I do not rout and put to flight, and strip of their camp, those ravagers of our lands, and transfer from our gates and walls to their cities this terror of war, by which you are now thrown into consternation.

3.69.1Scarcely ever was the speech of a popular tribune more acceptable to the commons, than was this of a most strict consul on that occasion.

3.69.2The young men also, who during such alarming emergencies had been accustomed to employ the refusal to enlist as the sharpest weapon against the patricians, began to direct their thoughts to war and arms: and the flight of the rustics, and those who had been robbed on the lands and wounded, announcing matters more revolting even than what was exhibited to view, filled the whole city with a spirit of vengeance.

3.69.3When the senate assembled, these all turning to Quintius, looked on him as the only champion of Roman majesty; and the leading senators declared his harangue to be worthy of the consular authority, worthy of so ma y consulships formerly borne by him, worthy of his who e life, which was full of honours frequently enjoyed, more frequently deserved.

3.69.4That other consuls had either flattered the com- mons by betraying the dignity of the patricians, or by harshly maintaining the rights of their order, had rendered the multitude more difficult to subdue: that Titus Quintius had delivered a speech mindful of the dignity of the patricians, of the concord of the different orders, and above all, of the times.

3.69.5They entreated him and his colleague to take up the interest of the commonwealth; they entreated the tribunes, that by acting in concert with the consuls they would join in repelling the war from the city and the walls, and that they would induce the commons to be obedient to the senate in so perilous a conjuncture: that, their lands being devastated, and their city in a manner besieged, their common country appealed to them as tribunes, and implored their aid.

3.69.6By universal consent the levy is decreed and held. When the consuls gave public notice "that there was no time for examining into excuses, that all the young men should attend on the following morning at the first dawn in the Campus Martius;

3.69.7that when the war was over, they should afford time for inquiring into the excuses of those who had not given in their names; that the man should be held as a deserter, with whose excuse they might not be satisfied; the entire youth attended on the following day.

3.69.8The cohorts chose each their centurions: two senators were placed at the head of each cohort. We have heard that all these measures were perfected with such expedition, that the standards, having been brought forth from the treasury on that very day by the quaestors and conveyed to the Campus, began to move from thence at the fourth hour; and the newly raised army halted at the tenth stone, followed by a few cohorts of veteran soldiers as volunteers.

3.69.9The following day brought the enemy within view, and camp was joined to camp near Corbio.

3.69.10On the third day, when resentment urged on the Romans, a consciousness of guilt for having so often rebelled, and despair (of pardon) urged them on the other side, there was no delay made in coming to an engagement.

3.70.1In the Roman army, though the two consuls were invested with equal authority, the supreme command was by the concession of Agrippa resigned to his colleague, a thing which is most salutary in the management of matters of great importance; and he who was preferred politely re- sponded to the ready condescension of him who lowered himself; by communicating to him all his measures and sharing with him his honours, and by equalizing himself to him no longer his equal.

3.70.2On the field of battle Quintius commanded the right, Agrippa the left wing; the command of the cent al line is intrusted to Spurius Postumius Albus, as lieutenant-general.

3.70.3Servius Sulpicius, the other lieutenant-general, they place over the cavalry.

3.70.4The infantry on the right wing fought with distinguished valour, with stout resistance front the Volscians. Servius Sulpicius broke with his cavalry through the centre of the enemy's line; whence though he might have returned in the same way to his own party, before the enemy could have restored their broken ranks, it seemed more advisable to attack the enemy's rear, and by attacking the rear he would in a moment have dispersed the enemy by the twofold attack, had not the cavalry of the Volscians and Aequans intercepted him and kept him engaged by a mode of fighting similar to his own.

3.70.5Then indeed Sulpicius asserted that there was no time for delaying, crying out that they were surrounded and cut off from their own friends, unless they united all their efforts and despatched the engagement with the cavalry.

3.70.6Nor was it enough to rout the enemy without disabling them; that they should slay horses and men, lest any might return to the fight or renew the battle; that they could not resist them, before whom a compact body of infantry had given way.

3.70.7His orders were addressed to by no means deaf ears; by one charge they routed the entire cavalry, dismounted great numbers, and killed with their javelins both the men and the horses.

3.70.8This put a termination to the battle with the cavalry. Then attacking the enemy's line, they send an account to the consuls of what they had done, where the enemy's line was now giving way.

3.70.9The news both gave new spirits to the Romans who were now conquering, and dismayed the Aequans as they were beginning to give way. They first began to be beaten n the centre, where the charge of the cavalry had broken their ranks.

3.70.10Then the left wing began to lose ground before the consul Quintius; there was most difficulty on the right. Then Agrippa, buoyed up by youth and vigour, on seeing matters going more favourably in every part of the battle than in his own quarter, took some of the standards from the standard-bearers and carried them on himself, some even he began to throw into the thick of the enemy.

3.70.11The soldiers, urged on by the fear of this disgrace, attacked the enemy; thus the victory was equalized in every quarter. News then came from Quintius that he, being now victorious, was about to attack the enemy's camp; that he was unwilling to break into it before he learned that they were beaten in the left wing also.

3.70.12If he had routed the enemy, that he should now join him, that all the army together might take possession of the booty.

3.70.13Agrippa being victorious came with mutual congratulations to his victorious colleague and to the enemy's camp. There being but few to defend it, and these being routed in a moment, they break into the fortifications without a struggle; and they march back the army after it obtained a large share of spoil, having recovered also their own effects, which had been lost by the devastation of the lands.

3.70.14I have not ascertained that either they themselves demanded a triumph, nor that such was conferred on them by the senate; nor is any cause assigned for the honour being either overlooked or not hoped for.

3.70.15As far as I can conjecture at so great a distance of time, when a triumph had been refused to the consuls Horatius and Valerius, who, in addition to the Aequans and Volscians, had gained the glory of finishing the Sabine war, the consuls were ashamed to demand a triumph for one half of the services done by them; lest if they even should obtain it, regard of persons rather than of merit might appear to have been entertained.

3.71.1A disgraceful decision of the people regarding the boundaries of their allies disgraced the honourable victory obtained over their enemies.

3.71.2The states of Aricia and of Ardea, having frequently contended in arms concerning a disputed piece of land, and being wearied out by many mutual losses, appointed the Roman people as arbitrators.

3.71.3When they came to support their claims, an assembly of the people being granted them by the magistrates, a debate ensued conducted with great warmth. And the witnesses being now produced, when the tribes were to be called, and the people were to give their votes, Publius Scaptius, a plebeian advanced in years, rises up and says; Consuls, if it is permitted me to speak on the public interest, I will not suffer the people to be led into a mistake in this matter.

3.71.4When the consuls said that he, as unworthy of attention, was not to be heard, and, on his exclaiming that the public interest was being betrayed, ordered him to be put aside, he appeals to the tribunes.

3.71.5The tribunes, as they are always directed by the multitude, rather than they direct them, indulged the people, who were anxious to hear him, in granting Scaptius leave to say what he pleased.

3.71.6He then commences: that he was in his eighty-third year, and that he had served in that district which was now in dispute, not even then a young man, as he was serving his twentieth campaign, when operations were going on at Corioli.

3.71.7He therefore adduced a fact forgotten by length of time, but one deeply fixed in his own memory: the district now in dispute had belonged to the territory of Corioli, and after the taking of Corioli, it became by right of war the public property of the Roman people. That he was surprised how the states of Ardea and Aricia should hope to intercept from the Roman people, whom from being the right owners they made arbitrators, a district the right to which they never claimed whilst the state of Corioli subsisted.

3.71.8That he for his part had but a short time to live; he could not however bring himself, old as he now was, to decline claiming by his voice, the only means he now had, a district which, as a soldier, he had contributed to acquire, as far as an individual could. That he strenuously advised the people not to damn their own interest by an improper feeling of delicacy.

3.72.1The consuls, when they perceived that Scaptius was listened to not only in silence, but even with approbation, appealing to gods and men, that an enormous and disgraceful act was being committed, send for the principal senators:

3.72.2with these they went around to the tribunes; entreated, that, as judges, they would not be guilty of a most heinous crime, with a still worse precedent, by converting the dispute to their own interest, more especially when, even though it may be lawful for a judge to protect his own emolument, so much would by no means be acquired by keeping the land, as would be lost by alienating the affections of their allies by injustice; for that the losses of character and of reputation were greater than could be estimated.

3.72.3Were the ambassadors to carry home this answer; was this to go out to the world; were their allies to hear this; were their enemies to hear it —with what sorrow the one —with what joy the other party?

3.72.4Could they suppose, that the neighbouring states would impute this proceeding to Scaptius, an old babbler at assemblies? that Scaptius would be rendered distinguished by this statue: that the Roman people would assume the character of a usurper and intercepter of the claims of others.

3.72.5For what judge in a private cause ever acted in this way, so as to adjudge to himself the property in dispute? That even Scaptius himself would not act so, though he has now outlived all sense of shame."

3.72.6Thus the consuls, thus the senators exclaimed; but covetousness, and Scaptius, the adviser of that covetousness, had more influence. The tribes, when convened, decided that the district was the public property of the Roman people.

3.72.7Nor is it denied that it might have been so, if they had gone to other judges; now the disgrace of the decision is certainly not at all diminished by the fairness of the title: nor did it appear more disgraceful or more hideous to the people of Aricia and of Ardea, than it did to the Roman senate. The remainder of the year continued free from either city or foreign commotions.

Book 4, Part 1

4A law was passed concerning the intermarriage of the patricians and ple- beians, after strong resistance on the part of the patricians. Military tribunes with consular power. Censors created. Restoration of the lands unjustly taken from the people of Ardea. Spurius Melius, sus- pected of aiming at regal power, is slain by C. Servilius Ahala by order of Quintius Cincinnatus, dictator. Cornelius Cossus, having killed Tolumnius, king of the Veientes, offers the second spolia opima .

4Duration of the censorship, originally five years, limited to one year and a half. Fidenae reduced, and a colony settled there. The colonists destroyed by the Fidenatians, who are subsequently conquered by Ma- mercus Aemilius, dictator. A conspiracy of the slaves put down. Pos- tumius, a military tribune, slain by the army for his cruelties. Pay from the treasury first given to the soldiers. Operations against the Volscians, Fidenatians, and Faliscians.

4.1.1MARCUS Genucius and Caius Curtius followed these as consuls. The year was disturbed both at home and abroad. For at the commencement of the year Caius Canuleius, tribune of the people, proposed a law concerning the intermarriage of the patricians and commons;

4.1.2by which the patricians considered that their blood would be contaminated, and the privileges of birth would be confounded; and a hint at first lightly suggested by the tribunes, that it should be lawful that one of the consuls should be elected from the commons, afterwards proceeded so far, that the nine tribunes proposed a bill, "that the people should have the power of electing the consuls, whether they wished, from the commons or the patricians.

4.1.3But they thought that if that were done, the supreme authority would not only be shared with the lowest ranks, but be wholly transferred from the nobility to the commons.

4.1.4With joy therefore the patricians heard that the people of Ardea had revolted in consequence of the injustice of the taking away their land, and that the Veientians had laid waste the frontiers of the Roman territory, and that the Volscians and Aequans murmured on account of the fortifying of Verrugo; so much did they prefer an unsuccessful war to an ignominious peace.

4.1.5These tidings therefore being received and with exaggerations, in order that during the din of so many wars the tribunitian proceedings might be suspended, they order the levies to be held, preparations to be made for war and arms with the utmost activity; with more energy, if possible, than had been used in the consulship of Titus Quintius.

4.1.6Then Caius Canuleius declared aloud in brief terms in the senate, that the consuls wished in vain to divert the commons from attention to the new laws; that they never should hold a levee while he lived, before the commons had first ratified the laws proposed by him and his colleagues; and he instantly summoned them to an assembly.

4.2.1Both the consuls incited the senate against the tribune, and the tribune the people against the consuls at one and the same time. The consuls denied that tribunitian frenzies could any longer be endured; that they were now come to a crisis; that more hostilities were being stirred up at home than abroad. That this happened not more through the fault of the commons than of the patricians; nor more through that of the tribunes than of the consuls.

4.2.2That the matter for which there was a reward in the state thrived always with the greatest proficiency;

4.2.3that thus it was that men became meritorious in peace, thus in war.

4.2.4That at Rome the highest reward was for sedition; that had ever been the source of honour both to individuals and to collective bodies. They should remember in what condition they had received the majesty of the senate from their forefathers, in what condition they were about to transmit it to their children; that, like the commons, they should have it in their power to boast that it was improved in degree and in splendour.

4.2.5That there was no end, nor would there be, so long as the promoters of sedition were rewarded with honour in proportion as sedition was successful. What and how important schemes Caius Canuleius had set on foot!

4.2.6that he was introducing confounding of family rank, a disturbance of the auspices both public and private, that nothing may remain pure, nothing uncontaminated; that, all distinction being abolished, no one might know either himself or those he be- longed to. For what other tendency had those promiscuous intermarriages, except that intercourse between commons and patricians might be made common after the manner of wild beasts; so that of the offspring each may be ignorant of what blood he may be, of what form of religion he was; that he may belong half to the patricians, half to the commons, not being homogeneous even with himself?

4.2.7That it appeared not enough, that all things divine and human should be confounded; that those disturbers of the common people were now preparing to (seize) the consulship; and first that they sounded people's sentiments in mere conversation on the project of having one consul appointed from the commons;

4.2.8that now the proposition was brought forward, that the people may appoint the consuls, whether they pleased from the patricians or from the people; and that they would appoint no doubt every most turbulent person. The Canuleii, therefore, and the Icilii would be consuls.

4.2.9(They expressed a hope) that Jupiter, the best and greatest, would not suffer the imperial majesty of the sovereign power to descend to that; and that they would certainly die a thousand deaths rather than such a disgrace should be incurred.

4.2.10They were certain that their ancestors, could they have divined that the commons would become not more placable to them, but more intractable, by making successive demands still more unreasonable, after they had obtained the first, would have rather submitted to any struggle, than have suffered such laws to be saddled on them.. Because it was then conceded to them with respect to tribunes, the concession was made a second time.

4.2.11There was no end to it; tribunes of the commons and patricians could not subsist in the same state; either the one order or the other office must be abolished; and that a stop should be put to presumption and temerity rather late than never. (Was it right) that they, by sowing discord, should with impunity stir up the neighbouring states against us?

4.2.12and then prevent the state from arming and defending itself against those evils which they may have brought on us? and after they have almost sent for the enemy, not suffer the armies to be levied against the enemies?

4.2.13But Canuleius may have the audacity to declare openly in the senate that, unless the patrician suffer the laws proposed by himself as victorious, to be enacted, he would prevent the levy from being held. What else was this, but threatening that he would betray his country; that he would suffer it to be attacked and captured? What courage would that expression afford, not to the Roman commons, but to the Volscians, Aequans, and the Veientians!

4.2.14would they not hope that, under the generalship of Canuleius, they should be able to scale the Capitol and citadel, if with the deprivation of privilege and majesty, the tribunes should rob the patricians of their courage also? That the consuls were prepared to act against the wicked schemes of their countrymen, before they would act against the arms of the enemy.

4.3.1Just when these matters were going on in the senate, Canuleius thus declaimed in favour of his laws and against the consuls:

4.3.2" Frequently even before now I think I have observed how much the patricians despised you, Romans, how unworthy they deemed you to dwell in the one city and within the same walls with them;

4.3.3but on the present occasion most clearly, in their having risen up so determinedly in opposition to those propositions of ours: in which what else do we do, but remind them that we are their fellow citizens, and that though we possess not the same power, we inhabit the same city?

4.3.4In the one we demand intermarriage, a thing which is usually granted to neighbours and foreigners: we have granted even to vanquished enemies the right of citizenship, which is more than the right of intermarriage.

4.3.5In the other we propose nothing new; we only reclaim and demand that which is the people's; that the Roman people may confer honours on whomsoever they may please.

4.3.6And what in the name of goodness is it for which they embroil heaven and earth? why was almost an attack made on me just now in the senate? why do they say that they will not restrain themselves from violence, and threaten that they will insult an office, sacred and inviolable?

4.3.7Shall this city no longer be able to stand, and is the empire at stake, if the right of free suffrage is granted to the Roman people, to confer the consulship on whomsoever they may please, and if a plebeian, though he may be worthy of the highest honour, is not precluded from the hope of attaining that honour? and is this of the same import, whether a plebeian be made a consul, as if any one were to propose a slave or the son of a slave to be consul?

4.3.8Do you perceive in what contempt you live? they would take from you a participation in this light, if it were permitted them.

4.3.9That you breathe, that you enjoy the faculty of speech, that you possess the forms of human beings, excites their indignation. Nay even, as I hope for mercy, they say that it is contrary to religion that a plebeian should be made consul. I pray, though we are not admitted to the annals, nor to the commentaries of the pontiffs, do we not know even those things which strangers know? that consuls have succeeded kings? and that they possess no privilege, no majesty which was not formerly inherent in kings?

4.3.10Do you suppose that we ever heard it mentioned that Numa Pompilius, who not only was not a patrician, but not even a citizen of Rome, was sent for from the country of the Sabines by order of the people, with the approbation of the senate, and that he was made king at Rome?

4.3.11that afterwards Lucius Tarquinius, who was not only not of Roman, but not even of Italian extraction, the son of Damaratus of Corinth, an emigrant from Tarquinii, was made king, even whilst the sons of Ancus still lived?

4.3.12that after him Servius Tullius, the son of a captive woman of Corniculum, with his father unknown, his mother a slave, attained the throne by his ability and merit?

4.3.13For what shall I say of Titus Tatius the Sabine, whom Romulus himself, the founder of our city, admitted into partnership of the throne? Accordingly, whilst no class of persons is disdained, in whom conspicuous merit may be found, the Roman dominion increased. You do well to be dissatisfied now with a plebeian consul, when your ancestors disdained not foreigners as kings, and when, even after the expulsion of kings, the city was not shut against foreign merit.

4.3.14After the expulsion of the kings, we certainly admitted the Claudian family from the Sabine country not only into citizenship, but even into the number of the patricians.

4.3.15Can a man from a foreigner be made a patrician, then a consul?

4.3.16shall a Roman citizen, if he belong to the commons, be precluded from all hope of the consulate? Do we then deem it impossible that a man of the commons an be a person of fortitude and activity, qualified to excel both in peace and war, like to Numa, Lucius Tarquinius, and Servius Tullius?

4.3.17Or, should such appear, shall we not suffer him to meddle with the helm of government? or shall we have consuls like the decemvirs, the most abandoned of mortals, who were, however, all patricians, rather than like the best of kings, though new men?

4.4.1"But (I may be told) no commoner has been consul since the expulsion of the kings. What then? ought no innovation to be introduced? and what has not yet been practised, (and in a new state there are many things not yet practised,) ought not even such measures, even though they be useful, be adopted?

4.4.2During the reign of Romulus there were no pontiffs, nor augurs: they were appointed by Numa Pompilius. There was no census in the state, nor the distribution of centuries and classes; it was introduced by Servius Tullius: there never had been consuls; they were created after the expulsion of the kings.

4.4.3Of a dictator neither the office nor the name had existed; it commenced its existence among the senators. There were no tribunes of the people, aediles, nor quaestors: it was resolved that those officers should be appointed. Within the last ten years we both created decemvirs for compiling laws, and we abolished them.

4.4.4Who can doubt but that in a city doomed for eternal duration, increasing to an immense magnitude, new civil offices, priesthoods, rights of families and of individuals, may be established?

4.4.5This very matter, that there should not be the right of intermarriage between patricians and commons, did not the decemvirs introduce within the last few years to the utmost injury of the commons, on a principle most detrimental to the public? Can there be a greater or more marked insult, than that one portion of the state, as if contaminated, should be deemed unworthy of intermarriage? What else is it than to suffer exile within the same walls, actual rustication?

4.4.6They wish to prevent our being mixed with them by affinity or consanguinity; that our blood be not mingled with theirs. What?

4.4.7if this cast a stain on that nobility of yours, which most of you, the progeny of Albans or Sabines, possess, not in right of birth or blood, but by co-optation into the patricians, having been elected either by the kings, or after the expulsion of kings, by order of the people, could ye not keep it pure by private regulations, by neither marrying into the commons, and by not suffering your daughters or sisters to marry out of the patricians. No one of the commons would offer violence to a patrician maiden; such lust as that belongs to the patricians.

4.4.8None of them would oblige any man against his will to enter into a marriage contract.

4.4.9But really that such a thing should be prevented by law, that the intermarriage of the patricians and plebeians should be interdicted, that it is which is insulting to the commons. Why do you not combine in enacting a law that there shall be no intermarriage between rich and poor?

4.4.10That which has in all places and always been the business of private regulations, that a woman might marry into whatever family she has been engaged to, and that each man might take a wife out of whatever family he had contracted with, that ye shackle with the restraints of a most tyrannical law, by which ye sever the bonds of civil society and split one state into two.

4.4.11Why do ye not enact a law that a plebeian shall not dwell in the neighbourhood of a patrician? that he shall not go the same road with him? that he shall not enter the same banquet with him? that he shall not stand in the same forum? For what else is there in the matter, if a patrician man wed a plebeian woman, or a plebeian a patrician? What right, pray, is thereby changed?

4.4.12the children surely go with the father. Nor is there any thing which we seek from intermarriage with you, except that we may be held in the number of human beings and fellow citizens; nor is there any reason why ye contest the point, except that it delights you to strive for insult and ignominy to us.

4.5.1In a word, whether is the supreme power belonging to the Roman people, or is it yours? Whether by the expulsion of kings has dominion been acquired for you or equal liberty for all?

4.5.2It is fitting that the Roman people should be allowed to enact a law, if it please. Or will ye decree a levy by way of punishment, according as each bill shall be proposed? and as soon as I, as tribune, shall begin to call the tribes to give their votes, will you, forthwith, as consul, force the younger men to take the military oath, and lead them out to camp?

4.5.3and will you threaten the commons? will you threaten the tribune? What, if you had not already twice experienced how little those threats availed against the united sense of the people? Of course it was because you wished to consult for our interest, that you abstained from force.

4.5.4Or was there no contest for this reason, that the party which was the stranger was also the more moderate?

4.5.5Nor will there be any contest now, Romans: they will try your spirit; your strength they will not make trial of. Wherefore, consuls, the commons are prepared to accompany you to these wars, whether real or fictitious, if, by restoring the right of intermarriage, you at length make this one state; if they can coalesce, be united and mixed with you by private ties; if the hope, if the access to honours be granted to men of ability and energy; if it is lawful to be in a partnership and share of the government; if, what is the result of equal freedom, it be allowed in the distribution of the annual offices to obey and to govern in their turns.

4.5.6If any one shall obstruct these measures, talk about wars, multiply them by report; no one will give in his name, no one will take up arms, no one will fight for haughty masters, with whom there is no participation of honours in public, nor of intermarriage in private.

4.6.1When both the consuls came forward into the assembly, and the matter had changed from a long series of harangues to altercation, the tribune, on asking why it was not right that a plebeian should

4.6.2be made a consul, an answer was returned truly perhaps, though by no means expediently for the present contest, that no plebeian could have the auspices, and for this reason the decemvirs had prohibited the intermarriage, lest from uncertainty of descent the auspices might be vitiated.

4.6.3The commons were fired with indignation at this above all, because, as if hateful to the immortal gods, they were denied to be qualified to take auspices. And now (as the commons both had a most energetic supporter in the tribune, and they themselves vied with him in perseverance) there was no end of the contentions, until the patricians, being at length overpowered, agreed that the law regarding intermarriage should be passed, judging that by these means

4.6.4most probably the tribunes would either give up altogether or postpone till after the war the question concerning the plebeian consuls; and that in the mean time the commons, content with the intermarriage-law (being passed,) would be ready to enlist.

4.6.5When Canuleius was now in high repute by his victory over the patricians and by the favour of the commons, the other tribunes being excited to contend for their bill, set to work with all their might, and, the accounts regarding the war augmenting daily, obstruct the levy.

4.6.6The consuls, when nothing could be transacted through the senate in consequence of the opposition of the tribunes, held meetings of the leading men at their own houses. It was becoming evident that they must concede the victory either to the enemies or to their countrymen.

4.6.7Valerius and Horatius alone of the consulars did not attend the meetings. The opinion of Caius Claudius was for arming the consuls against the tribunes. The sentiments of the Quintii, both Cincinnatus and Capitolinus, were averse to bloodshed, and to violating (persons) whom by the treaty concluded with the commons they had admitted to be sacred and inviolable.

4.6.8Through these meetings the matter was brought to this, that they suffered tribunes of the soldiers with consular authority to be elected from the patricians and commons without distinction; that with respect to the election of consuls no change should be made; and with this the tribunes were content, as were also the commons.

4.6.9An assembly is now proclaimed for electing three tribunes with consular power. This being proclaimed, forthwith whoever had contributed to promote sedition by word or deed, more particularly men who had been tribunes, began to solicit support and to bustle about the forum as candidates;

4.6.10so that despair, in the first instance, of obtaining the honour, by reason of the irritated state of the people's mind, then indignation at having to hold the office with such persons, deterred the patricians; at length however, being forced, they stood as candidates, lest they might appear to have relinquished all share in the government.

4.6.11The result of this election showed that the sentiments of persons in the struggle for liberty and dignity are different from those they feel when the contest is laid aside, the judgment being unbiassed; for the people elected all patricians as tribunes, content with this, that the plebeians had been taken into account.

4.6.12Where could you now find in an individual such moderation, disinterestedness, and elevation of mind, as was then displayed by the entire people?

4.7.1In the three hundred and tenth year after the city of Rome was built, for the first time military tribunes in the room of consuls enter into office, Aulus Sempronius Atratinus, Lucius Atilius, Titus Claelius; in whose office, the concord prevailing at home afforded peace also abroad.

4.7.2There are some who, without mentioning the proposal of the law concerning the election of consuls from among the commons, say that three military tribunes were elected on account of the Veientian war being added to the war of the Aequans and the Volscians and to the revolt of the Ardeates, because two consuls could not execute so many wars together, these tribunes being invested also with the authority and insignia of consuls.

4.7.3The jurisdiction of that o ice how- ever did not stand on a firm footing, because the third month after they entered on the office, they resigned the honour, in pursuance of a decree of the augurs, as if unduly elected; because Caius Curtius, who had presided at the election, had not selected his tent with due regard to ceremony.

4.7.4Ambassadors came to Rome from Ardea complaining of the injustice in such a manner, that it appeared that, if it were redressed, they would continue in amity and the observance of the treaty, on the restitution of their land.

4.7.5The answer returned by the senate was: that the judgment of the people could not be rescinded by the senate, besides such a measure could not be adopted on precedent or with justice; as an additional reason also for the purpose of preserving concord between the several orders of the state.

4.7.6If the Ardeans were willing to abide a seasonable conjuncture, and leave to the senate the mode of redressing the injustice done to them, that the consequence would be that they would rejoice for having moderated their resentment, and that they should be convinced that the patricians were equally anxious that no injustice should arise against them, and that any which may have arisen should not be lasting.

4.7.7Thus the ambassadors, saying that they should lay the whole matter anew before their friends, were dismissed courteously. The patricians, now that the republic was without any curule magistrate, assembled together and elected an interrex.

4.7.8The contest whether consuls or military tribunes should be elected, kept the matter for several days in a state of interregnum. The interrex and senate strive that the elections of consuls be held; the tribunes of the people, and the people themselves, that elections of the military tribunes be held.

4.7.9The patricians succeeded, because both the commons, sure to confer the one or the other honour on patricians, gave up a needless contest, and the leaders of the commons preferred those elections at which no account was to be taken of them (as candidates) to those at which they should be passed by as unworthy.

4.7.10The tribunes of the commons also gave up the contest without a decision, as a compliment to the chiefs of the patricians. Titus Quintius Barbatus, the interrex, elects consuls Lucius Papirius Mugillanus, Lucius Sempronius Atratinus. During their consulship, the treaty was renewed with the Ardeans; and that is a record to prove, that they were consuls in that year, though they are not to be found among the ancient annals, nor in the books of the magistrates.

4.7.11I suppose because military tribunes existed at the commencement of the year, on that account, though these consuls were substituted, the names of the consuls were left out, just as if the military tribunes were the entire year in office.

4.7.12Licinius Macer states, that they were found both in the Ardean treaty and in the linen books at the temple of Moneta. There was tranquillity both at home and abroad, though so many alarms were held out by the neighbouring states.

4.8.1This year (whether it had tribunes only, or consuls substituted in the room of tribunes) is followed by a year when there were undoubtedly consuls, scil. Marcus Geganius Macerinus a second time, Titus Quintius Capitolinus a fifth time.

4.8.2This same year was the commencement of the censorship, a thing which arose from an humble origin, which afterwards increased so much in importance, that n it was vested the regulation of the morals and discipline of Rome, the senate and the centuries of the knights, the distinction of honour and of ignominy were under the sway of that office, the legal right to public and private places, the revenues of the Roman people fell under their beck and jurisdiction.

4.8.3The institution of the thing originated in this, that the people not having been subjected to a survey for several years, the census could neither be deferred, nor had the consuls leisure to discharge their duty, when wars impended from so many states.

4.8.4An observation was made by the senate, that an office laborious in itself, and one little suited to the consular office, required a magistrate for itself, to whose authority should be submitted the duties of the several scribes, the custody and care of the records, as well as the adjustment of the form to be adopted in the census.

4.8.5And inconsiderable though the proposal might be, still the senate receive it with great pleasure, because it increased the number of patrician magistrates in the state, judging also that that would come to pass, which really did occur, viz. that the influence of those who should preside, and the honour of the office would derive on it additional authority and dignity.

4.8.6The tribunes also, considering the discharge of the duty (as was really the case) as necessary rather than the duty itself, as being attended with lustre, did not indeed offer opposition, lest they should through perverseness show a disposition to thwart them even in trifles.

4.8.7After the honour was rejected by the leading men of the state, the people by their suffrages appointed to the office of conducting the census Papirius and Sempronius, concerning whose consulate doubts are entertained, that in that magistracy they might have some recompence for the incompleteness of their consulate. They were called censors from the nature of their office.

4.9.1Whilst these matters are transacting at Rome, ambassadors come from Ardea, imploring aid for their city, which was nearly destroyed, in consideration of their very ancient alliance, and of the treaty recently renewed.

4.9.2For by intestine wars they were not allowed to enjoy the peace with Rome, which they had by the soundest policy preserved; the cause and origin of which is said to have arisen from a struggle between factions;

4.9.3which have proved and ever will prove more a cause of destruction to several states, than foreign wars, famine, or disease, or any of the other evils which men refer to the anger of heaven, as the severest of public calamities.

4.9.4Two young men courted a maiden of a plebeian family, highly distinguished for beauty: one of them on a level with the maid in point of birth, and favoured by her guardians, who were themselves of the same rank; the other of noble birth, captivated by nothing but her beauty.

4.9.5The latter was aided by the good wishes of the nobles, through which party disputes made their way even into the girl's family. The nobleman was preferred in the judgment of the mother, who was anxious that her daughter should have the most splendid match possible: the guardians, mindful of party even in that transaction, strove for the person of their own order.

4.9.6As the matter could not be settled within the walls of the house, they proceeded to a court of justice. On hearing the claim of the mother and of the guardians, the magistrate decides the right of marriage in conformity with the wish of the mother.

4.9.7But violence was the more powerful. For the guardians, having harangued openly in the forum among persons of their own faction, on the injustice of the decree, collected a party and carry off the girl from her mother's house: against whom a body of nobles having arisen more incensed than before, attends the young man rendered furious by the outrage.

4.9.8A desperate battle takes place; the commons in no respect like to the Roman commons were worsted, and having set out from the city in arms, and taken possession of a hill, make excursions into the lands of the nobles with fire and swore.

4.9.9The city too, which had been previously free from all contest, they set about besieging, having induced, by the hope of plunder, a multitude of artisans to join them:

4.9.10nor was any appearance or calamity of war absent; as if the whole state were infested by the mad rage of the two young men, who sought the accomplishment of the fatal match through their country's ruin.

4.9.11The arms and war at home seemed insufficient to both parties. The nobles called in the Romans to the relief of their besieged city; the commons called upon the Volscians to join them in storming Ardea.

4.9.12The Volscians, under the command of Claelius, an Aequan, came first to Ardea, and drew a line of circumvallation around the enemy's walls.

4.9.13When news of this was brought to Rome, Marcus Geganius, the consul, having set out immediately at the head of an army, selected a place for his camp about three miles from the enemy; and the day being now fast declining, he orders his soldiers to refresh themselves; then at the fourth watch he puts his troops in motion; and the work, once commenced, was expedited in such a manner, that at sun-rise the Volscians found themselves enclosed by the Romans with stronger works than the city was by themselves.

4.9.14The consul had also at another place connected an arm to the wall of Ardea, through which his friends might pass to and from the town.

4.10.1The Volscian general, who up to that period had maintained his army, not out of provisions which had been previously provided, but with corn brought in daily from the plunder of the country, when now encompassed by a rampart he perceives himself suddenly destitute of every thing, calling the consul to a conference, says, that if the Roman came for the purpose of raising the siege, he would withdraw the Volscians from thence.

Book 4, Part 2

4.10.2To this the consul made answer, that the vanquished had to accept terms, not to dictate them; and as the Volscians came at their own discretion to attack the allies of the Roman people, they should not go off in the same same way.

4.10.3He orders, that their general be given up, their arms laid down, acknowledging themselves vanquished, and ready to submit to his further orders: otherwise, whether they went away or stayed, that he would prove a determined enemy, and would prefer to carry to Rome a victory over the Volscians than an insidious peace.

4.10.4The Volscians, determined on trying the slender hope they had in arms, all other being now cut off, besides many other disadvantages, having come to an engagement in a place unfavourable for fighting, and still more so for retreat, when they were being cut down on every side, from fighting have recourse to entreaties; having given up their general and surrendered their arms, they are sent under the yoke and dismissed full of disgrace and suffering, with one garment each.

4.10.5And when they halted not far from the city of Tusculum, in consequence of an old grudge of the Tusculans they were surprised, unarmed as they were, and suffered severe punishment, a messenger being scarcely left to bring an account of their defeat.

4.10.6The Roman general quieted the disturbed state of affairs at Ardea, beheading the principal authors of that commotion, and confiscating their effects to the public treasury of the Ardeans; the Ardeans considered the injustice of the decision completely repaired by such kindness on the part of the Roman people; it seemed to the senate, however, that something remained to be done to obliterate the remembrance of public avarice.

4.10.7The consul returns to the city in triumph, Clalius, the general of the Volscians, being led before his chariot, and the spoils being carried before him, of which he had stripped the enemy's army after he had sent them under the yoke.

4.10.8Quintius the consul, by his civil administration, equalled, which is no easy matter, the glory attained by his colleague in war; for he so regulated the domestic care of harmony and peace, by dispensing justice with moderation to the highest and the lowest, that both the patricians considered him a strict consul, and the commons, as one sufficiently lenient.

4.10.9Against the tribunes too he carried his measures more by his influence than by striving against them. Five consulships conducted with the same even tenor of conduct, and every part of his life being passed in a manner worthy of the consular dignity, rendered himself almost more venerable than the high office itself. On this account no mention was made of the military tribunes during this consulate.

4.11.1They appoint as consuls Marcus Fabius Vibulanus, Publius Aebutius Cornicen. Fabius and Aebutius, the consuls, inasmuch as they perceived that

4.11.2they succeeded to a greater glory of achievements performed at home and abroad, (the year was rendered particularly remarkable among the neighbouring states, both friendly and hostile, because relief had been afforded to the Ardeans in their perilous situation with so much zeal,) the more strenuously exerted themselves in obtaining

4.11.3a decree of the senate, that they might completely efface the infamy of the decision from the memory of men, to the effect that since the state of the Ardeans ha been reduced to a few by intestine war, a colony should be sent thither as a protection against the Volscians.

4.11.4This is what was stated publicly on the tables, that the intention entertained of rescinding the decision might escape the knowledge of the commons and tribunes. But they had agreed that, a much greater number of Rutulian colonists being enrolled than of Romans, no land should be distributed, except that which had been intercepted by the infamous decision; and that not a sod of it should be assigned to any Roman, until all the Rutulians had had their share. In this way the land returned to the Ardeans.

4.11.5The commissioners appointed to transplant the colony to Ardea were Agrippa Menenius, Titus Claelius Siculus, and Marcus Aebutius Elva.

4.11.6When they, in the discharge of their by no means popular office, had given offence to the commons by assigning to the allies the land which the Roman people had decided to be their own, and were not even much supported by the patricians, because they had not deferred in any way to the influence of any one, a day having been appointed for them

4.11.7by the tribunes to appear before the people, they escaped all vexatious annoyance by enrolling themselves as settlers and remaining in the colony, which they now had as a testimony of their integrity and justice.

4.12.1There was peace at home and abroad both this and the following year, Caius Furius Pacilus and Marcus Papirius Crassus being consuls.

4.12.2The games which had beer vowed by the decemvirs, in pursuance of a decree of the senate on occasion of the secession of the commons from the patricians, were performed this year.

4.12.3An occasion for sedition was sought in vain by Paetelius, who, having been made a tribune of the commons a second time, by denouncing these same threats, could neither prevail on the consuls to submit to the senate the questions concerning the division of the lands among the people;

4.12.4and when, after a hard struggle, he had succeeded so far that the patricians should be consulted as to whether it was their pleasure that an election should be held of consuls or of tribunes, consuls were ordered to be elected;

4.12.5and the menaces of the tribune were now laughed at, when he threatened that he would stop the levy, inasmuch as the neighbouring states being now quiet, there was no occasion either for war or for preparations for war.

4.12.6This tranquil state of things is followed by a year, in which Proculus Geganius Macerinus, Lucius Menenius Lanatus were consuls, remarkable for a variety of disasters and dangers, also for disturbances, famine, for their having almost submitted their necks to the yoke of arbitrary power through the allurement of largesses.

4.12.7Foreign war alone was wanting, by which if matters had been aggravated, they could scarcely have stood out against them by the aid of all the gods. Their misfortunes began with famine; whether it was that the season was unfavourable to the crops, or that the cultivation of the land was relinquished for the allurements of the city, and of public harangues; for both causes are assigned. And the patricians accused the commons as being idle; the tribunes of the com- mons complained sometimes of the fraud, at other times of the negligence of the consuls.

4.12.8At length the commons prevailed, without opposition on the part of the senate, that Lucius Minutius should be appointed president of the market; doomed to be more successful in that office in preserving liberty than in the discharge of his own peculiar province: although in the end he bore away the well-earned gratitude of the people as well as the glory of having lowered the price of provisions.

4.12.9When he had made but slight advance in relieving the markets by sending embassies around the neighbouring states by land and sea to no purpose, except that an inconsiderable quantity of corn was imported from Etruria, and applying himself to the careful dispensations of

4.12.10their scanty stock, by obliging persons to show their supply, and to sell whatever was over and above a month's provision, and by depriving the slaves of one half of their daily allowance; then by censuring and holding up to the resentment of the people the corn-hoarders, he rather discovered the great scarcity of grain than relieved it by this rigorous inquisition.

4.12.11Many of the com- mons, all hope being lost, rather than be tortured by dragging out existence, muffled up their heads and precipitated themselves into the Tiber.

4.13.1Then Spurius Maelius, of the equestrian order, extremely rich considering these times, set about a project useful in itself, but having a most pernicious tendency, and a still more pernicious motive.

4.13.2For having, by the assistance of his friends and clients, bought up corn from Etruria at his private expense, (which very circumstance, I think, had beef an impediment in the endeavour to reduce the price of coin by the exertions of the state,) he set about giving out largesses of corn:

4.13.3and having won over the commons by this munificence, he drew them with him wherever he went, conspicuous and consequential beyond the rank of a private citizen, insuring to him as undoubted the consulship by the favour (they manifested towards him) and the hopes (they excited in him.)

4.13.4He himself, as the mind of man is not to be satiated with that which fortune holds out the hope of, began to aspire to things still higher, and altogether unwarrantable; and since even the consulship would have to be taken from the patricians against their will, he began to set his mind on kingly power;

4.13.5—that that would be the only prize worthy of such grand designs and of the struggle which would have to be endured.

4.13.6The consular elections were now coming on, which circumstance destroyed him completely, his plans being not yet arranged or sufficiently matured.

4.13.7Titus Quintius Capitolinus was elected consul for the sixth time, a man by no means well suited to answer the views of one meditating political innovations: Agrippa Mene- nius is attached to him as colleague, who bore the cognomen of Lanatus: and Lucius Minutius as president of the markets, whether he was re-elected, or created for an indefinite period, as long as circumstances should require;

4.13.8for there is nothing certain in the matter, except this, his name was entered as president in the linen books among the magistrates for both years.

4.13.9Here Minucius, conducting the same office in a public capacity which Maelius had undertaken to conduct in a private character, the same class of persons frequenting the houses of both, having ascertained the matter, lays it before the senate, that arms were collecting in the house of Maelius, and that he held assemblies in his house: and that his designs were unquestionably bent on regal dominion: that the time for the execution of the project was not yet fixed: that all other matters were settled; and that the tribunes were bought over for hire to betray the public liberty, and that the several parts were assigned to the leaders of the multitude.

4.13.10That he laid these things before them almost later than was consistent with safety, lest he might be the reporter of any thing uncertain or ill-grounded. When these things were heard, the chiefs of the patricians both rebuked the consuls of the former year, for having suffered those largesses and meetings of the people to go on in a private house, as well as the new consuls for having waited until a matter of such importance should be reported to the senate by the president of the markets, which required the consul to be not only the reporter, but the punisher also;

4.13.11then Titus Quintius said, that the consuls were unfairly censured, who being fettered by the laws concerning appeal, enacted to weaken their authority, by no means possessed as much power in their office as will, to punish that proceeding according to its atrocity.

4.13.12That there was wanting a man not only determined in himself, but one who was unshackled and freed from the fetters of those laws. That he would therefore appoint Lucius Quintius dictator; that in him there would be a determination suitable to so great a power.

4.13.13Whilst all approved, Quintius at first refused; and asked them what they meant, in exposing him in the extremity of age to such a contest. Then when they all said that in that aged mind there was not only more wisdom, but more energy also, than in all the rest, and went on loading him with deserved praises, whilst the consul relaxed not in his original determination;

4.13.14Cincinnatus at length having prayed to the immortal gods, that his old age might not prove a detriment or disgrace to the republic at so dangerous a juncture, is appointed dictator by the consul: he himself then appoints Caius Servilius Ahala his master of the horse.

4.14.1On the next day, having stationed proper guards, when he had gone down to the forum, and the attention of the commons was attracted to him by the strangeness and extraordinary nature of the thing, and Maelius's friends and himself their leader perceived that the power of such high authority was directly aimed at them;

4.14.2when, moreover, those who were not aware of the designs on regal power, went on asking, what tumult, what sudden war, had called for either the dictatorial authority, or Quintius, after his eightieth year, administrator of affairs, Servilius, master of the horse, being sent by the dictator to Maelius, says, The dictator summons you.

4.14.3When he, being alarmed, asked what he meant and Servilius stated that he must stand a trial, and answer the charge brought against him before the senate by Minucius, Maelius drew back into the band of his adherents, and at first, looking around him, he began to skulk off:

4.14.4at length when the beadle, by order of the master of the horse, was bringing him off, being rescued by those present, and running away, he implored the protection of the Roman people, and alleged that he was persecuted by a conspiracy of the patricians because he had acted kindly towards the people:

4.14.5he besought them that they would assist him in this critical emergency, and not suffer him to be butchered before their eyes.

4.14.6Ahala Servilius overtook and slew him whilst exclaiming in this manner; and smeared with the blood of the person so slain, and surrounded by a body of young nobles, he carries back word to the dictator that Maelius having been summoned to him, and commencing to excite the multitude after he had repulsed the beadle, had received condign punishment.

4.14.7Thou hast acted nobly, Caius Servilius, said the dictator, in having saved the republic.

4.15.1He then ordered the multitude, who were much agitated, not knowing what judgment to form of the deed, to be called to an assembly: and he openly declared, that Maelius had been justly put to death, even though he may have been innocent of the charge of aiming at regal power, who, when summoned to attend the dictator by the master of the horse, had not come.

4.15.2That he himself had taken his seat to examine into the case; that, after it had been investigated, Maelius should have met a result corresponding to his deserts that.

4.15.3when employing force, in order that he might not commit himself to a trial, he had been checked by force. Nor should they proceed with him as with a citizen, who, born in a free state amid laws and rights, in a city from which he knew that kings had been expelled, and on the same year the sons of the king's sister and the children of the consul, the liberator of his country, had been put to death by their father, on a plot for readmitting the royal family into the city having beet discovered, from which Collatinus Tarquinius the consul, through a hatred of his name, was ordered to resign his office and go into exile;

4.15.4in which capital punishment was inflicted on Spurius Cassius several years after for forming designs to assume the sovereignty; in which the decemvirs were recently punished with confiscation, exile, and death, in consequence of regal tyranny in that city, Spurius Maelius conceived a hope of attaining regal power.

4.15.5And who was this man? Although no nobility, no honours, no deserts should open to any man the road to domination, yet still the Claudii and Cassii, by reason of the consulates, the decemvirates, the honours of their own and those of their ancestors, and from the splendour of their families, had raised their aspiring minds to heights to which it was impious to raise them:

4.15.6that Spurius Maelius, to whom a tribuneship of the commons should rather be an object of wishes than of hope, a wealthy corn-merchant, had conceived the hope to purchase the liberty of his countrymen for two pounds of corn; had supposed that a people victorious over all their neighbours could be cajoled into servitude by throwing them a morsel of food;

4.15.7so that a person whom the state could scarcely digest as a senator, it should tolerate as king, possessing the ensigns and authority of Romulus their founder, who had descended from and had returned to the gods.

4.15.8This was to be considered not more criminal than it was monstrous: nor was it sufficiently expiated by his blood; unless the roof and walls within which so mad a project had been conceived, should be levelled to the ground, and his effects were confiscated, as being contaminated with the price of purchasing kingly domination. He ordered, therefore, that the quaestors should sell this property and deposit the proceeds in the treasury.

4.16.1He then ordered his house to be immediately razed, that the vacant ground might serve as a monument of nefarious hopes destroyed. This was called Aequimaelium.

4.16.2Lucius Minucius was presented with a gilded ox on the outside of the gate Trigemina, and this not even against the will of the commons, because he distributed Maelius's corn, after valuing it at one as per bushel.

4.16.3In some writers I find that this Minucius had changed sides from the patricians to the commons, and that having been chosen as eleventh tribune of the people, he quieted a commotion which arose on the death of Maelius.

4.16.4But it is scarcely credible that the patricians would have suffered the number of the tribunes to be increased, and that such a precedent should be introduced more particularly in the case of a man who was a patrician; or that the commons did not afterwards maintain, or at least attempt, that privilege once conceded to them. But the legal provision made a few years before, viz. that it should not be lawful for the tribunes to choose a colleague, refutes beyond every thing else the false inscription on the statue.

4.16.5Quintus Caecilius, Quintus Junius, Sextus Titinius, were the only members of the college of tribunes who had not been concerned in passing the law for conferring honours on Minucius; nor did they cease both to throw out censures one time on Minucius, at another time on Servilius, before the commons, and to complain of the unmerited death of Maelius.

4.16.6They succeeded, therefore, in having an election hell for military tribunes rather than for consuls, not doubting but that in six places, for so many were now allowed to be elected, some plebeians also might be appointed, by their professing to be avengers of the death of Maelius.

4.16.7The commons, though they had been agitated that year by many and various commotions, neither elected more than three tribunes with consular power; and among them Lucius Quintius, son of Cincinnatus, from the unpopular nature of whose dictatorship an occasion for disturbance was sought.

4.16.8Mamercus Aemilius, a man of the highest dignity, was voted in, prior to Quintius. In the third place they appoint Lucius Julius.

4.17.1During their office Fidenae, a Roman colony, revolted to Lars Tolumnius, king of the Veientians, and to the Veientians.

4.17.2To the revolt a more heinous crime was added. By order of Tolumnius they put to death Caius Fulcinius, Claelius Tullus, Spurius Antius, Lucius Roscius, Roman ambassadors, who came to inquire into the reason of this new line of conduct.

4.17.3Some palliate the guilt of the king; that an ambiguous expression of his, during a lucky throw of dice, having been mistaken by the Fidenatians, as if it seemed to be an order for their execution, had been the cause of the ambassadors' death.

4.17.4An incredible tale; that his thoughts should not have been drawn away from the game on the arrival of the Fidenatians, his new allies, when consulting him on a murder tending to violate the law of nations; and that the act was not afterwards viewed by him with horror.

4.17.5It is more probable that he wished the state of the Fidenatians to be so compromised by their participation in so great a crime, that they might not afterwards look to any hope from the Romans.

4.17.6Statues of the ambassadors, who were slain at Fidenae, were set up in the rostra at the public expense. A desperate struggle was coming on with the Veientians and Fidenatians, who, besides that they were neighbouring states, had commenced the war with so heinous a provocation.

4.17.7Therefore, the commons and their tribunes being now quiet, so as to attend to the general welfare, there was no dispute with respect to the electing of Marcus Geganius Macerinus a third time, and Lucius Sergius Fidenas, as consuls; so called, I suppose, from the war which he afterwards conducted.

4.17.8For he was the first who fought a successful battle with the king of the Veientians on this side of the Anio, nor did he obtain an unbloody victory. Greater grief was therefore felt from the loss of their countrymen, than joy from the defeat of the enemy: and the senate, as in an alarming crisis, ordered Mamercus Aemilius to be appointed dictator.

4.17.9He appointed as his master of the horse from the college of the preceding year, in which there had been tribunes of the soldiers with consular power, Lucius Quintius Cincinnatus, a youth worthy of his parent.

4.17.10To the levy held by the consuls were added the old centurions well versed in war, and the number of those lost in the late battle was made up. The dictator ordered Lucius Quintius Capitolinus and Marcus Fabius Vibulanus to attend him as his lieutenants-general.

4.17.11Both the higher powers, and the man suitable to such powers, caused the enemy to move from the Roman territory to the other side of the Anio, and continuing their retrograde movement, they took possession of the hills between Fidenae and the Anio, nor did they descend into the plains until the troops of the Faliscians came to their aid; then at length the camp of the Etrurians was pitched before the walls of Fidenae.

4.17.12The Roman dictator took his post at no great distance from thence at the conflux on the banks of both rivers, lines being run across between them, as far as he was able to follow by a fortification. Next day he marched out his army into the field.

4.18.1Among the enemy there was a diversity of opinion. The Faliscians, impatient of the hardships of war at a distance from home, and sufficiently confident of their own strength, earnestly demanded battle; the Veientians and Fidenatians placed more hope in protracting the war.

4.18.2Tolumnius, though the measures of his own subjects were more agreeable to him, proclaims that he would give battle on the following day lest the Faliscians might not brook the service at so great a distance from their home.

4.18.3The dictator and the Romans took additional courage from the fact of the enemy having declined giving battle: and on the following day, the soldiers exclaiming that they would attack the camp and the city, if an opportunity of fighting were not afforded them, the armies advance on both sides into the middle of a plain between the two camps.

4.18.4The Veientians, having the advantage in numbers, sent around a party behind the mountains to attack the Roman camp during the heat of the battle. The army of the three states stood drawn up in such a manner, that the Veientians occupied the right wing, the Faliscians the left, whilst the Fidenatians constituted the centre.

4.18.5The dictator charged on the right wing against the Faliscians, Quintius Capitolinus on the left against the Veientians, and the master of the horse with the cavalry advanced in the centre.

4.18.6For a short time all was silence and quiet, the Etrurians being determined not to engage unless they were compelled, and the dictator looking back towards a Roman fort, until a signal should be raised, as had been agreed on, by the augurs, as soon as the birds had given a favourable omen.

4.18.7As soon as he perceived this, he orders the cavalry first to charge the enemy, after raising a loud shout; the line of infantry following, engaged with great fury.

4.18.8In no quarter did the Etrurian legions withstand the shock of the Romans. The cavalry made the greatest resistance; and the king himself, far the bravest of the cavalry, charging the Romans whilst they were pursuing in disorder in every direction, prolonged the contest.

4.19.1There was then among the cavalry, Aulus Cornelius Cossus, a tribune of the soldiers, distinguished for the beauty of his person, and equally so for courage and great strength of body, and mindful of his rank, which, having received in a state of the highest lustre, he left to his posterity still greater and more distinguished.

4.19.2He perceiving that the Roman troops gave way at the approach of Tolumnius, wherever he directed his charge, and knowing him as being remarkable by his royal apparel, as

4.19.3he flew through the entire line, ex- claims, Is this the infringer of human treaties and the vio- lator of the law of nations? This victim I shall now slay, (provided the gods wish that there should be any thing sacred on earth,) and shall offer him up to the manes of the ambassadors.

4.19.4Having clapped spurs to his horse, he advances against this single foe with spear presented; and after having struck and unhorsed him, he immediately, by help of his lance, sprung on the ground.

4.19.5And as the king attempted to rise, he throws him back again with the boss of his shield, and with repeated thrusts pins him to the earth. He then stripped off the spoils from the lifeless body; and having cut off his head and carrying it on the point of his spear, he puts the enemy to rout through terror on seeing their king slain.

4.19.6Thus the line of cavalry, which alone had rendered the combat doubtful, was beaten. The dictator pursues closely the routed legions, and drove them to their camp with slaughter. The greater number of the Fidenatians, through their knowledge of the country, made their escape to the mountains. Cossus, having crossed the Tiber with the cavalry, carried off great plunder from the Veientian territory to the city.

4.19.7During the battle there was a fight also at the Roman camp against a party of the forces, which, as has been already mentioned, had been sent by Tolumnius to the camp.

4.19.8Fabius Vibulanus first defends his lines by a ring; then, whilst the enemy were wholly taken up with the entrenchment, sallying out from the principal gate on the right, he suddenly attacks them with the triarii: and a panic being thus struck into them there was less slaughter, because they were fewer, but their flight was no less disorderly than it had been on the field of battle.

4.20.1Matters being managed successfully in every direction, the dictator, by a decree of the senate and order of the people, returned to the city in triumph.

4.20.2By far the most remarkable object in the triumph was Cossus, bearing the spolia opima of the king he had slain.

4.20.3The soldiers chaunted their uncouth verses on him, extolling him as equal to Romulus. With the usual form of dedication, he presented, as an offering, the spoils in the temple of Jupiter Feretrius, near the spoils of Romulus, which, having been the first called opima, were the only ones at that time;

4.20.4and he attracted the eyes of all the citizens from the dictator's chariot to himself, and en- joyed almost solely the honour of that day's solemnity. The dictator offered up to Jupiter in the Capitol a golden crown a

4.20.5pound in weight, at the public expense, by order of the people. Following all the Roman writers, I have represented Aulus Cornelius Cossus as a military tribune, when he carried the second spolia opima to the temple of Jupiter Feretrius.

4.20.6But besides that those spoils are rightly considered opima, which one general has taken from another; and we know no general but the person under whose auspices the war is conducted, the inscription itself written on the spoils proves, against both me and them, that Cossus was consul when he took them.

4.20.7Having once heard Augustus Caesar, the founder or restorer of all our temples, on entering the temple of Jupiter Feretrius, which being dilapidated by time he rebuilt, aver that he himself had read the said inscription on the linen breastplate, I thought it would be next to sacrilege to rob Cossus of such a testimony respecting his spoils as that of Caesar, the renovator of the temple itself.

4.20.8Whether the mistake is chargeable on the very ancient annals and the linen books of the magistrates, deposited in the temple of Moneta, and which Licinius Macer occasionally cites as authorities, which have Aulus Cornelius Cossus consul with Titus Quintius Pennus, in the ninth year after this, every person may form his own opinion.

4.20.9For there is this additional proof, that a battle so celebrated could not be transferred to that year; that the three years before and after the consulship of Aulus Cornelius were entirely free from war, in consequence of a pestilence and a scarcity of grain; so that some annals, as if in mourning, present nothing but the names of the consuls.

4.20.10The third year from the consulship of Cossus has him as military tribune with consular power; in the same year as master of the horse, in which office he fought another distinguished horse battle.

4.20.11Conjecture is open on the matter; but, as I think, idle surmises may be turned to support any opinion: when the hero of the fight, having placed the recent spoils in the sacred repository, having before him Jove himself, to whom they were consecrated, and Romulus, no contemptible witnesses in case of a false inscription, entitled himself Aulus Cornelius Cossus consul.

4.21.1Marcus Cornelius Maluginensis and Lucius Papirius Crassus being consuls, the armies were led into the territories of the Veientians and Faliscians; numbers of men and cattle were driven off as spoil;

Book 4, Part 3

4.21.2the enemy was no where to be found on the land, and no opportunity of fighting was afforded; the cities however were not attacked, because a pestilential disorder ran through the people.

4.21.3Disturbances were also sought at home, but not actually excited, however, by Spurius Maelius, tribune of the people; who thinking that he might create some tumult through the popularity of his name, had both appointed a day of trial for Minucius, and had also proposed a law for confiscating the property of Servilius Ahala:

4.21.4alleging that Maelius had been circumvented through false impeachments by Minucius, charging Servilius with the killing of a citizen on whom no sentence had been passed; charges which, when brought before the people, proved to be more idle than the author himself.

4.21.5But the virulence of the disease now becoming worse, was more an object of concern to them, as also the terrors and prodigies, more especially because accounts were being brought, that houses were falling throughout the country, in consequence of frequent earthquakes. A supplication was therefore performed by the people, according to the form dictated by the decemvirs. The year being still more pestilential, Caius Julius a second time and Lucius Virginius being consuls, occasioned such dread of desolation

4.21.6through the city and country, that not only no one left the Roman territory for the purpose of committing depredations, and not only did none of the patricians or

4.21.7commons entertain an idea of commencing any military aggressions; but the Fidenatians, who at first had shut themselves up either within their town, or mountains, or fortifications, now descended without provocation to commit depredations on the Roman territory. Then the army of the Veientians being called in to their aid, (for the Faliscians could be induced to renew the war neither by the distresses of the Romans,

4.21.8nor by the remonstrances of their allies,) the two states crossed the Anio; and displayed their ensigns at no great distance from the Colline gate. Great consternation arose therefore, not more in the country than in the city. Julius the consul draws up his

4.21.9troops on the rampart and walls; the senate is consulted by Virginius in the temple of Quirinus. It is determined that Aulus Servilius be appointed dictator, who some say had the cognomen of Priscus, others that of Structus. Virginius having delayed whilst he consulted his colleague, with his permission, named the dictator at night. He appoints Postumus Aebutius Elva his master of the horse.

4.22.1The dictator orders all to attend at break of day out- side the Colline gate. All whosoever had sufficient strength to bear arms, attended; the standards were quickly brought forth from the treasury and conveyed to the dictator.

4.22.2Whilst these matters were going on, the enemies retired to the higher grounds; thither the dictator follows them with a determined army; and having come to a general engagement not far from Nomentum, he routed the Etrurian legions; he then drove them into the city of Fidenae, and surrounded it with a rampart.

4.22.3But neither could the city be taken by storm as being high and well fortified, nor was there any effect in a blockade, because corn was supplied to them in abundance not only for necessary consumption, but for plenty also, in consequence of that previously laid up.

4.22.4Thus all hope being lost of taking it by assault, or of forcing it to a surrender, the dictator determined on carrying a sap into the citadel in places which were well known to him on account of their near situation on the remote side of the city, as being most neglected because it was best protected by reason of its own nature;

4.22.5he himself by advancing up to the walls in places most remote, with his army divided into four sections, which were to succeed each other in the action, by continuing the fight day and night continuously he prevented the enemy from perceiving the work; until the mountain being dug through from the camp, a passage was opened up into the citadel;

4.22.6and the Etrurians being diverted from the real danger by the idle threats the shouting of the enemy over their heads proved to them that their city was taken.

4.22.7On that year Caius Furius Pacilus and Marcus Geganius Macerinus, censors, approved of the public edifice in the Campus Martius, and the census of the people was there performed for the first time.

4.23.1That the same consuls were re-elected on the follow- ing year, Julius for the third time, Virginius for the second time, I find in Licinius Macer. Valerius Antias and Quintus Tubero state that Marcus Manlius and Quintus Sulpicius were the consuls for that year.

4.23.2But in representations so different both Tubero and Macer cite the linen books as their authority; neither of them denies that it was said by ancient historians that there were military tribunes on that year.

4.23.3Licinius thinks that we should unhesitatingly follow the linen books; and Tubero is uncertain as to the truth. But this also is left unsettled among other points not ascertained from length of time.

4.23.4Alarm was raised in Etruria after the capture of Fidenae, not only the Veientians being terrified by the apprehension of similar ruin, but the Faliscians also, from the recollection of the war having first commenced with them, although they had not joined with those who renewed hostilities.

4.23.5Accordingly when the two nations, having sent ambassadors around to the twelve states, succeeded so far that a general meeting was proclaimed for all Etruria at the temple of Voltumna; the senate, apprehending a great attack threatening from that quarter, ordered Mamercus Aemilius again to be appointed dictator.

4.23.6Aulus Postumius Tubertus was appointed by him as master of the horse; and preparations for war were made with so much the more energy than on the last occasion, in proportion as there was more danger from the whole body of Etruria than from two of its states.

4.24.1That matter passed off much more quietly than any one expected.

4.24.2Therefore when word was brought by certain traders, that aid was refused to the Veientians, and that they were bid to prosecute with their own strength a war entered into on their own separate views, and not to seek out persons as sharers in their distresses, to whom they had not communicated their hopes when flourishing;

4.24.3the dictator, that his appointment might not be in vain, all opportunity of acquiring military glory being now taken from him, desirous of performing during peace some work which might serve as a memorial of his dictatorship, sets about limiting the censorship, either judging its powers excessive, or disapproving of the duration rather than the extent of the office.

4.24.4Accordingly, having summoned a meeting, he says that the immortal gods had taken on themselves that the public affairs should be managed externally, and that the general security should be insured; that with respect to what was to be done within the walls, he would provide for the liberty of the Ro- man people. But that the most effectual guarding of it was, that offices of great power should not be of long continuance; and that a limit of time should be set to those to which a limit of jurisdiction could not be set.

4.24.5That other offices were an- nual, that the censorship was quinquennial; that it was a grievance to be subject to the same individuals for such a number of years in a considerable part of the affairs of life. That he would propose a law, that the censorship should not last longer than a year and half.

4.24.6Amid the great approbation of the people he passed the law on the following day, and says, that you may know, Romans, in reality, how little pleasing to me are offices of long duration, I resign the dictatorship. Having laid down his own office, and set a limit to the office of others, he was escorted home with the congratulation and great good will of the people.

4.24.7The censors resenting Mamercus' conduct for his having diminished the duration of one of the offices of the Roman people, degraded him from his tribe, and increasing his taxes eight-fold, disfranchised him. They say that he bore this with great magnanimity as he considered the cause of the disgrace, rather than the disgrace itself; that the principal patricians also, though they had been averse to the curtailing the privileges of the censorship, were much displeased at this instance of censorial severity; inasmuch as each saw that he would be longer and more frequently subjected to the censors, than he should hold the office of censor. Certain it is that such indignation is said to

4.24.8have arisen on the part of the people, that violence could not be kept off from the censors through the influence of any person except of Mamercus himself.

4.25.1The tribunes of the people, by preventing the election of consuls by incessant harangues, succeeded at length, after the matter had been well nigh brought to an interregnum, in having tribunes of the soldiers elected with consular authority: as for the prize of their victory, which was the thing sought, scil.

4.25.2that a plebeian should be elected, there was none. All patricians were elected, Marcus Fabius Vibulanus, Marcus Foslius, Lucius Sergius Fidenas.

4.25.3The pestilence during that year afforded a quiet in other matters. A temple was vowed to Apollo for the health of the people.

4.25.4The duumvirs did much, by direction of the books, for the purpose of appeasing the wrath of heaven and averting the plague from the people; a great mortality however was sustained in the city and country, by the death of men and of cattle promiscuously. Apprehending a famine for the agriculturists, they sent into Etruria, and the Pomptine district, and to Cumae, and at last to Sicily also to procure corn. No mention was made of electing consuls.

4.25.5Military tribunes with consular authority were appointed, all patricians, Lucius Pinarius Mamercinus, Lucius Furius Medullinus, Spurius Postumius Albus. In this year the violence of the distemper abated, nor was there any danger from a scarcity of corn, because provision had been previously made against it.

4.25.6Schemes for exciting wars were agitated in the meetings of the Aequans and Volscians, and in Etruria at the temple of Voltumna.

4.25.7Here the matter was postponed for a year, and by a decree it was enacted, that no meeting should be held

4.25.8before that time, the Veientian state in vain complaining that the same destiny hung over Veii, as that by which Fidenae was destroyed.

4.25.9Meanwhile at Rome the chiefs of the commons, who had now for a long time been vainly pursuing the hope of higher dignity, whilst there was tranquillity abroad, appointed meetings to be held in the houses of the tribunes of the commons.

4.25.10There they concerted plans in secret: they complained that they were so despised by the commons, that though tribunes of the soldiers, with consular authority, were now appointed for so many years, no plebeian ever obtained access to that honour.

4.25.11That their ancestors had shown much foresight in providing that plebeian offices should not be open to any patrician; otherwise they should be forced to have patricians as tribunes of the commons; so despicable were they even with their own party, and were not less despised by the commons than by the patricians. Others exculpated the commons, and threw the blame on the patricians, — that by their intriguing and schemes it happened that the road to honour was barred against the commons.

4.25.12If the commons were allowed to breathe from their mixed entreaties and menaces, that they would enter on their suffrages with a due regard to men of their own party; and, assistance being al- ready procured, that they would assume a share in the government also.

4.25.13It is determined that, for the purpose o doing away with all intriguing, the tribunes should propos a law, that no person be allowed to add white to his garment for the purposes of canvassing. The matter may now appear trivial and scarcely deserving serious consideration, which then enkindled such strife between the patricians and commons.

4.25.14The tribunes, however, prevailed in carrying the law; and it appeared evident, that in their present state of irritation, the commons would incline their support to men of their own party; and lest this should be optional with them, a decree of the senate is passed, that the election for consuls should be held.

4.26.1The cause was the rising, which the Hernicians and Latins announced as about to take place on the part of the Aequans and Volscians.

4.26.2Titus Quintius Cincinnatus, son of Lucius, (to the same person the cognomen of Pennus also is annexed,) and Caius Julius Mento were elected consuls: nor was the terror of war longer deferred.

4.26.3A levy being held under the devoting law, which with them is the most powerful instrument of forcing men into service, powerful armies set out from thence, and met at Algidum;

4.26.4and there the Aequans and Volscians fortified their camps separately; and the general took greater care than ever before to fortify their posts and train their soldiers; so much the more terror did the messengers bring to Rome.

4.26.5The senate wished that a dictator should be appointed, because though these nations had been often conquered, yet they renewed hostilities with mope vigorous efforts than ever before, and a considerable number of the Roman youth had been carried off by sickness.

4.26.6Above all, the perverseness of the consuls, and the disagreement between them, and their contentions in all the councils, terrified them. There are some who state that an unsuccessful battle was fought by these consuls at Algidum, and that such was the cause of appointing a dictator.

4.26.7This much is certain, that, though differing in other points, they perfectly agreed in one against the wishes of the patricians, not to nominate a dictator; until when accounts were brought, one more alarming than another, and the consuls would not be swayed by the authority of the senate, Quintus Servilius Priscus, who had passed through the highest honours with singular honour, says, Tri- bunes of the people,

4.26.8since we are come to extremities, the senate calls on you, that you would, by virtue of your authority, compel the consuls to nominate a dictator in so critical a conjuncture of the state.

4.26.9On hearing this, the tribunes, conceiving that an opportunity was presented to them of extending their power, retire together, and declare for their college, that it was their wish that the consuls should be obedient to the instruction of the senate; if they persisted further against the consent of that most illustrious order, that they would order them to be taken to prison.

4.26.10The consuls were better pleased to be overcome by the tribunes than by the senate, alleging that the prerogatives of the highest magistracy were betrayed by the patricians and the consulship subjugated to tribunitian power, inasmuch as the consuls were liable to be overruled by a tribune in any particular by virtue of his power, and (what greater hardship could a private man have to dread?) even to be carried off to prison.

4.26.11The lot to nominate the dictator (for the colleagues had not even agreed on that) fell on Titus Quintius. He appointed a dictator, Aulus Postumius Tubertus, his own father-in-law, a man of the utmost strictness in command: by him Lucius Julius was appointed master of the horse: a suspension of civil business is also proclaimed;

4.26.12and, that nothing else should be attended to throughout the city but preparations for war, the examination of the cases of those who claimed exemption from the military service is deferred till after the war. Thus even doubtful persons are induced to give in their names. Soldiers were also enjoined of the Hernicians and Latins: the most zealous obedience is shown to the dictator on both sides.

4.27.1All these measures were executed with great despatch: and Caius Julius the consul being left to guard the city, and Lucius Julius master of the horse, for the sudden exigencies of the war, lest any thing which they might want in the camp should cause delay, the dictator, repeating the words after Aulus Cornelius the chief pontiff, vowed the great games on account of the sudden war;

4.27.2and having set out from the city, after dividing his army with the consul Quintius, he came up with the enemy.

4.27.3As they had observed two separate camps of the enemy at a small distance one from the other, they in like manner encamped separately about a mile from them, the dictator towards Tusculum, the consul towards Lanuvium.

4.27.4Thus they had their four armies, as many fortified posts, having between them a plain sufficiently extended not only for excursions to skirmish, but even for drawing up the armies on both sides in battle-array.

4.27.5From the time camp was brought close to camp, they ceased not from light skirmishing, the dictator readily allowing his soldiers, by comparing strength, to entertain beforehand the hope of a general vic- tory, after they had gradually essayed the result of slight skirmishes.

4.27.6Wherefore the enemy, no hope being now left in a regular engagement, attacked the consuls' camp in the night, and bring the matter to the chance of a doubtful result. The shout which arose suddenly awoke not only the consuls' sentinels and then all the army, but the dictator also.

4.27.7When circumstances required instant exertion, the consul evinced no deficiency either in spirit or in judgment. One part of the troops reinforce the guards at the gates, another man the rampart around.

4.27.8In the other camp with the dictator, inasmuch as there is less of confusion, so much the more readily is it observed, what is required to be done. Despatching then forthwith a reinforcement to the consuls' camp, to which Spurius Postumius Albus is appointed lieutenant-general, he himself with a part of his forces, making a small circuit, proceeds to a place entirely sequestered from the bustle, whence he might suddenly attack the enemy's rear.

4.27.9Quintus Sulpicius, his lieutenant-general, he appoints to take charge of the camp; to Marcus Fabius as lieutenant he assigns the cavalry, and orders that those troops, which it would be difficult to manage amid a nightly conflict, should not stir before day-light.

4.27.10All the measures which any other prudent and active general could order and execute at such a juncture, he orders and executes with regularity; that was an extraordinary specimen of judgment and intrepidity, and one deserving of no ordinary praise, that he despatched Marcus Geganius with some chosen troops to attack the enemy's camp, whence it had been ascertained that they had departed with the greater part of their troops.

4.27.11When he fell on these men, wholly intent o the result of the danger of their friends, and incautious with respect to themselves, the watches and advanced guards being even neglected, he took their camp almost before the enemy were perfectly sure that it was attacked.

4.27.12Then when the signal given with smoke, as had been agreed on, was perceived by the dictator, he exclaims that the enemy's camp was taken, and orders it to be announced in every direction.

4.28.1And now day was appearing, and every thing lay open to view; and Fabius had made an attack with his cavalry, and the consul had sallied from the camp on the enemy now disconcerted;

4.28.2when the dictator on the other side, having attacked their reserve and second line, threw his victorious troops, both horse and foot, in the way of the enemy as they turned themselves about to the dissonant shouts and the various sudden assaults.

4.28.3Thus surrounded on every side, they would to a man have suffered the punishment due to their re- assumption of hostilities, had not Vectius Messius, a Volscian, a man more ennobled by his deeds than his extraction, upbraiding his men as they were forming a circle, called out with a loud voice, Are ye about offering yourselves here to the weapons of the enemy, undefended.

4.28.4unavenged? why is it then ye have arms? or why have you undertaken an offensive war, ever turbulent in peace, and dastardly in war? What hopes have you in standing here? do you expect that some god will protect you and bear you hence? With the sword way must be opened.

4.28.5Come on ye, who wish to behold your homes, your parents, your wives, and your children, follow me in the way in which you shall see me lead you on. It is not a wall, not a rampart, but armed men that stand in your way with arms in your hands. In valour you are equal to them; in necessity, which is the ultimate and most effective weapon, superior.

4.28.6As he uttered these words and was putting them into execution, they, renewing the shout and following him, make a push in that quarter where Postumius Alba had opposed his troops to them: and they made the victor give ground, until the dictator came up, as his own men were now retreating. To that quarter the whole weight of the battle was now turned.

4.28.7On Messius alone the fortune of the enemy depends. Many wounds and great slaughter now took place on both sides.

4.28.8By this time not even the Roman generals themselves fight without receiving wounds, one of them, Postumius, retired from the field having his skull fractured by a stroke of a stone; neither the dictator could be removed by a wound in the shoulder, nor Fabius by having his thigh almost pinned to his horse, nor the consul by his arm being cut off, from the perilous conflict.

4.29.1Messius, with a band of the bravest youths, by a furious charge through heaps of slaughtered foes, was carried on to the camp of the Volscians, which had not yet been taken: the same route the entire body of the army followed.

4.29.2The consul, pursuing them in their disordered flight to the very rampart, attacks both the camp and the rampart; in the same direction the dictator also brings up his forces on the other side.

4.29.3The assault was conducted with no less intrepidity than the battle had been. They say that the consul even threw a standard within the rampart, in order that the soldiers might push on the more briskly, and that the first impression was made in recovering the standard. The dictator also, having levelled the rampart, had now carried the fight into the camp.

4.29.4Then the enemy began in every direction to throw down their arms and to surrender: and their camp also being taken,! all the enemy were set up to sale, except the senators. Part of the plunder was restored to the Latins and Hernicians, when they demanded their property; the remainder the dictator sold

4.29.5by auction: and the consul, being invested with the command of the camp, he himself, entering the city in triumph, resigned his dictatorship. Some writers cast a gloom on the memory of this glorious dictatorship, when they state that his son, though

4.29.6victorious, was beheaded by Aulus Postumius, because, tempted by a favourable opportunity of fighting to advantage, he had left his post without orders. We are disposed to refuse our belief; and we are warranted by the variety of opinions on the matter. And it is an argument against it, that such orders have been entitled Manlian, not Postumian, since the person who first set on foot so barbarous a precedent, was likely to obtain

4.29.7the signal title of cruelty. Besides, the cognomen of Imperiosus was affixed to Manlius: Postumius has not been marked by any hateful brand. Caius Julius the consul, in the absence of his col- league, without casting lots, dedicated the temple of Apollo: Quintius resenting this, when, after disbanding his army, he returned into the city, made a complaint of it in the senate to no purpose.

4.29.8To the year marked by great achievements is added an event which seemed to have no relation to the interest of Rome, viz. that the Carthaginians, destined to be such formidable enemies, then, for the first time, on the occasion of some disturbances among the Sicilians, transported an army into Sicily in aid of one of the parties.

4.30.1In the city efforts were made by the tribunes of the people that military tribunes with consular power should be elected; nor could the point be carried. Lucius Papirius Crassus and Lucius Junius were made consuls. When the ambassadors of the Aequans solicited a treaty from the senate, and instead of a treaty a surrender was pointed out to them, they obtained a truce for eight years.

4.30.2The affairs of the Volscians, in addition to the disaster sustained at Algidum, were involved in strifes and seditions by an obstinate contention between the advocates for peace and those for war.

4.30.3The Romans enjoyed tranquillity on all sides. The consuls, having ascertained through the information of one of the college, that a law regarding the appraising of the fines, which was very acceptable to the

4.30.4people, was about to be introduced by the tribunes, took the lead themselves in proposing it. The new consuls were Lucius Sergius Fidenas a second time, and Hostus Lucretius Tricipitinus. During their consulate nothing worth mentioning occurred. The consuls who followed them

4.30.5were Aulus Cornelius Cossus and Titus Quintius Pennus a second time. The Veientians made excursions into the Roman territory. A report existed that some of the youth of the Fidenatians had been participators in that depredation; and the cognizance of that matter was left to Lucius Sergius,

4.30.6and Quintus Servilius and Mamercus Aemilius. Some of them were sent into banishment to Ostia, because it did not appear sufficiently clear why during these days they had been absent from Fidenae. A number

4.30.7of new settlers was added, and the land of those who had fallen in war was assigned to them. There was very great distress that year in consequence of drought; there was not only a deficiency of rain; but the earth also destitute of its natural moisture, scarcely enabled the rivers to flow. In some places the

4.30.8want of water occasioned heaps of cattle, which had died of thirst, around the springs and rivulets which were dried up; others were carried off by the mange; and the distempers spread by infection to the human subject, and first assailed the husbandmen and slaves; soon after

4.30.9the city becomes filled with them; and not only were men's bodies afflicted by the contagion, but superstitions of various kinds, and most of them of foreign growth, took possession of their mind; persons, to whom minds

4.30.10enslaved by superstition were source of gain, introducing by pretending to divination new modes of sacrificing; until a sense of public shame now reached the leading men of the state, seeing

4.30.11in all the streets and chapels extraneous and unaccustomed ceremonies of expiation for the purpose of obtaining the favour of the gods. A charge was then given to the aediles, that they should see that no other than Roman gods should be worshipped, nor in any other manner,

4.30.12save that of the country. Their resentment against the Veientians was deferred till the following year, Caius Servilius Ahala and Lucius Papirius Mugillanus being consuls. Then also superstitious influences prevented the immediate declaration of war or the armies being

4.30.13sent; they deemed it necessary that heralds should be first set to demand restitution. There had been battles fought lately with the Veientians at Nomentum and Fidenae; and after that a truce, not a peace, had been concluded; of which both the time had expired and they had renewed hostilities before the expiration. Heralds however were sent; and when according to ancient usage, they were sworn and demanded restitution, their application was not

4.30.14listened to. Then arose a dispute whether a war should be declared by order of the people, or whether a decree of the senate would be sufficient. The tribunes,

4.30.15by threatening that they would stop the levy, so far prevailed that the consuls should take the sense of the people concerning the war. All the centuries voted for it. In this particular also the commons showed a superiority by gaining this point, that consuls should not be elected for the next year.

4.31.1Four military tribunes with consular authority were elected —Titus Quintius Pennus, from the consulship, Caius Furius, Marcus Postumius, and Aulus Cornelius Cossus. Of these Cossus held the command in the city.

4.31.2The other three, after the levy was held, set out to Veii, and were an instance how mischievous in military affairs is a plurality of com- manders. By insisting each on his own plans, whilst they severally entertained different views, they left an opportunity open to the enemy to take them at advantage.

4.31.3For the Veientians, taking an opportunity, attacked their line whilst still uncertain as to their movements, some ordering the signal to be given, others a retreat to be sounded: their camp, which was nigh at hand, received them in their confusion and turning their backs.

4.31.4There was more disgrace therefore than loss. The state, unaccustomed to defeat, was become melancholy; they hated the tribunes, they insisted on a dictator, the hopes of the state now seemed to rest on him. When a religious scruple interfered here also, lest a dictator could not be appointed except by a consul, the augurs on being consulted removed that scruple.

4.31.5Aulus Cornelius nominated Mamercus Aemilius, and he himself was nominated by him master of the horse. So little did censorial animadversion avail, so as to prevent them from seeking a regulator of their affairs from a family unmeritedly censured, as soon as the condition of the state stood in need of genuine merit.

Book 4, Part 4

4.31.6The Veientians elated with their success, having sent ambassadors around the states of Etruria, boasting that three Roman generals had been beaten by them in an engagement, though they could not effect a public co-operation in their designs, procured volunteers from all quarters allured by the hope of plunder.

4.31.7The state of the Fidenatians alone determined on renewing hostilities; and as if it would be an impiety to commence war unless with guilt, after staining their arms with the blood of the new settlers there, as they had on a former occasion with that of the ambassadors, they join the Veientians.

4.31.8After this the leading men of the two states consulted whether they should select Veii or Fidenae as the seat of war. Fidenae appeared the more convenient. Accordingly, having crossed the Tiber, the Veientians transferred the war thither.

4.31.9There was great consternation at Rome. The army being recalled from Veii, and that same army dispirited in consequence of their defeat, the camp is pitched before the Colline gate, and armed soldiers are posted along the walls, and a suspension of all civil business is proclaimed in the forum, and the shops were closed; and every place becomes more like to a camp than a city.

4.32.1Then the dictator, having sent criers

4.32.2through the streets, and having summoned the alarmed citizens to an assembly, began to chide them that they allowed their minds to depend on such slight impulses of fortune, that, on the receipt of a trifling loss, which itself was sustained not by the bravery of the enemy, nor by the cowardice of the Roman army, but by the disagreement of the generals, they now dreaded the Veientian enemy, six times vanquished, and Fidenae, which was almost taken oftener than attacked.

4.32.3That both the Romans and the enemies were the same as they were for so many ages: that they retained the same spirits, the same bodily strength, the same arms. That he himself, Mamercus Aemilius, was also the same dictator, who formerly defeated the armies of the Veientians and Fidenatians, with the additional support of the Faliscians, at Nomentum.

4.32.4That his master of the horse, Aulus Cornelius, would be the same in the field, he who, as military tribune in a former war, slew Lar Tolumnius, king of the Veientians, in the sight of both armies, and brought the spolia opima into the temple of Jupiter Feretrius.

4.32.5Wherefore that they should take up arms, mindful that with them were triumphs, with them spoils, with them victory; with the enemy the guilt of murdering the ambassadors contrary to the law of nations, the massacre of the Fidenatian colonists in time of peace, the infraction of truces, a seventh unsuccessful revolt.

4.32.6As soon as they should bring their camp near them, he was fully confident that the joy of these most impious enemies at the disgrace of the Roman army would not be of long continuance,

4.32.7and that the Roman people would be convinced how much better those persons deserved of the republic, who nominated him dictator for the third time, than those who, in consequence of his abolishing the despotism of the censorship, would cast a slur on his second dictatorship.

4.32.8Having offered up his vows and set out on his march, he pitches his camp fifteen hundred paces on this side of Fidenae, covered on his right by mountains, on his left by the river Tiber.

4.32.9He orders Titus Quintius Pennus to take possession of the mountains, and to post himself secretly on some eminence which night be in the enemy's rear.

4.32.10On the following day, when the Etrurians had marched out to the field, full of confidence in consequence of their accidental success of the preceding day, rather than of their good fighting, he himself, having delayed a little until the senate brought back word that Quintius ha gained an eminence nigh to the citadel of Fidenae, puts his troops into motion and led on his line of infantry in order of battle in their quickest pace against the enemy:

4.32.11the master of the horse he directs not to commence the fight without orders; that, when it would be necessary, he would give the signal for the aid of the cavalry; then that he would conduct the action, mindful of his fight with the king, mindful of the rich oblation, and of Romulus and Jupiter Feretrius.

4.32.12The legions begin the conflict with impetuosity. The Romans, fired with hatred, gratified that feeling both with deeds and words, calling the Fidenatian impious, the Veientian robbers, truce-breakers, stained with the horrid murder of ambassadors, sprinkled with the blood of their own brother-colonists, treacherous allies, and dastardly enemies.

4.33.1In the very first onset they had made an impression on the enemy; when on a sudden, the gates of Fidenae flying open, a strange sort of army sallies forth, unheard of and unseen before that time.

4.33.2An immense multitude armed with fire and all blazing with fire-brands, as if urged on by fanatical rage, rush on the enemy: and the form of this unusual mode of fighting frightened the Romans for the moment.

4.33.3Then the dictator, having called to him the master of the horse and the cavalry, and also Quintius from the mountains animating the fight, hastens himself to the left wing, which, more nearly resembling a

4.33.4conflagration than a battle, had from terror given way to the flames, and exclaims with a loud voice, Vanquished by smoke, driven from your ground as if a swarm of bees, will ye yield to an unarmed enemy? will ye not extinguish the fires with the sword? or if it is with fire, not with weapons, we are to fight, will ye not, each in his post, snatch those brands, and hurl them on them?

4.33.5Come, mindful of the Roman name, of the valour of your fathers, and of your own, turn this conflagration against the city of your enemy, and destroy Fidenae by its own flames, which ye could not reclaim by your kindness. The blood of your ambassadors and colonists and the desolation of your frontiers suggest this.

4.33.6At the command of the dictator the whole line advanced; the firebrands that were discharged are partly caught up; others are wrested by force: the armies on either side are now armed with fire.

4.33.7The master of the horse too, on his part, introduces among the cavalry a new mode of fighting; he commands his men to take the bridles off their horses: and he himself at their head, putting spurs to his own, dashing forward, is carried by the unbridled steed into the midst of the fires: the other horses also being urged on carry their riders with unrestrained speed against the enemy.

4.33.8The dust being raised and mixed with smoke excluded the light from the eyes of both men and horses. That appearance which had terrified the soldiers, no longer terrified the horses. The cavalry therefore, wherever they penetrates, produced a heap of bodies like a ruin.

4.33.9A new shout then assailed their ears; and when this attracted the attention of the two armies looking with amazement at each other, the dictator cries out that his lieutenant-general and his men had attacked the enemy on the rear: he himself, on the shout being renewed, advances against them with redoubled vigour.

4.33.10When two armies, two different battles pressed on the Etrurians, now surrounded, in front and rear, and there was now no means of flight back to their camp, nor to the mountains, where new enemies were ready to oppose them, and the horses, now freed from their bridles, had scattered their riders in every direction, the principal part of the Veientians make precipitately for the Tiber. Such of the Fidenatians as survived, bend their course to the city of Fidenae.

4.33.11Their flight hurries them in their state of panic into the midst of slaughter; they are cut to pieces on the banks; others, when driven into the water, were carried off by the eddies; even those who could swim were weighed down by fatigue, by their wounds, and by fright; a few out of the many make their way across.

4.33.12The other party make their way through the camp into the city. In the same direction their impetuosity carries the Romans in pursuit; Quintius more especially, and with him those who had just come down from the mountain, being the soldiers who were freshest for labour, because they had come up towards the close of the engagement.

4.34.1These, after they entered the gate mixed with the enemy, make their way to the walls, and raise from their summit a signal to their friends of the town being taken.

4.34.2When the dictator saw this, (for he had now made his way in o the deserted camp of the enemy,) he leads on the soldiers who were now anxious to disperse themselves in quest of booty, entertaining a hope of a greater spoil in the city, to the gate; and being admitted within the walls, he proceeds to the citadel, whither he saw the crowds of fugitives hurrying.

4.34.3Nor was the slaughter in the city less than in the battle; until, throwing down their arms, begging nothing but their life, they surrendered to the dictator.

4.34.4The city and camp are plundered. On the following day, one captive being allotted to each horseman and centurion, and two to those whose valour had been conspicuous, and the rest being sold by auction, the dictator in triumph led back to Rome his army victorious and enriched with spoil;

4.34.5and having ordered the master of the horse to resign his office, he immediately resigned his own on the sixteenth day (after he had obtained it); surrendering in peace that authority which he had received during war and trepidations.

4.34.6Some annals have reported that there was a naval engagement with the Veientians at Fidenae, a thing as difficult as it was incredible, the river even now not being broad enough for such a purpose;

4.34.7and at that time, as we learn from old writers, being considerably narrower: except that perhaps in disputing the passage of the river, magnifying, as will happen, the scuffle of a few ships, they sought the empty honour of a naval victory.

4.35.1The following year had as military tribunes with consular power Aulus Sempronius Atratinus, Lucius Quintius Cincinnatus, Lucius Furius Medullinus, Lucius Horatius Barbatus.

4.35.2To the Veientians a truce for twenty years was granted, and one for three years to the Aequans, though they had solicited one for a longer term. There was quiet also from city riots.

4.35.3The year following, though not distinguished either by war abroad or by disturbance at home, was rendered celebrated by the games which had been vowed during the war, both through the magnificence displayed in them by the military tribunes, and also through the concourse of the neighbouring states.

4.35.4The tribunes with consular power were Appius Claudius Crassus, Spurius Nautilus Rutilus, Lucius Sergius Fidenas, Sextus Julius Iulus. The exhibition, besides that they had come with the public concurrence of their states, was rendered still more grateful to the strangers by the courtesy of their hosts.

4.35.5After the games seditious harangues were delivered by the tribunes of the commons upbraiding the multitude; that stupified with admiration of those persons whom they hated, they kept themselves in a state of eternal bondage;

4.35.6and they not only had not the cou- rage to aspire to the recovery of their hopes of a share in the consulship, but even in the electing of military tribunes, which elections lay open to both patricians and commons, they neither thought of themselves nor of their party.

4.35.7That they must therefore cease feeling surprised why no one busied himself about the interests of the commons: that labour and danger would be expended on objects whence emolument and honour might be expected. That there was nothing men would not attempt if great rewards were proposed for those who make great attempts.

4.35.8That any tribune of the commons should rush blindly at great risk and with no advantage into contentions, in consequence of which he may rest satisfied that the patricians against whom he should strive, will persecute him with inexpiable war, whilst with the commons in whose behalf he may have contended he will not be one whit the more honoured, was a thing neither to be expected nor required. That by great honours minds became great.

4.35.9That no plebeian would think meanly of himself, when they ceased to be despised by others. That the experiment should be at length made in the case of one or two, whether there were any plebeian capable of sustaining a high dignity, or whether it were next to a miracle and a prodigy that any one sprung from the commons should be a brave and industrious man.

4.35.10That by the utmost energy the point had been gained, that military tribunes with consular power might be chosen from among the commons also. That men well approved both in the civil and military line had stood as candidates That during the first years they were hooted at, rejected, and ridi- culed by the patricians: that at length they had cease to expose themselves to insult.

4.35.11Nor did he for his part see why the law itself might not be repealed; by which that was made lawful which never could take place; for that there would be less cause for blushing at the injustice of the law, than if they were to be passed over through their own want of merit.

4.36.1Harangues of this kind, listened to with approbation, induced some persons to stand for the military tribuneship, each avowing that if in office he would propose something to the advantage of the commons.

4.36.2Hopes were held cut of a distribution of the public land, of colonies to be planted, and of money to be raised for the pay of the soldiers, by a tax imposed on the proprietors of estates.

4.36.3Then an opportunity was laid hold of by the military tribunes, so that during the absence of most persons from the city, when the patricians who were to be recalled by a private intimation were to attend on a certain day, a decree of the senate might be passed in the absence of the tribunes of the commons;

4.36.4that a report existed that the Volscians had gone forth into the lands of Hernici to commit depredations, the military tribunes were to set out to examine into the matter, and that an assembly should be held for the election of consuls.

4.36.5Having set out, they leave Appius Claudius, son of the decemvir, as prefect of the city, a young man of great energy, and one who had ever from his cradle imbibed a hatred of the tribunes and the commons. The tribunes of the commons had nothing for which they should contend, either with those persons now absent, who had procured the decree of the senate, nor with Appius, the matter being now all over.

4.37.1Caius Sempronius Atratinus, Quintus Fabius Vibulanus were elected consuls. An affair in a foreign country, but one deserving of record, is stated to have happened in that year. Vulturnum, a city of the Etrurians, which is now Capua, was taken by the Samnites; and was called Capua from their leader, Capys, or, what is more probable, from its champaign grounds.

4.37.2But they took possession of it, after having been admitted into a share of the city and its lands, when the Etrurians had been previously much harassed in war; afterwards the new-comers attacked and massacred during the night the old inhabitants, when on a festival day they had become heavy with wine and sleep.

4.37.3After those transactions the consuls whom we have mentioned entered on office on the ides of December.

4.37.4Now not only those who had been expressly sent, reported that a Volscian war was impending; but ambassadors also from the Latins and Hernicians brought word, that never at any former period were the Volscians more intent either in selecting commanders, or in levying an army;

4.37.5that they commonly observed either that arms and war were to be for ever consigned to oblivion, and the yoke to be submitted to; or that they must not yield to those, with whom they contended for empire, either in valour, perseverance, or military discipline.

4.37.6The accounts they brought were not unfounded; but neither the senate were so much affected by the circumstance; and Caius Sempronius, to whom the province fell by lot, relying on fortune, as if a most constant object, because he was the leader of a victorious state against one frequent y vanquished, executed all his measures carelessly and remissly;

4.37.7so that there was more of the Roman discipline in the Volscian than in the Roman army. Success therefore, as on many other occasions, attended merit.

4.37.8In the first battle, which was entered on by Sempronius without either prudence or caution, they met, without their lines being strengthened by reserves, or their cavalry being properly stationed The shout was the first presage which way the victory would incline;

4.37.9that raised by the enemy was louder and more continued; that by the Romans, being dissonant, uneven, and frequently repeated in a lifeless manner, betrayed the prostration of their spirits.

4.37.10The enemy advancing the more boldly on this account, pushed with their shields, brandished their swords; on the other side the helmets drooped, as the men looked around, and disconcerted they waver, and keep close to the main body.

4.37.11The ensigns at one time standing their ground are deserted by their supporters, at another time they retreat between their respective companies. As yet there was no absolute flight, nor was there victory. The Romans rather covered themselves than fought. The Volscians advanced, pushed against their line, saw more of the enemy slain than running away.

4.38.1They now give way in every direction, the consul Sempronius in vain chiding and exhorting them; neither his authority nor his dignity availed any thing;

4.38.2and they would presently have turned their backs to the enemy, had not Sextus Tempanius, a commander of a troop of horse, with great presence of mind brought them support, when matters were now desperate.

4.38.3When he called out aloud, that the horsemen who wished for the safety of the commonwealth should leap from their horses, the horsemen of all the troops being moved, as if by the consul's orders, he says, unless this cohort by its arms can stop the progress of the enemy, there is an end of the empire. Follow my spear as your standard. Show to the Romans and Volscians, that no cavalry are equal to you as cavalry, nor infantry to you as infantry.

4.38.4When this exhortation was approved by a loud shout, he advances, holding his spear aloft. Wherever they go, they open a passage for themselves; putting forward their targets they force on to the place where they saw the distress of their friends great- est.

4.38.5The fight is restored in every part, as far as their onset reached; nor was there a doubt but that if so few could accomplish every thing at the same time, the enemy would have turned their backs.

4.39.1And when they could now be withstood in no part, the Volscian commander gives a signal, that an opening should be made for the targeteers, the enemy's new cohort; until carried away by their impetuosity they should be cut off from their own party.

4.39.2When this was done, the horsemen were intercepted; nor were they able to force their way in the same direction as that through which they had passed;

4.39.3the enemy being thickest in that part through which they had made their way; and the consul and Roman legions, when they could no where see that party which had lately been a protection to the entire army, lest the enemy should cut down so many men of distinguished valour by cutting them off, push forward at all hazards.

4.39.4The Volscians, forming two fronts, sustained the attack of the consul and the legions on the one hand, with the other front pressed on Tempanius and the horsemen:

4.39.5and when they after repeated attempts were unable to force their way to their own party, they took possession of an eminence, and defended themselves by forming a circle, not without taking vengeance on their enemies. Nor was there an end of the battle before night.

4.39.6The consul also, never relaxing his efforts as long as any light remained, kept the enemy employed. The night at length separated them undecided as to victory; and such a panic seized both camps, from their uncertainty as to the issue, that, leaving behind their wounded and a great part of the baggage, both armies, as if vanquished, betook themselves to the adjoining mountains.

4.39.7The eminence, however, continued to be besieged till beyond midnight; but when word was brought to the besiegers that the camp was deserted, supposing that their own party had been defeated, they too fled, each whithersoever his fears carried him in the dark.

4.39.8Tempanius, through fear of an ambush, detained his men till daylight. Then having himself descended with a few men to look about, when he ascertained by inquiring from some of the wounded enemy that the camp of the Volscians was deserted, he joyously calls down his men from the eminence, and makes his way into the Roman camp:

4.39.9where, when he found every thing waste and deserted, and the same unsightliness as with the enemy, before the discovery of this mistake should bring back the Volscians, taking with him all the wounded he could, and not knowing what route the consul had taken, he proceeds by the shortest roads to the city.

4.40.1The report of the unsuccessful battle and of the abandonment of the camp had already reached there; and, above all other objects, the horsemen were mourned not more with private than with public grief;

4.40.2and the consul Fabius, the city also being now alarmed, stationed guards before the gates; when the horsemen, seen at a distance, not without so e degree of terror by those who doubted who they were, but soon being recognised, from a state of dread produced such joy, that a shout pervaded the city, of persons congratulating each other on the horsemen having returned safe and victorious;

4.40.3and from the houses a little before in mourning, as they had given up their friends for lost, persons were seen running into the street; and the affrighted mothers and wives, forgetful of all ceremony through joy, ran out to meet the band, each one rushing up to her own friends, and through extravagance of delight scarcely retaining power over body or mind.

4.40.4The tribunes of the people who had appointed a day of trial for Marcus Postumius and Titus Quintius, because of the unsuccessful battle fought near Veii by their means, thought that an opportunity now presented itself for renewing the public odium against them by reason of the recent displeasure felt against the consul Sempronius.

4.40.5Accordingly, a meeting being convened, when they exclaimed aloud that the commonwealth had been betrayed at Veii by the generals, that the army was afterwards betrayed by the consul in the country of the Volscians, because they had escaped with impunity, that the very brave horsemen were consigned to slaughter, that the camp was shamefully deserted;

4.40.6Caius Julius, one of the tribunes, ordered the horseman Tempanius to be cited, and in presence of them he says, Sextus Tempanius, I ask of you, whether do you think that Caius Sempronius the consul either commenced the battle at the proper time, or strengthened his line with reserves, or that he discharged any duty of a good consul?

4.40.7or did you yourself, when the Roman legions were beaten, of your own judgment dismount the cavalry and re- store the fight? then when you and the horsemen with you were cut off from our army, did either the consul himself come to your relief, or did he send you succour?

4.40.8Then again, on the following day, had you any assistance any where? or did you and your cohort by your own bravery make your way into your camp? Did you find a consul or an army in the camp, or did you find the camp forsaken, the wounded soldiers left behind?

4.40.9These things are to be declared by you this day, as becomes your valour and honour, by which alone the republic has stood its ground on this day. In a word, where is Caius Sempronius, where are our legions? Have you been deserted, or have you deserted the consul and the army? In a word, have we been defeated, or have we gained the victory?

4.41.1In answer to these questions the language of Tempanius is said to have been entirely devoid of elegance, but firm as became a soldier, not vainly parading his own merits, nor exulting in the inculpation of others:

4.41.2How much military skill Caius Sempronius possessed, that it was not his business as a soldier to judge with respect to his commander, but the business of the Roman people when they were choosing consuls at the election.

4.41.3Wherefore that they should not require from him a detail of the plans to be adopted by a general, nor of the qualifications to be looked for in a consul; which matters required to be considered by great minds and great capacities; but what he saw, that he could state.

4.41.4That before he was separated from his own party, he saw the consul fighting in the first line, encouraging his men, actively employed amid the Roman ensigns and the weapons of the enemy; that he was afterwards carried out of sight of his friends.

4.41.5That from the din and shouting he perceived that the contest was protracted till night; nor did he think it possible, from the great numbers of the enemy, that they could force their way to the eminence which he had seized on.

4.41.6Where the army might be, he did not know; he supposed that as he protected himself and his men, by advantage of situation when in danger, in the same way the consul, for the purpose of preserving his army, had selected a more secure place for his camp.

4.41.7Nor did he think that the affairs of the Volscians were in a better condition than those of the Roman people. That fortune and the night had occasioned a multitude of mistakes on both sides: and then when he begged that they would not detain him, fatigued with toil and wounds, he was dismissed with high encomiums, not more on his bravery than his modesty.

4.41.8While these things were going on, the consul was at the temple of Rest on the road leading to Lavici. Waggons and other modes of conveyance were sent thither from the city, and took up the army, exhausted by the action and the travelling by night.

4.41.9Soon after the consul entered the city, not more anxious to remove the blame from himself, than to bestow on Tempanius the praises so well deserved.

4.41.10Whilst the citizens were still sorrowful in consequence of their ill success and incensed against their leaders, Marcus Postumius, being arraigned and brought before them, he who had been military tribune with consular power at Veii, is condemned in a fine of ten thousand asses in weight, of brass.

4.41.11His colleague, Titus Quintius, who endeavoured to shift the entire blame of that period on his previously condemned colleague, was acquitted by all the tribes, because both in the country of the Volscians, when consul, he had conducted business successful y under the auspices of the dictator, Postumius Tubertus, and also at Fidenae, as lieutenant-general of another dictator, Mamercus Aemilius.

4.41.12The memory of his father, Cincinnatus, a man highly deserving of veneration, is said to have been serviceable to him, as also Capitolinus Quintius, now advanced in years humbly entreating that they would not suffer him who had so short a time to live to be the bearer of such dismal tidings to Cincinnatus.

4.42.1The commons elected as tribunes of the people, though absent, Sextus Tempanius, Aulus Sellius, Sextus Antistius, and Spurius Icilius, whom the horsemen by the advice of Tempanius had appointed to command them as centurions.

4.42.2The senate, inasmuch as the name of consuls was now becoming displeasing through the hatred felt towards Sempronius, ordered that military tribunes with consular power should be elected. Those elected were Lucius Manlius Capitolinus, Quintus Antonius Merenda, Lucius Papirius Mugillanus.

4.42.3At the very commencement of the year, Lucius Hortensius, a tribune of the people, appointed a day of trial for Caius Sempronius, a consul of the preceding year, and when his four colleagues, in sight of the Roman people, entreated him that he would not involve in vexation their unoffending general, in whose case nothing but fortune could be blamed, Hortensius took offence, thinking it to be a trying of his perseverance, and

4.42.4that the accused depended not on the entreaties of the tribunes, which were merely used for show, but on their protection.

4.42.5Therefore now turning to him, he asked, Where were those patrician airs, where the spirit supported and confiding in conscious innocence; that a man of consular dignity took shelter under the shade of the tribunes?

4.42.6Another time to his colleagues, What do you intend doing, if I go on with the prosecution; will you wrest their jurisdiction from the people and overturn the tribunitian authority?

Book 4, Part 5

4.42.7When they said that, both with respect to Sempronius and all others, the power of the Roman people was supreme; that they had neither the will nor the power to do away with the judgment of the people; but if their entreaties for their commander, who was to them in the light of a parent, were to prove of no avail, that they would change their apparel along with him:"

4.42.8then Hortensius says, The commons of Rome shall not see their tribunes in the garb of culprits. To Caius Sempronius I have nothing more to say, since when in office he has attained this good fortune, to be so dear to his soldiers.

4.42.9Nor was the dutiful attachment of the four tribunes more grateful alike to the commons and patricians, than was the temper of Hortensius, which yielded so readily to their just entreaties.

4.42.10Fortune no longer indulged the Aequans, who had embraced the doubtful victory of the Volscians as their own.

4.43.1In the year following, when Numerius Fabius Vibulanus and Titus Quintius Capitolinus, son of Capitolinus, were consuls, nothing worth mentioning was performed under the conduct of Fabius, to whom that province had fallen by lot.

4.43.2When the Aequans had merely showed their dastardly army, they were routed by a shameful flight, without any great honour to the consul; therefore a triumph is refused. However in consequence of having effaced the ignominy of Sempronius's defeat, he was allowed to enter the city with an ovation.

4.43.3As the war was terminated with less difficulty than they had apprehended, so in the city, from a state of tranquillity, an unexpected mass of dissensions arose between the commons and patricians, which commenced with doubling the number of quaestors.

4.43.4When the patricians approved most highly of this measure, (viz. that, besides the two city quaes- tors, two should attend the consuls to discharge some duties of the military service,) after it was moved by the consuls, the tribunes of the commons contended in opposition to the consuls, that half of the quaestors should be appointed from the commons; for up to that time all patricians were appointed.

4.43.5Against this proceeding both the consuls and patricians at first strove with all their might; then by making a concession that the will of the people should be equally free in the case of quaestors, as they enjoyed in the election of tribunes with consular power, when they produced but little effect, they gave up the entire matter about increasing the lumber of quaestors.

4.43.6When relinquished, the tribunes take it up, and other seditious schemes are continually started, among which is that of the agrarian law. On account of these disturbances the senate was desirous that consuls should be elected rather than tribunes, but no decree of the senate could be passed in consequence of the protests of the tribunes;

4.43.7the government from being consular came to an interregnum, and not even that without a great struggle (for the tribunes prevented the patricians from meeting). When the greater part

4.43.8of the following year was wasted in contentions by the new tribunes of the commons and some interreges, the tribunes at one time hindering the patricians from assembling to declare an interrex, at another time preventing the interrex from passing a decree regarding the election of consuls;

4.43.9at length Lucius Papirius Mugillanus, being nominated interrex, censuring now the patricians, now the tribunes of the people, asserted that the s ate, deserted and forsaken by man, being taken up by the providence and care of the gods, subsisted by the Veientian truce and the dilatoriness of the Aequans.

4.43.10From which quarter if any alarm of danger be heard, did it please them that the state, left without a patrician magistrate, should be t ken by surprise? that there should be no army, nor general to enlist one?

4.43.11Will they repel a foreign war by an intestine one? And if they both meet, the Roman state can scarcely be saved, even by the aid of the gods, from being overwhelmed.

4.43.12That they, by resigning each a portion of their strict right, should establish concord by a compromise; the patricians, b suffering military tribunes with consular authority to be elected; the tribunes of the commons, by ceasing to protest against the four quaestors being elected promiscuously from the commons and patricians by the free suffrage of the people."

4.44.1The election of tribunes was first held. There were chosen tribunes with consular power, Lucius Quintius Cincinnatus a third time, Lucius Furius Medullinus a second time, Marcus Manlius, Aulus Sempronius Atratinus.

4.44.2On the last-named tribune presiding at the election of quaestors, and among several other plebeians a son of Antistius, a plebeian tribune, and a brother of Sextus Pompilius, also a tribune of the commons, becoming candidates, neither the power nor interest of the latter at all availed so as to prevent those, whose fathers and grandfathers they had seen consuls, from being preferred for their high birth.

4.44.3All the tribunes of the commons became enraged, above all Pompilius and Antistius were incensed at the rejection of their relatives.

4.44.4" What could this mean? that neither through their own kindnesses, nor in consequence of the injurious treatment of the patricians, nor even through the natural desire of making use of their new right, as that is now allowed which was not allowed before, was any individual of the commons elected if not a military tribune, not even a quaestor.

4.44.5That the prayers of a father in behalf of a son, those of one brother in behalf of another, had been of no avail, though proceeding from tribunes of the people, a sacrosanct power created for the support of liberty. There must have been some fraud in the matter, and Aulus Sempronius must have used more of artifice at the elections than was compatible with honour.

4.44.6They complained that by the unfairness of his conduct their friends had been kept out of office. Accordingly as no attack could be made on him, secured by his innocence and by the office he then held, they turned their resentment against Caius Sempronius, uncle to Atratinus; and, with the aid of their colleague Marcus Cornelius, they entered a prosecution against him on account of the disgrace sustained in the Volscian war.

4.44.7By the same tribunes mention was frequently made in the senate concerning the division of the lands, (which scheme Caius Sempronius had always most vigorously opposed,) they supposing, as was really the case, that the accused, should he give up the question, would become less valued among the patricians, or by persevering up

4.44.8to the period of trial he would give offence to the commons.

4.44.9He preferred to expose himself to the torrent of popular prejudice, and to injure his own cause, than to be wanting to the public cause; and he stood firm in the same sentiment, that no largess should be made, which was sure to turn to the benefit of the three tribunes; that it was not land was sought for the people, but odium for him.

4.44.10That he too would undergo that storm with a determined mind; nor should either himself, nor any other citizen, be of so much consequence to the senate, that in showing tenderness to an individual, a public injury may be done. When the day of trial came, he, having pleaded his own cause with a spirit by no means subdued, is condemned in a fine of fifteen thousand asses, though the patricians tried every means to make the people relent.

4.44.11The same year Postumia, a Vestal virgin, is tried for a breach of chastity, though guiltless of the charge;

4.44.12having fallen under suspicion in consequence of her dress being too gay and her manners less reserved than becomes a virgin, not avoiding the imputation with sufficient care. The case was first deferred, she was afterwards acquitted; but the chief pontiff, by the instruction of the college, commanded her to refrain from indiscreet mirth, and to dress with more regard to sanctity than elegance.

4.44.13In the same year Cumae, a city which the Greeks then occupied, was taken by the Campanians.

4.45.1The following year had for military tribunes with consular power, Agrippa Menenius Lanatus, Publius Lucretius Tricipitinus, Spurius Nautius Rutilus: to the good fortune of the Roman people, the year was remarkable rather by great danger than by losses.

4.45.2The slaves conspire to set fire to the city in several quarters, and whilst the people should be intent in bearing assistance to the houses in every direction, to take up arms and seize the citadel and Capitol. Jupiter frustrated their horrid designs; and the offenders, being seized on the information of two (accomplices), were punished.

4.45.3Ten thousand asses in weight of brass paid out of the treasury, a sum which at that time was considered wealth, and their freedom, was the reward conferred on the parties who discovered.

4.45.4The Aequans then began to prepare for a renewal of hostilities; and an account was brought to Rome from good authority, that new enemies, the Lavicanians, were forming a coalition with the old ones. The state had now become habituated, as it were, to the anniversary arms of the Aequans. When am bassadors were sent to Lavici and brought back from thence an evasive answer, from which it became evident that neither war was intended there, nor would peace be of long continuance, instructions were given to the Tusculans, that they should observe attentively, lest any new commotion should arise at Lavici.

4.45.5To the military tribunes, with consular power, of the following year, Lucius Sergius Fidenas, Marcus Papirius Mugillanus, Caius Servilius the son of Priscus, in whose dictatorship Fidenae had been taken, ambassadors came from Tusculum, just as they entered on their office.

4.45.6The ambassadors brought word that the Lavicanians had taken arms, and having ravaged the Tusculan territory in conjunction with the army of the Aequans, that they had pitched their camp at Algidum.

4.45.7Then war was proclaimed against the Lavicanians; and a decree of the senate having been passed, that two of the tribunes should proceed to the war, and that one should manage affairs at Rome, a contest suddenly sprung up among the tribunes. Each represented himself as a fitter person to take the lead in the war, and scorned the management of the city as disagreeable and inglorious.

4.45.8When the senate beheld with surprise the indecent contention between the colleagues, Quintus Servilius says, Since there is no respect either for this house, or for the commonwealth, parental authority shall set aside this altercation of yours. My son, without having recourse to lots, shall take charge of the city. I wish that those who are so desirous of managing the war, may conduct it with more consideration and harmony than they covet it.

4.46.1It was determined that the levy should not be made out of the entire body of the people indiscriminately. Ten tribes were drawn by lot; the two tribunes enlisted the younger men out of these, and led them to the war.

4.46.2The contentions which commenced between them in the city, were, through the same eager ambition for command, carried to a much greater height in the camp: on no one point did they think alike; they contended strenuously for their own opinion; they desired their own plans, their own commands only to be ratified;

4.46.3they mutually despised each other, and were despised, until, on the remonstrances of the lieutenant-generals, it was at length so arranged, that they should hold the supreme command on alternate days.

4.46.4When an account of these proceedings was brought to Rome, Quintus Servilius, taught by years and experience, is said to have prayed to the immortal gods, that the discord of the tribunes might not prove more detrimental to the commonwealth than it had done at Veii: and, as if some certain disaster was impending over them, he pressed his son to enlist soldiers and prepare arms.

4.46.5Nor was he a false prophet. For under the conduct of Lucius Sergius, whose day of command it was, being suddenly attacked by the Aequans on disadvantageous ground near the enemy's camp, after having been decoyed thither by the vain hope of taking it, because the enemy had counterfeited fear and betaken themselves to their rampart, they were beaten down a declivity, and great numbers were overpowered and slaughtered by their tumbling one over the other rather than by flight:

4.46.6and the camp, retained with difficulty on that day, was, on the following day, deserted by a shameful flight through the opposite gate, the enemy having invested it in several directions.

4.46.7The generals, lieutenant-generals, and such of the main body of the army as kept near the colours, made their way to Tusculum; others, dispersed in every direction through the fields, hastened to Rome by different roads, announcing a heavier loss than had been sustained.

4.46.8There was less of consternation, because the result corresponded to the apprehensions of persons; and because the reinforcements, which they could look to in this distressing state of things, had been prepared by the military tribune:

4.46.9and by his orders, after the disturbance in the city was quieted by the inferior magistrates, scouts were instantly despatched, and brought intelligence that the generals and the army were at Tusculum; that the enemy had not removed their camp.

4.46.10And, what raised their spirits most, Quintus Servilius Priscus was created dictator in pursuance of a decree of the senate; a man whose judgment in public affairs the state had experienced as well on many previous occasions, as in the issue of that war, because he alone had expressed his apprehensions of the result of the disputes among the tribunes, before the occurrence of the misfortune;

4.46.11he having appointed for his master of the horse, by whom, as military tribune, he had been nominated dictator, his own son, as some have stated, (for others mention that Ahala Servilius was master of the horse that year;)

4.46.12and setting out to the war with his newly-raised army, after sending for those who were at Tusculum, chose ground for his camp at the distance of two miles from the enemy.

4.47.1The arrogance and negligence arising from success, which had previously existed in the Roman generals, were now transferred to the Aequans.

4.47.2Accordingly, when in the very first engagement the dictator had thrown the enemy's van into disorder by a charge of his cavalry, he immediately ordered the infantry to advance, and slew one of his own standard-bearers who hesitated in so doing.

4.47.3So great was the ardour to fight, that the Aequans did not stand the shock; and when, vanquished in the field, they made for their camp in a precipitate flight, the taking of it was shorter in time and less in trouble than the battle had been.

4.47.4After the camp had been taken and plundered, and the dictator had given up the spoil to the soldiers, and the cavalry, who had pursued the enemy in their flight, brought back intelligence that all the Lavicanians were

4.47.5vanquished, and that a considerable number of the Aequans had fled to Lavici, the army was marched to Lavici on the following day; and the town, being invested on all sides, was taken by storm and plundered.

4.47.6The dictator, having marched back his victorious army to Rome, resigned his office on the eighth day after he had been appointed; and before agrarian disturbances could be raised by the tribunes of the commons, allusion having been made to a division of the Lavicanian land, the senate very opportunely voted in full assembly that a colony should be conducted to Lavici.

4.47.7One thousand five hundred colonists were sent from the city, and received each two acres.

4.47.8Lavici being taken, and subsequently Agrippa Menenius Lanatus, and Lucius Servilius Structus, and Publius Lucretius Tricipitinus, all these a second time, and Spurius Rutilius Crassus being military tribunes with consular authority, and on the following year Aulus Sempronius Atratinus a third time, and Marcus Papirius Mugillanus and Spurius Nautius Rutilus both a second time, affairs abroad were peaceable for two years, but at home there was dissension from the agrarian laws.

4.48.1The disturbers of the commons were Spurius Maecilius a fourth time, and Spurius Maetilius a third time, tribunes of the people, both elected during their absence.

4.48.2And after they had proposed a bill, that the land taken from the enemy should be divided man by man, and the property of a considerable part of the nobles would be confiscated by such a measure;

4.48.3for there was scarcely any of the land, considering the city itself was built on a strange soil, that had not been acquired by arms;

4.48.4nor had any other persons except the commons possession of that which had been sold or publicly assigned, a violent contest between the commons and patricians seemed to be at hand; nor did the military tribunes discover either in the senate, or in the private meetings of the nobles, any line of conduct to pursue;

4.48.5when Appius Claudius, the grandson of him who had been decemvir for compiling the laws, being the youngest senator of the meeting, is stated to have said;

4.48.6that he brought from home an old and a family scheme, for that his great-grandfather, Appius Claudius, had shown the patricians one method of baffling tribunitian power by the protests of their colleagues;

4.48.7that men of low rank were easily led away from their opinions by the influence of men of distinction, if language were addressed to them suitable to the times, rather than to the dignity of the speakers.

4.48.8That their sentiments were regulated by their circumstances. When they should see that their colleagues, having the start in introducing the measure, had engrossed to themselves the whole credit of it with the commons, and that no room was left

4.48.9for them, that they would without reluctance incline to the interest of the senate, through which they may conciliate the favour not only of the principal senators, but of the whole body.

4.48.10All expressing their approbation, and above all, Quintius Servilius Priscus eulogizing the youth, because he had not degenerated from the Claudian race, a charge is given, that they should gain over as many of the college of the tribunes as they could, to enter protests.

4.48.11On the breaking up of the senate the tribunes are applied to by the le ding patricians: by persuading, admonishing, and assuring them that it would be gratefully felt by them individually, and gratefully by the entire senate, they prevailed on six to give in heir protests.

4.48.12And on the following day, when the proposition was submitted to the senate, as had been preconcerted, concerning the sedition which Maecilius and Maetilius were exciting

4.48.13by urging a largess of a most mischievous precedent, such speeches were delivered by the leading senators, that each declared that for his part he had no measure to advise, nor did he see any other resource in any thing, except in the aid of the tribunes. That to the protection of that power the republic, embarrassed as it was, fled for succour, just as a private individual in distress.

4.48.14That it was highly honourable to themselves and to their office that there resided not in the tribuneship more strength to harass the senate and to excite disunion among the several orders, than to resist their perverse colleagues.

4.48.15Then a shout arose throughout the entire senate, when the tribunes were appealed to from all parts of the house: then silence being established, those who had been prepared through the interest of the leading men, declare that they will protest against the measure which had been proposed by their colleagues, and which the senate considers to tend to the dissolution of the state.

4.48.16Thanks were returned to the protestors by the senate. The movers of the law, having convened a meeting, and styling their colleagues traitors to the interests of the commons and the slaves of the consulars, and after inveighing against them in other abusive language, relinquished the measure.

4.49.1The following year, on which Publius Cornelius Cossus, Caius Valerius Potitus, Quintus Quintius Cincinnatus, Numerius Fabius Vibulanus were military tribunes with consular power, would have brought with it two continual wars, had not the Veientian campaign been deferred by the religious scruples of the

4.49.2leaders, whose lands were destroyed, chiefly by the ruin of the country-seats, in consequence of the Tiber having overflowed its banks.

4.49.3At the same time the loss sustained three years before prevented the Aequans from affording assistance to the Bolani, a state belonging to their own nation.

4.49.4Excursions had been made from thence on the contiguous territory of Lavici, and hostilities were committed on the new colony.

4.49.5As they had expected to be able to defend this act of aggression by the concurrent support of all the Aequans, when deserted by their friends they lost both their town and lands, after a war not even worth mentioning, through a siege and one slight battle.

4.49.6An attempt made by Lucius Sextius, tribune of the people, to move a law by which colonists might be sent to Bole also, in like manner as to Lavici, was defeated by the protests of his colleagues, who declared openly that they would suffer no order of the commons to be passed, unless with the approbation of the senate.

4.49.7On the following year the Aequans, having recovered Bolae, and sent a colony thither, strengthened the town with additional fortifications, the military tribunes with consular power at Rome being Cneius Cornelius Cossus, Lucius Valerius Potitus, Quintus Fabius Vibulanus a second time, Marcus Postumius Regillensis.

4.49.8The war against the Aequans was intrusted to the latter, a man of depraved mind, which victory manifested more effectually than war.

4.49.9For having with great activity levied an army and marched it to Bolae, after breaking down the spirits of the Aequans in slight engagements, he at length forced his way into the town. He then turned the contest from the enemy to his countrymen; and when during the assault he had proclaimed, that the plunder should belong to the soldiers, after the town was taken he broke his word.

4.49.10I am more inclined to believe that this was the cause of the displeasure of the army, than that in a city lately sacked and in a colony still young there was less booty found than the tribune had represented.

4.49.11An expression of his heard in the assembly, which was very silly and almost insane, after he returned into the city on being sent for on account of some tribunitian disturbances, increased this bad feeling; on Sextus, a tribune of the commons, proposing an agrarian law, and at the same time declaring that he would also propose that colonists should be sent to Bole; for that those who had taken them by their arms were deserving that the city and lands of Bolae should belong to them, he exclaimed, Woe to my soldiers, if they are not quiet; which words, when heard, gave not greater offence to the assembly, than they did soon after to the patricians.

4.49.12And the plebeian tribune being a sharp man and by no means devoid of eloquence, having found among his adversaries this haughty temper and unbridled tongue, which by irritating and exciting he could urge into such expressions as might prove a source of odium not only to himself, but to his cause and to the entire

4.49.13body, he strove to draw Postumius into discussion more frequently than any of the college of military tribunes.

4.49.14Then indeed, after so brutal and inhuman an expression, Romans, says he, do ye hear him threatening woe to his soldiers as to slaves? Yet this brute will appear to you more deserving of so high an honour than those who send you into colonies, after having granted to you cities and lands; who provide a settlement for your old age, who fight against such cruel and arrogant adversaries in defence of your interests.

4.49.15Begin then to wonder why few persons now undertake your cause. What are they to expect from you?

4.49.16is it honours which you give to your adversaries rather than to the champions of the Roman people. You felt indignant just now, on hearing an expression of this man? What matters that, if you will prefer this man who threatens woe to you, to those who are desirous to secure for you lands, settlements, and property?

4.50.1This expression of Postumius being conveyed to the soldiers, excited in the camp much greater indignation. Did the embezzler of the spoils and the defrauder threaten woe also to the soldiers?

4.50.2Accordingly, when the murmur of indignation now became avowed, and the quaestor, Publius Sestius, thought that the mutiny might be quashed by the same violence by which it had been excited; on his sending a lictor to one of the soldiers who was clamorous, when a tumult and scuffle arose from the circumstance, being struck with a stone he retired from the crowd;

4.50.3the person who had given the blow, further observing with a sneer, That the quaestor got what the general had threatened to the soldiers.

4.50.4Postumius being sent for in consequence of the disturbance, exasperated every thing by the severity of his inquiries and the cruelty of his punishment. At last, when he set no bounds to his resentment, a crowd collecting at the cries of those whom he had ordered to be put to death under a hurdle, he himself madly ran down from his tribunal to those who were interrupting the execution.

4.50.5There, when the lictors, endeavouring to disperse them, as also the centurions, irritated the crowd, their indignation burst forth to such a degree, that the military tribune was overwhelmed with stones by his own army.

4.50.6When an account was brought to Rome of so heinous a deed, the military tribunes endeavouring to procure a decree of the senate for an inquiry into the death of their colleague, the tribunes of the people entered their protest.

4.50.7But that contention branched out of another subject of dispute; because the patricians had become uneasy lest the commons, through dread of the inquiries and through resentment, might elect military tribunes from their own body: and they strove with all their might that consuls should be elected.

4.50.8When the plebeian tribunes did not suffer the decree of the senate to pass, and when they also protested against the election of consuls, the affair was brought to an interregnum. The victory was then on the side of the patricians.

4.51.1Quintus Fabius Vibulanus, interrex, presiding in the assembly, Aulus Cornelius Cossus, Lucius Furius Medullinus were elected consuls.

4.51.2During their office, at the commencement of the year, a decree of the senate was passed hat the tribunes should, at the earliest opportunity, propose to the commons an inquiry into the murder of Postumius, and that the commons should appoint whomsoever they thought proper to conduct the inquiry.

4.51.3The office is intrusted to the consuls by the commons with the consent of the people at large, who, after having executed the task with the utmost moderation and lenity by punishing only a few, who there are sufficient grounds for believing put a period to their own lies, still could not succeed so as to prevent the people from feeling the utmost displeasure.

4.51.4That constitutions, which were enacted for their advantages, lay so long unexecuted; while a law passed in the mean time regarding their blood and punishment was instantly put into execution and possessed full force.

4.51.5This was a most seasonable time, after the punishment of the mutiny, that the division of the territory of Bolae should be presented as a soother to their minds; by which proceeding they would have diminished their eagerness for an agrarian law, which tended to expel the patricians from the public land unjustly possessed by them.

4.51.6Then this very indignity exasperated their minds, that the nobility persisted not only in retaining the public lands, which they got possession of by force, but would not even distribute to the commons he unoccupied land lately taken from the enemy, and which would, like the rest, soon become the prey of a few.

Book 4, Part 6

4.51.7The same year the legions were led out by the consul Furius against the Volscians, who were ravaging the country of the Hernicians, and finding no enemy there, they took Ferentinum, whither a great multitude of the Volscians had betaken themselves.

4.51.8There was less plunder than they had expected; because the Volscians, seeing small hopes of keeping it, carried off their effects and abandoned the town. It was taken on the following day, being nearly deserted. The land itself was given to the Hernicians.

4.52.1The year, tranquil through the moderation of the tribunes, was succeeded by one in which Lucius Icilius was plebeian tribune, Quintus Fabius Ambustus, Caius Furius Pacilus being consuls.

4.52.2When this man, at the very commencement of the year, began to excite disturbances by the publication of agrarian laws, as if such was

4.52.3the task of his name and family, a pestilence broke out, more alarming however than deadly, which diverted men's thoughts from the forum and political disputes to their domestic concerns and the care of their personal health; and persons think that it was less mischievous than the disturbance would have proved.

4.52.4The state being freed from this (which was attended) with a very general spread of illness, though very few deaths, the year of pestilence was followed by a scarcity of grain, the cultivation of the land having been neglected, as usually happens, Marcus Papirius Atratinus, Caius Nautius Rutilus being consuls.

4.52.5The famine would now have proved more dismal than the pestilence, had not the scarcity been relieved by sending envoys around all the states, which border on the Tuscan Sea and the Tiber, to purchase the corn.

4.52.6The envoys were prevented from trading in an insolent manner by the Samnitians, who were in possession of Capua and Cumae; on the contrary, 'they were kindly assisted by the tyrants of Sicily. The Tiber brought down the greatest supplies, through the very active zeal of the Etrurians.

4.52.7In consequence of the sickness, the consuls laboured under a paucity of hands in conducting the government; when not finding more than one senator for each embassy, they were obliged to attach to it two knights.

4.52.8Except from the pestilence and the scarcity, there was no internal or external annoyance during those two years. But as soon as these causes of anxiety disappeared, all those evils by which the state had hitherto been distressed, started up, discord at home, war abroad.

4.53.1In the consulship of Mamercus Aemilius and Caius Valerius Potitus, the Aequans made preparations for war; the Volscians, though not by public authority, taking up arms, and entering the service as volunteers for pay.

4.53.2When on the report of these enemies having started up, (for they had now passed into the Latin and Hernican land,) Marcus Maenius, a proposer of an agrarian law, would obstruct Valerius the consul when holding a levy, and when no one took the military oath against his own will under the protection of the tribune;

4.53.3an account is suddenly brought that the citadel of Carventa had been seized by the enemy.

4.53.4The disgrace incurred by this event was both a source of odium to Maenius in the hands of the fathers, and it moreover afforded to the other tribunes, already pre-engaged as protestors against an agrarian law, a more justifiable pretext for resisting their colleague.

4.53.5Wherefore after the matter had been protracted for a long time by wrangling, the consuls calling gods and men to witness, that whatever disgrace or loss had either been already sustained or hung over them from the enemy, the blame of it would be imputed to Maenius, who hindered the levy;

4.53.6Maenius, on the other hand, exclaiming that if the unjust occupiers would yield up possession of the public land, he would cause no delay to the levy: the nine tribunes interposing a decree, put an end to the contest;

4.53.7and they proclaimed as the determination of their college, "that they would, for the purposes of the levy, in opposition to the protest of their colleague, afford their aid to Caius Valerius the consul in inflicting fines and other penalties on those who refused to enlist.

4.53.8When the consul, armed with this decree, ordered into prison a few who appealed to the tribune, the rest took the military oath from fear.

4.53.9The army was marched to the citadel of Carventa, and though hated by and disliking the consul, they on their first arrival recovered the citadel in a spirited manner, having dislodged those who were protecting it; some in quest of plunder having straggled away through carelessness from the garrison, afforded an opportunity for attacking them.

4.53.10There was considerable booty from the constant devastations, because all had been collected into a safe place. This the consul ordered the quaestors to sell by auction and carry it into the treasury, declaring that the army should then participate in the booty, when they had not declined the service.

4.53.11The exasperation of the commons and soldiers against the consul was then augmented. Accordingly, when by a decree of the senate the consul entered the city in an ovation, rude verses in couplets were thrown out with military licence;

4.53.12in which the consul was severely handled, whilst the name of Maenius was cried up with encomiums, when at every mention of the tribune the attachment of the surrounding people vied by their applause and commendation with the loud praises of the soldiers.

4.53.13And that circumstance occasioned more anxiety to the patricians, than the wanton raillery of the soldiers against the consul, which was in a manner a usual thing; and the election of Maenius among the military tribunes being deemed as no longer questionable, if he should become a candidate, he was kept out of it by an election for consuls being appointed.

4.54.1Cneius Cornelius Cossus and Lucius Furius Medullinus were elected consuls.

4.54.2The commons were not on any other occasion more dissatisfied at the election of tribunes not being conceded to them. This sense of annoyance they both manifested at the nomination of quaestors, and avenged by then electing plebeians for the first time as quaestors; so that in electing four, room was left for only one patrician; whilst three plebeians, Quintus Silius, Publius Aelius, and Publius Pupius, were preferred to young men of the most illustrious families.

4.54.3I learn that the principal advisers of the people, in this so independent a

4.54.4bestowing of their suffrage, were the Icilii, three out of this family most hostile to the patricians having been elected tribunes of the commons for that year, by their holding out the grand prospect of many and great achievements to the people, who became consequently most ardent;

4.54.5after they had affirmed that they would not stir a step, if the people would not, even at the election of quaestors, the only one which the senate had left open to the commons and patricians, evince sufficient spirit to accomplish that which they had so long wished for, and which was allowed by the laws.

4.54.6This therefore the people considered an important victory; and that quaestorship they estimated not by the extent of the honour itself; but an access seemed opened to new men to the consulship and the honours of a triumph.

4.54.7The patricians, on the other hand, expressed their indignation not so much at the honours of the state being shared, but at their being lost; they said that, if matters be so, children need no longer be educated; who being driven from the station of their ancestors, and seeing others in the possession of their dignity, would be left without command or power, as mere salii and flamens, with no other employment than to offer sacrifices for the people.

4.54.8The minds of both parties being irritated, since the commons had both assumed new courage, and had now three leaders of the most distinguished reputation for the popular side; the patricians seeing that the result of all the elections would be similar to that for quaestors, wherever the people had the choice from both sides, strove vigorously for the election of consuls, which was not yet open to them.

4.54.9The Icilii, on the contrary, said that military tribunes should be elected, and that posts of honour should be at length imparted to the commons.

4.55.1But the consuls had no proceeding on hand, by opposing which they could extort that which they desired; when by an extraordinary and favourable occurrence an account is brought that the Volscians and Aequans had proceeded beyond their frontiers into the Latin and Hernican territory to commit depredations.

4.55.2For which war when the consuls commence to hold a levy in pursuance of a decree of the senate, the tribunes then strenuously opposed them, affirming that such a fortunate opportunity was presented to them and to the commons.

4.55.3There were three, and all very active men, and of respectable families, considering they were plebeians. Two of them choose each a consul, to be watched by them with unremitting assiduity; to one is assigned the charge sometimes of restraining, sometimes of exciting, the commons by his harangues.

4.55.4Neither the consuls effected the levy, nor the tribunes the election which they desired. Then fortune inclining to the cause of the people, expresses arrive that the Aequans had attacked the citadel of Carventa, the soldiers who were in garrison having straggled away in quest of plunder, and had put to death the few left to guard it; that others were slain as they were returning to the citadel, and others who were dispersed through the country.

4.55.5This circumstance, prejudicial to the state, added force to the project of the tribunes. For, assailed by every argument to no purpose that they would then at length desist from obstructing the war when they yielded neither to the public storm, nor to the odium themselves, they succeed so far as to have a decree of he senate passed for the election of military tribunes;

4.55.6with an express stipulation, however, that no candidate should be considered, who was tribune of the people that year, and that no one should be re-elected plebeian tribune for the year following; the senate undoubtedly pointing at the Icilians, whom they suspected of aiming at the consular tribuneship as the reward of their turbulent tribuneship of the commons.

4.55.7Then the levy began to proceed, and preparations for war began to be made with the concurrence of all ranks.

4.55.8The diversity of the state- ments of writers leaves it uncertain whether both the consuls set out for the citadel of Carventa, or whether one remained behind to hold the elections; those facts in which they do not disagree are to be received as certain, that they retired from the citadel of Carventa, after having carried on the attack for a long time to no purpose: that Verrugo in the Volscian country was taken by the same army, and that great devastation had been made, and considerable booty captured both amongst the Aequans and in the Volscian territory.

4.56.1At Rome, as the commons gained the victory so far as to have the kind of elections which they preferred, so in the issue of the elections the patricians were victorious;

4.56.2for, contrary to the expectation of all, three patricians were elected military tribunes with consular power, Caius Julius Julus, Publius Cornelius Cossus, Caius Servilius Ahala.

4.56.3They say that an artifice was employed by the patricians (with which the Icilii charged them even at the time); that by intermixing a crowd of unworthy candidates with the deserving, they turned away the thoughts of the people from the plebeian through the disgust excited by the remarkable meanness of some.

4.56.4Then tidings are brought that the Volscians and Aequans, whether the retention of the citadel of Carventa raised their hopes, or the loss of the garrison at Verrugo excited their resentment, united in making preparations for war with the utmost energy:

4.56.5that the Antians were the chief promoters of the project; that their ambassadors had gone about the states of both these nations, upbraiding their dastardly conduct; that shut up within their walls, they had on the preceding year suffered the Romans to carry their depredations throughout their country, and the garrison of Verrugo to be overpowered.

4.56.6That now not only armed troops but colonies also were sent into their territories; and that not only the Romans distributed among themselves and kept their property, but that they had made a present to the Hernici of Ferentinum what had been taken from them.

4.56.7After their minds were inflamed by these remonstrances, according as they made applications to each, a great number of young men were enlisted. Thus the youth of all the states were drawn together to Antium: there they pitched their camp and awaited the enemy.

4.56.8When these accounts are reported at Rome with much greater alarm than the circumstance warranted, the senate instantly ordered a dictator to be nominated, which was their last resource in perilous circumstances.

4.56.9They say that Julius and Cornelius were much offended at this proceeding, and that the matter was accomplished with great warmth of temper:

4.56.10when the leading men of the patricians, complaining fruitlessly that the military tribunes would not conform to the judgment of the senate, at last appealed even to the tribunes of the commons, and stated that force had been used even with the consuls by that body on a similar occasion.

4.56.11The plebeian tribunes, overjoyed at the dissension among the patricians, said, that there was no support in persons who were not held in the rank of citizens, nor even of human beings;

4.56.12if ever the posts of honour were open, and the administration of government were shared, that they should then see that the decrees of the senate should not be invalidated by the arrogance of magistrates;

4.56.13that in the mean while, the patricians, unrestrained as they were by respect for laws or magistrates, must manage the tribunitian office also by themselves.

4.57.1This contention occupied men's thoughts at a most unseasonable time, when a war of such importance was on hand:

4.57.2until when Julius and Cornelius descanted for a long time by turns, on how unjust it was that a post of honour conferred on them by the people was now to be wrested from them, since they were generals sufficiently qualified to conduct that war.

4.57.3Then Ahala Servilius, military tribune, say, "that he had remained silent for so long a time, not because he was uncertain as to his opinion, (for what good citizen can separate his own interests from those of the public,) but because he wished that his colleagues should of their own accord yield to the authority of the senate, rather than suffer the tribunitian power to be suppliantly appealed to against them. That even then, if circumstances permitted, he would still give them time to retract an opinion too pertinaciously adhered to.

4.57.4But since the exigences of war do not await the counsels of men, that the public weal was of deeper importance to him t an the good will of his colleagues, and if the senate continue in the same sentiments, he would, on the following night, nominate a dictator;

4.57.5and if any one protested against a decree of the senate being passed, that he would be content with its authority. When by this conduct he bore away the well- merited praises and good will of all, having named Publius Cornelius dictator, he himself being appointed by him as master of the

4.57.6horse, served as an instance to those who considered his case and that of his colleagues, how much more attainable public favour and honour sometimes were to those who evinced no desire for them. The war was in no respect a memorable one. The enemy were beaten at Antium in one, and that an easy battle; the victorious army laid waste the Volscian territory; their fort at the lake Fucinus was taken by storm, and in it three thousand men made prisoners; the rest of the Volscians being driven within the walls,

4.57.7and not defending the lands. The dictator having conducted the war in such a manner as to show that he was not negligent of fortune's favours, returned to the city with

4.57.8a greater share of success than of glory, and resigned his office. The military tribunes, without making any mention

4.57.9of an election of consuls, (through pique, I suppose, for the appointment of a dictator,) issued a proclamation for the election of military tribunes. Then indeed the perplexity of the

4.57.10patricians became still greater, as seeing their cause betrayed by their own party. Wherefore, as on the year before, by bringing forward as candidates the most unworthy individuals from amongst the plebeians, they produced a disgust against all, even those who were deserving; so then by engaging such of the patricians as were most distinguished by the splendour of their character and by

4.57.11their influence to stand as candidates, they secured all the places; so that no plebeian could get in. Four were elected, all of them men who had already served the office, Lucius Furius Medullinus, Caius Valerius Potitus, Numerius Fabius Vibulanus, Caius Servilius Ahala. The last had the honour continued to him by reelection, as well in consequence of his other deserts, as on account of his recent popularity, acquired by his singular moderation,

4.58.1In that year, because the term of the truce with the Veientian nation was expired, restitution began to be demanded through ambassadors and heralds, who on coming to the frontiers were met by an embassy from the Veientians.

4.58.2They requested that they would not proceed to Veii, until they should first have access to the Roman senate. They obtained from the senate, that, because the Veientians were distressed by intestine dissension, restitution would not be demanded from them; so far were they from seeking, in the troubles of others, an opportunity for advancing their own interest.

4.58.3In the Volscian territory also a disaster was sustained in the loss of the garrison at Verrugo; where so much depended on time, that when the soldiers who were besieged there, and were calling for succour, might have been relieved, if expedition had been used, the army sent to their aid only came in time to surprise the enemy, who were straggling in quest of plunder, just after their putting [the garrison] to the sword.

4.58.4The cause of the dilatoriness was less referrible to the tribunes than to the senate, who, because word was brought that they were holding out with the most vigorous resistance, did not duly reflect that there is a limit to human strength, which no bravery can exceed.

4.58.5These very gallant soldiers, however, were not without revenge, both before and after their death.

4.58.6In the following year, Publius and Cneius Cornelius Cossus, Numerius Fabius Ambustus, and Lucius Valerius Potitus, being military tribunes with consular power, the Veientian war was commenced on account of an insolent answer of the Veientian senate, who, when the ambassadors demanded restitution, ordered them to be told, that if

4.58.7they did not speedily quit the city and the territories, they should give them what Lars Tolumnius had given them.

4.58.8The senate, indignant at this, decreed that the military tribunes should, on as early a day as possible, propose to the people the proclaiming war against the Veientians. When this was first made public, the young men expressed their dissatisfaction.

4.58.9" That the war with the Volscians was not yet over; that a little time ago two garrisons were utterly destroyed, and that [one of the forts] was with great risk retained.

4.58.10That there was not a year in which they had not to fight in the field: and, as if they were dissatisfied at the insufficiency of these toils, a new war was now set on foot with a neighbouring and most powerful nation, who were likely to rouse all Etruria.

4.58.11These discontents, first discussed among themselves, were further aggravated by the plebeian tribunes.

4.58.12These constantly affirm that the war of the greatest moment was that between the patricians and commons. That the latter was designedly harassed by military service, and exposed to be butchered by the enemy; that they were kept at a distance from the enemy, and as it were banished, lest during the enjoyment of rest at home, mindful of liberty and of establishing colonies, they may form plans for obtaining some of the public land, or for giving their suffrages freely;

4.58.13and taking hold of the veterans, they recounted the campaigns of each, and their wounds and scars, frequently asking what sound spot was there on their body for the reception of new wounds? what blood had they remaining which could be shed for the commonwealth?

4.58.14When by discussing these subjects in private conversations, and also in public harangues, they produced in the people an aversion to undertaking a war, the time for proposing the law was adjourned; which would obviously have been rejected, if it had been subjected to the feeling of discontent then prevailing.

4.59.1In the mean time it was determined that the military tribunes should lead an army into the Volscian territory.

4.59.2Cneius Cornelius alone was left at Rome. The three tribunes, when it became evident that the Volscians had not established a camp any where, and that they would not venture an engagement, separated into three different parties to lay waste the country.

4.59.3Valerius makes for Antium, Cornelius for Ecetrae. Wherever they came, they committed extensive devastations on the houses and lands, so as to separate the Volscians: Fabius, without committing any devastation, proceeded to attack Auxur, which was a principal object in view.

4.59.4Auxur is the town now called Tarracinae; a city built on a declivity leading to a morass: Fabius made a feint of attacking it on that side.

4.59.5When four cohorts sent round under Caius Servilius Ahala took possession of a hill which commanded the city, they attacked the walls with a loud shout and tumult, from the higher ground where there was no guard of defence.

4.59.6Those who were defending the lower parts of the city against Fabius, astounded at this tumult, afforded him an opportunity of applying the scaling ladders, and every place soon became filled with the enemy, and a dreadful slaughter continued for a long time, indiscriminately of those who fled and those who resisted, of the armed or unarmed.

4.59.7The vanquished were therefore obliged to fight, there being no hope for those who gave way, when a pro- clamation suddenly issued, that no persons except those with arms in their hands should be injured, induced all the remaining multitude voluntarily to lay down their arms; of whom two thousand five hundred are taken alive.

4.59.8Fabius kept his soldiers from the spoil, until his colleagues should come;

4.59.9affirming that Auxur had been taken by these armies also, who had diverted the other Volscian troops from the defence of that place.

4.59.10When they came, the three armies plundered the town, which was enriched with wealth of many years' accumulation; and this generosity of the commanders first reconciled the commons to the patricians.

4.59.11It was afterwards added, by a liberality towards the people on the part of the leading men the most seasonable ever shown, that before any mention should be made of it by the commons or tribunes, the senate should decree that the soldiers should receive pay out of the public treasury, whereas up to that period every one had discharged that duty at his own expense.

4.60.1It is recorded that nothing was ever received by the commons with so much joy; that they ran in crowds to the senate-house, and caught the hands of those coming out, and called them fathers indeed; acknowledging that the result of such conduct was that no one would spare his person or his blood, whilst he had any strength remaining, in defence of a country so liberal.

4.60.2Whilst the prospect of advantage pleased them, that their private property should remain unimpaired at the time during which their bodies should be devoted and employed for the interest of the commonwealth, it further increased their joy very much, and rendered their gratitude for the favour more complete, because it had been offered to them voluntarily, without ever having been agitated by the tribunes of the commons, or made the subject of a demand in their own conversations.

4.60.3The tribunes of the commons, the only parties who did not participate in the general joy and harmony prevailing through the different ranks, denied that this measure would prove so much a matter of joy, or so honourable to the patricians, as they themselves might imagine. That the measure at first sight was better than it would prove by experience. For from what source was that money to be raised, except by levying a tax on the people. That they were generous to some therefore at the expense of others; and even though others may endure it, those who had already served out their time in the service, would never endure that others should serve on better terms than they themselves had served; and

4.60.4that these same individuals should have to bear the expense of their own service, and then that of others. By these arguments they influenced a part of the commons. At last, when the tax was now announced, the tribunes publicly declared, that they

4.60.5would afford protection to any one who should refuse to contribute his proportion for the pay of the soldiers. The patricians persisted in supporting a matter so happily commenced. They themselves were the first to contribute; and because there was as yet no

4.60.6coined silver, some of them conveying their weighed brass to the treasury in waggons, rendered their contribution very showy. After the senate had contributed with the utmost punctuality according

4.60.7to their rated properties, the principal plebeians, friends of the nobility, according to a concerted plan, began to contribute. And when the populace saw these men highly applauded by the patricians, and also looked up to as good citizens by men

4.60.8of the military age, scorning the support of the tribunes, an emulation commenced at once about paying the tax. And the law being passed about declaring war against the Veientians, the new military tribunes with consular power marched to Veii an army consisting in a great measure of volunteers.

4.61.1The tribunes were Titus Quintius Capitolinus, Publius Quintius Cincinnatus, Caius Julius Julus a second time, Aulus Manlius, Lucius Furius Medullinus a second time, and Manius Aemilius Mamercinus.

4.61.2By these Veii was first invested. A little before the commencement of this siege, when a full meeting of the Etrurians was held at the temple of Voltumna, it was not finally determined whether the Veientians were to be supported by the public concurrence of the whole confederacy.

4.61.3The siege was less vigorous in the following year, some of the tribunes and their army being called off to the Volscian war.

4.61.4The military tribunes with consular power in this year were Caius Valerius Potitus a third time, Manius Largius Fidenas, Publius Cornelius Maluginensis, Cneius Cornelius Cossus, Kaeso Fabius Ambustus, Spurius Nautius Rutilus a second time. A pitched battle was fought with the Volscians between Ferentinum and Ecetra; the result of the battle was favourable to the Romans.

4.61.5Artena then, a town of the Volscians, began to be besieged by the tribunes.

4.61.6Thence during an attempt at a sally, the enemy being driven back into the town, an opportunity was afforded to the Romans of forcing in; and every place was taken except the citadel. Into the fortress, well protected by nature, a body of armed men retired. Beneath he fortress many were slain and made prisoners.

Book 4, Part 7

4.61.7The citadel was then besieged; nor could it either be taken by storm, because it had a garrison sufficient for the size of the place, nor did it hold out any hope of surrender, all the public corn having been conveyed to the citadel before the city was taken;

4.61.8and they would have retired from it, being wearied out, had not a slave betrayed the fortress to the Romans: the soldiers being admitted by him through a place difficult of access, took it; by whom when the guards were being killed, the rest of the multitude, overpowered with sudden panic, surrendered.

4.61.9After demolishing both the citadel and city of Artena, the legions were led back from the Volscian territory; and the whole Roman power was turned against Veii.

4.61.10To the traitor, besides his freedom, the property of two families was given as a reward. His name was Servius Romanus. There are some who think that Artena belonged to the Veientians, not to the Volscians.

4.61.11What occasions the mistake is that there was a city of the same name between Caere and Veii. But the Roman kings destroyed it; and it belonged to the Caeretians, not to the Veientians. The other of the same name, the demolition of which has been mentioned, was in the Volscian territory.

Book 5, Part 1

5During the siege of Veii winter dwellings erected for the soldiers. This being a novelty, affords the tribunes of the people a pretext for exciting discontent. The cavalry for the first time serve on horses of their own. Furius Camillus, dictator, takes Veii after a siege of ten years. In the character of military tribune, whilst laying siege to Falisci, he sends back the children of the enemy, who were betrayed into his hands. Furius Camillus, on a day being appointed for his trial, goes into exile. The Senonian Gauls lay siege to Clusium. Roman ambassadors, sent to mediate peace between the Clusians and Gauls, are found to take part with the former; in consequence of which the Gauls march directly against Rome, and after defeating the Romans at Allia take possession of the city with the exception of the Capitol. They scaled the Capitol by night, but are discovered by the cackling of geese, and repulsed, chiefly by the exertions of Marcus Manlius. The Romans, compelled by famine, agree to ransom themselves. Whilst the gold is being weighed to them, Camillus, who had been appointed dictator, arrives with an army, expels the Gauls, and destroys their army. He successfully opposes the design of removing to Veii.

5.1.1PEACE being established in every other quarter, the Romans and Veientians were still in arms with such rancour and animosity, that it was evident that ruin awaited the vanquished party. The elections in the two states were conducted in very different methods.

5.1.2The Romans augmented the number of military tribunes with consular power. Eight, a number greater than on any previous occasion, were appointed, Manius Aemilius Mamercinus a second time, Lucius Valerius Potitus a third time, Appius Claudius Crassus, Marcus Quintilius Varus, Lucius Julius Iulus, Marcus Postumius, Marcus Furius Camillus, Marcus Postumius Albinus. The Veientians, on the contrary, through disgust at the annual intriguing which was sometimes the cause of dissensions, elected a king.

5.1.3That step gave offence to the feelings of the states of Etruria, not more from their hatred of kingly government than of the king himself.

5.1.4He had before this become obnoxious to the nation by reason of his wealth and arrogance, because he had violently broken off the performance of some annual games, the omission of which was deemed an impiety:

5.1.5when through resentment of a repulse, because another had been preferred to him as a priest by the suffrages of the twelve states, he suddenly carried off, in the middle of the performance, the performers, of whom a great part were his own slaves.

5.1.6The nation, therefore, devoted beyond all others to religious performances, because they excelled in the method of conducting them, passed a decree that aid should be refused to the Veientians, as long as they should be subject to a king.

5.1.7All allusion to this decree was suppressed at Veii through fear of the king, who would have considered the person by whom any such matter might be mentioned as a leader of sedition, not as the author of an idle rumour.

5.1.8Although matters were announced to the Romans as being quiet in Etruria, yet because it was stayed that this matter was being agitated in all their meetings, they so managed their fortifications, that there should be security on both sides;

5.1.9some were directed towards the city and the sallies of the townsmen; by means of others a front looting towards Etruria was opposed to such auxiliaries as might happen to come from thence.

5.2.1When the Roman generals conceived greater hopes from a blockade than from an assault, winter huts also, a thing quite new to the Roman soldier, began to be built; and their determination was to continue the war by wintering there.

5.2.2After an account of this was brought to Rome to the tribunes of the people, who for a long time past

5.2.3had found no pretext for exciting disturbances, they run forward into the assembly, stir up the minds of the commons, saying that this was the motive for which pay had been established for the soldiers, nor had it escaped their knowledge, that such a present from the enemies was tainted with poison.

5.2.4That the liberty of the commons had been sold; that their youth removed for ever, and exiled from the city and the republic, did not now even yield to the winter and to the season of the year, and visit their homes and private affairs.

5.2.5What could they suppose was the cause for continuing the service without intermission? That undoubtedly they should find none other than [the fear] lest any thing might be done in furtherance of their interests by the attendance of those youths in whom the entire strength of the commons lay.

5.2.6Besides that they were harassed and worked much more severely than the Veientians.

5.2.7For the latter spent the winter beneath their own roofs, defending their city by strong walls and its natural situation, whilst the Roman soldier, in the midst of toil and hardship, continued beneath the covering of skins, overwhelmed with snow and frost, not laying aside his arms even during the period of winter, which is a respite from all wars by land and sea.

5.2.8Neither kings, nor those consuls, tyrannical as they were before the institution of the tribunitian office, nor the stern authority of the dictator, nor the overbearing decemvirs, ever imposed such slavery as that they should perform unremitting military service, which degree of regal power the military tribunes now exercised over the Roman commons.

5.2.9What would these men have done as consuls or dictators, who have exhibited the picture of the proconsular office so implacable and menacing? but that all this happened justly. Among eight military tribunes there was no room even for one plebeian.

5.2.10Formerly the patricians filled up three places with the utmost difficulty; now they went in file eight deep to take possession of the various offices; and not even in such a crowd is any plebeian intermixed;

5.2.11who, if he did no other good, might remind his colleagues, that it was freemen and fellow citizens, and not slaves, that constituted the army, who ought to be brought back during winter at least to their homes and roofs;

5.2.12and to come and see at some part of the year their parents, children, and wives, and to exercise the rights of freedom, and to take part in electing magistrates.

5.2.13While they exclaimed in these and such terms, they found in Appius Claudius an opponent not unequal to them, who had been left behind by his colleagues to check the turbulence of the tribunes; a man trained even from his youth in contests with the plebeians;

5.2.14who several years before, as has been mentioned, recommended the dissolution of the tribunitian power by means of the protests of their colleagues.

5.3.1He, not only endowed with good natural powers, but well trained also by experience, on that particular occasion, delivered the following address:

5.3.2"If, Romans, there was ever reason to doubt, whether the tribunes of the people have ever promoted sedition for your sake or their own, I am certain that in the course of this year that doubt must have ceased to exist;

5.3.3and while I rejoice that an end has at length come of a mistake of such long continuance, I in the next place congratulate you, and on your account the republic, that this delusion has been removed during a course of prosperous events.

5.3.4Is there any person who can feel a doubt that the tribunes of the commons were never so highly displeased and provoked by any wrongs done to you, if ever such did happen, as by the munificence of the patricians to the commons, when pay was established for those serving in the army.

5.3.5What else do you suppose that they either then dreaded, or now wish to disturb, except the union between the orders, which they think contributes most to the dissolution of the tribunitian power?

5.3.6Thus, by Jove, like workers in iniquity, they are seeking for work, who also wish that there should be always some diseased part in the republic, that there may be something for the cure of which they may be employed by you.

5.3.7For, [tribunes,] whether do you defend or attack the commons? whether are you the enemies of those in the service, or do you plead their cause?

5.3.8Unless perhaps you say, whatever the patricians do, displeases us; whether it is for the commons, or against the commons; and just as masters forbid their slaves to have any dealing with those belonging to others, and deem it right that they should equally refrain from having any commerce with them, either for kindness or unkindness; ye, in like manner, interdict us the patricians from all intercourse with the people, lest by our courteousness and munificence we may challenge their regard, and they become tractable and obedient to our direction.

5.3.9And if there were in you any thing of the feeling, I say not of fellow-citizens, but of human beings, how much more ought you to favour, and, as far as in you lay, to promote rather the kindly demeanour of the patricians and the tractability of the commons!

5.3.10And if such concord were once permanent, who would not venture to engage, that this empire would in a short time become the highest among the neighbouring states?

5.4.1"I shall hereafter explain to you how not only expedient, but even necessary has been this plan of my colleagues, according to which they would not draw off the army from Veii until the business has been completed. For the present I am disposed to speak concerning the condition of the soldiers.

5.4.2Which observations of mine I think would appear reasonable not only before you, but even, if they were delivered in the camp, in the opinion of the soldiers themselves; on which subject if nothing could suggest itself to my own mind to say, I certainly should be satisfied with that which is suggested by the arguments of my adversaries.

5.4.3They lately said, that pay should not be given to the soldiers because it had never been given. How then can they now feel displeased, that additional labour should be imposed in due proportion on those to whom some addition of profit has been added?

5.4.4In no case is there either labour without emolument, nor emolument in general without the expense of labour. Toil and pleasure, in their natures most unlike, are yet linked together by a sort of natural connexion.

5.4.5Formerly the soldier thought it a hardship that he gave his labour to the commonwealth at his own expense; at the same time he was glad for a part of the year to till his own ground; to acquire that means whence he might support himself and family at home and in war.

5.4.6Now he feels a pleasure that the republic is a source of advantage to him, and gladly receives his pay. Let him therefore bear with patience that he is a little longer absent from home and his family affairs, to which no heavy expense is now attached.

5.4.7Whether if the commonwealth should call him to a settlement of accounts, would it not justly say, You have pay by the year, perform labour by the year? do you think it just to receive a whole year's pay for six months' service?

5.4.8Romans, with reluctance do I dwell on this topic; for so ought those persons proceed who employ mercenary troops. But we wish to treat as with fellow-citizens, and we think it only just that you treat with us as with the country.

5.4.9Either the war should not have been undertaken, or it ought to be conducted suitably to the dignity of the Roman people, and brought to a close as soon as possible.

5.4.10But it will be brought to a conclusion if we press on the besieged; if we do not retire until we have consummated our hopes by the capture of Veii. In truth, if there were no other motive, the very discredit of the thing should impose on us perseverance.

5.4.11In former times a city was kept besieged for ten years, on account of one woman, by all Greece. At what a distance from their homes!

5.4.12how many lands, how many seas distant! We grumble at enduring a siege of a year's duration within twenty miles of us, almost within sight of our own city; because, I suppose, the cause of the war is trifling, nor is there resentment sufficiently just to stimulate us to persevere. Seven times they have rebelled: in peace they never acted faithfully.

5.4.13They have laid waste our lands a thousand times: the Fidenatians they forced to revolt from us: they have put to death our colonists there: contrary to the law of nations, they have been the instigators of the impious murder of our ambassadors:

5.4.14they wished to excite all Etruria against us, and are at this day busily employed at it; and they scarcely refrained from violating our ambassadors when demanding restitution. With such people ought war to be conducted in a remiss and dilatory manner?

5.5.1"If such just resentment have no influence with us, will not, I entreat you, the following considerations influence you? Their city has been enclosed with immense works, by which the enemy is confined within their walls.

5.5.2They have not tilled their land, and what was previously tilled has been laid waste in the war.

5.5.3If we withdraw our army, who is there who can doubt that they will invade our territory not only from a desire of revenge, but from the necessity also imposed on them of plundering from the property of others, since they have lost their own? By such measures then we do not put off the war, but admit it within our own frontiers.

5.5.4What shall I say of that which properly interests the soldiers, for whose interests those worthy tribunes of the commons, all on a sudden, are now so anxious to provide, after they have endeavoured to wrest their pay front them? How does it stand?

5.5.5They have formed a rampart and a trench, both works of great labour, through so great an extent of ground; they have erected forts, at first only a few, afterwards very many, when the army became increased; they have raised defenders not only towards the city, but towards Etruria also, against any succours which may come from thence.

5.5.6What need I mention towers, vineae, and testudines, and the other apparatus used in attacking towns? When so much labour has been expended, and they have now at length reached the end of the work, do you think that all these preparations should be abandoned that, next summer, the same course of toil may have to be undergone again in forming them anew?

5.5.7How much less trouble to support the works already done, and to press on and persevere, and to get rid of our task! For certainly the matter is of short duration, if it be conducted with a uniform course of exertions; nor do we by these intermissions and interruptions expedite the attainment of our hopes.

5.5.8I am now speaking of labour and of loss of time. What? do these such frequent meetings in Etruria on the subject of sending aid to Veii suffer us to disregard the danger which we encounter by procrastinating the war?

5.5.9As matters stand now, they are incensed, they dislike them, they refuse to send any; as far as they are concerned, we are at liberty to take Veii. Who can promise that their temper will be the same hereafter, if the war is suspended?

5.5.10when, if you suffer any relaxation, more respectable and more frequent embassies will go; when that which now displeases the Etrurians, the establishment of a king at Veii, may, after an interval, be done away with, either by the joint determination of the state that they may recover the good will of the Etrurians, or by a voluntary act of the king, who may be unwilling that his reign should stand in the way of the welfare of his countrymen.

5.5.11See how many circumstances, and how detrimental, follow that line of conduct: the loss of works formed with so great labour; the threatening devastation of our frontiers; an Etruscan excited instead of a Veientian war.

5.5.12These, tribunes, are your measures, pretty much the same, in truth, as if a person should render a disease tedious, and perhaps incurable, for the sake of present meat or drink, in a patient who, by resolutely suffering himself to be treated, might soon recover his health.

5.6.1If, by Jove, it were of no consequence with respect to the present war, yet it certainly would be of the utmost importance to military discipline, that our soldiers should be accustomed not only to enjoy the victory obtained by them;

5.6.2but even though matters should proceed more slowly than was anticipated, to brook the tediousness and await the issue of their hopes, however tardy; and if the war be not finished in the summer, to wait for the winter, and not, like summer birds, in the very commencement of autumn look out for shelter and a retreat.

5.6.3I pray you, the eagerness and pleasure of hunting hurries men into snow and frost, over mountains and woods; shall we not employ that patience on the exigencies of war, which even sport and pleasure are wont to call forth?

5.6.4Are we to suppose that the bodies of our soldiers are so effeminate, their minds so feeble, that they cannot hold out for one winter in a camp, and be absent from home? that, like persons who wage a naval war, by taking advantage of the weather, and observing the season of the year, they are able to endure neither heat nor cold?

5.6.5They would certainly blush, should any one lay these things to their charge; and would maintain that both their minds and their bodies were possessed of manly endurance, and that they were able to conduct war equally well in winter and in summer; and that they had not consigned to the tribunes the patronage of indolence and sloth, and that they remembered that their ancestors had created this very power, neither in the shade nor beneath their roofs.

5.6.6Such sentiments are worthy of the valour of your soldiers, such sentiments are worthy of the Roman name, not to consider merely Veii, nor this war which is now pressing us, but to seek a reputation for hereafter for other wars and for other states.

5.6.7Do you consider the difference of opinion likely to result from this matter as trivial? Whether, pray are the neighbouring states to suppose that the Roman people is such, that if any one shall sustain their first assault, and that of very short continuance, they have nothing afterwards to fear?

5.6.8or whether such should be the terror of our name, that neither the tediousness of a distant siege, nor the inclemency of winter, can dislodge the Roman army from a city once invested, and that they know no other termination of war than victory, and that they carry on wars not more by briskness than by perseverance; which is necessary no doubt in every kind of war, but more especially in besieging cities;

5.6.9most of which, impregnable both by their works and by natural situation, time itself overpowers and reduces by famine and thirst; as it will reduce Veii, unless the tribunes of the commons shall afford aid to the enemy, and the Veientians find in Rome reinforcements which they seek in vain in Etruria.

5.6.10Is there any thing which can happen so much in accordance with the wishes of the Veientians, as that

5.6.11first the Roman city, then the camp, as it were by contagion, should be filled with sedition?

5.6.12But, by Jove, among the enemy so forbearing a state of mind prevails, that not a single change has taken place among them, either through disgust at the length of the siege nor even of the kingly form of government; nor has the refusal of aid by the Etrurians aroused their tempers.

5.6.13For whoever will be the abettor of sedition, will be instantly put to death; nor will it be permitted to any one to utter those sentiments which amongst you are expressed with impunity.

5.6.14He is sure to receive the bastinade, who forsakes his colours or quits his post. Persons advising not one or two soldiers, but whole armies to relinquish their colours or to forsake their camp, are openly listened to in your public assemblies.

5.6.15Accordingly whatever a tribune of the people says, although it tends to the ruin of the country or the dissolution of the commonwealth, you are accustomed to listen to with partiality; and captivated with the charms of that authority, you suffer all sorts of crimes to lie concealed beneath it.

5.6.16The only thing that remains is, that what they vociferate here, the same projects do they realize in the camp and among the soldiers, and seduce the armies, and not suffer them to obey their officers;

5.6.17since that and that only is liberty in Rome, to show no deference to the senate, nor to magistrates, nor laws, nor the usages of ancestors, nor the institutions of our fathers, nor military discipline.

5.7.1Even already Appius was a match for the tribunes of the people in the popular assemblies; when suddenly a misfortune sustained before Veii, from a quarter whence no one could expect it, both gave Appius the superiority in the dispute, produced also a greater harmony between the different orders, and greater ardour to carry on the siege of Veii with more pertinacity.

5.7.2For when the trenches were now advanced to the very city, and the machines were almost about to be applied to the walls, whilst the works are carried on with greater assiduity by day, than they are guarded by night, a gate was thrown open on a sudden, and a vast multitude, armed chiefly with torches, cast fire about on all sides;

5.7.3and after the lapse of an hour the flames destroyed both the rampart and the machines, the work of so long a time, and great numbers of men, bearing assistance in vain, were destroyed by the sword and by fire.

5.7.4When the account of this circumstance was brought to Rome, it inspired sadness into all ranks; into the senate anxiety and apprehension, lest the sedition could no longer be withstood either in the city or in the camp, and lest the tribunes of the commons should insult over the commonwealth, as if vanquished by them;

5.7.5when on a sudden, those who possessed an equestrian fortune, but to whom horses had not been assigned by the public, having previously held a meeting together, went to the senate; and having obtained permission to speak, promise that they will serve on their own horses.

5.7.6And when thanks were returned to them by the senate in the most complimentary terms, and the report of this proceeding spread through the forum and the city, there suddenly ensues a concourse of the commons to the senate-house.

5.7.7They say that they are now of the pedestrian order, and the preferred their services to the commonwealth, though not compelled to serve, whether they wished to march them to Veii, or to any other place. If they were led to Veii, they affirm, that they would not return from thence, until the city of the enemy was taken.

5.7.8Then indeed they with difficulty set bounds to the joy which now poured in upon them;

5.7.9for they were not ordered, as in the case of the horsemen, to be publicly eulogized, the order for so doing being consigned to the magistrates, nor were they summoned into the senate-house to receive an answer; nor did the senate confine themselves within the threshold of their house, but every one of them individually with their voice and hands testified from the elevated ground the public joy to the multitude standing in the assembly;

5.7.10they declared that by that unanimity the Roman city would be happy, and invincible and eternal; praised the horsemen, praised the commons; extolled the day itself by their praises; they acknowledged that the courtesy and kindness of the senate was outdone.

5.7.11Tears flowed in abundance through joy both from the patricians and commons;

5.7.12until the senators being called back into the house, a decree of the senate was passed, "that the military tribunes, summoning an assembly, should return thanks to the infantry and cavalry; and should state that the senate would be mindful of their affectionate attachment to their country. But that it was their wish that their pa should go on for those who had, out of their turn, undertaken voluntary service.

5.7.13To the horsemen also a certain stipend was assigned. Then for the first time the cavalry began to serve on their own horses. This army of volunteers being led to Veii, not only restored the works which had been lost, but also erected new ones. Supplies were conveyed from the city with greater care than before; lest any thing should be wanting for the accommodation of an army who deserved so well.

5.8.1The following year had military tribunes with consular authority, Caius Servilius Ahala a third time, Quintus Servilius, Lucius Virginius, Quintus Sulpicius, Aulus Manlius a second time, Manius Sergius a second time.

5.8.2During their tribuneship, whilst the solicitude of all was directed to the Veientian war, the garrison at Anxur was neglected in consequence of the absence of the soldiers on leave, and from the indiscriminate admission of Volscian traders was overpowered, the guards at the gates being suddenly betrayed.

5.8.3Less of the soldiers perished, because they were all trafficking through the country and city like suttlers.

5.8.4Nor were matters conducted more successfully at Veii, which was then the chief object of all public solicitude. For both the Roman commanders had more quarrels among themselves, than spirit against the enemy; and the severity of the war was exaggerated by the sudden arrival of the Capenatians and the Faliscians.

5.8.5These two states of Etruria, because they were contiguous in situation, judging that in case Veii was conquered, they should be next to the attacks of the Romans in war;

Book 5, Part 2

5.8.6the Faliscians also, incensed from a cause affecting themselves, because they had already on a former occasion mixed themselves up in a Fidenatian war, being bound together by an oath by reciprocal embassies, marched unexpectedly with their armies to Veii. It so happened, they attacked the camp in that quarter where Manius Sergius, military tribune, commanded, and occasioned great alarm; because the Romans imagined that all Etruria was aroused and were advancing in a great mass.

5.8.7The same opinion aroused the Veientians in the city. Thus the Roman camp was attacked on both sides;

5.8.8and crowding together, whilst they wheeled round their battalions from one post to another, they were unable either to confine the Veientians within their fortifications, or repel the assault from their own works, and to defend themselves from the enemy on the outside. The only hope was, if succour could be brought from the greater camp, that the different legions should fight, some against the Capenatians and Faliscians, others against the sallies of the townsmen.

5.8.9But Virginius had the command of that camp, who, from personal grounds, was hateful to and incensed against Sergius.

5.8.10This man, when word was brought that most of the forts were attacked, the fortifications sealed, and that the enemy were pouring in on both sides, kept his men under arms, saying that if there was need of assistance, his colleague would send to him.

5.8.11His arrogance was equalled by the obstinacy of the other; who, that he might not appear to have sought any aid from an adversary, preferred being defeated by an enemy to conquering through a fellow-citizen. His men were for a long time cut down between both: at length, abandoning their works, a very small number made their way to the principal camp; the greater number, with Sergius himself, made their way to Rome.

5.8.12Where, when he threw the entire blame on his colleague, it was resolved that Virginius should be sent for from the camp, and that lieutenant-generals should take the command in the mean time.

5.8.13The affair was then discussed in the senate, and the dispute was carried on between the colleagues with (mutual) recriminations. But few took up the interests of the republic, (the greater number) favoured the one or the other, according as private regard or interest prejudiced each.

5.9.1The principal senators were of opinion, that whether so ignominious a defeat had been sustained through the misconduct or the misfortune of the commanders, the regular time of the elections should not be waited for, but that new military tribunes should be created immediately, who should enter into office on the calends of October.

5.9.2Whilst they were proceeding to intimate their assent to this opinion, the other military tribunes offered no opposition.

5.9.3But Sergius and Virginius, on whose account it was evident that the senate were dissatisfied with the magistrate of that year, at first deprecated the ignominy, then protested against the decree of the senate; they declared that they would not retire from office before the ides of December, the usual day for persons entering on magisterial duties.

5.9.4Upon this the tribunes of the plebeians, whilst in the general harmony and in the prosperous state of public affairs they had unwillingly kept silence, suddenly becoming confident, began to threaten the military tribunes, that unless they conformed to the order of the senate, they would order them to be thrown into prison.

5.9.5Then Caius Servilius Ahala, a military tribune, observed, With respect to you, tribunes of the commons, and your threats, I would with pleasure put it to the test, how there is not more of authority in the latter than of spirit in yourselves.

5.9.6But it is impious to strive against the authority of the senate. Wherefore do you cease to seek amid our quarrels for an opportunity of doing mischief; and my colleagues will either do that which the senate thinks fit, or if they shall persist with too much pertinacity, I will immediately nominate a dictator, who will oblige them to retire from office.

5.9.7When this speech was approved with general consent, and the patricians rejoiced, that without the terrors of the tribunitian office, another and a superior power had been discovered to coerce the magistrates, overcome

5.9.8by the universal consent, they held the elections of military tribunes, who were to commence their office on the calends of October, and before that day they retired from office.

5.10.1During the military tribuneship of Lucius Valerius Potitus for the fourth time, Marcus Furius Camillus for the second time, Manius Aemilius Mamercinus a third time, Cneius Cornelius Cossus a second time, Kaeso Fabius Ambustus, Lucius Julius Iulus, much business was transacted at home and abroad.

5.10.2For there was both a complex war at the same time, at Veii, at Capena, at Falerii, and among the Volscians, that Anxur might be recovered from the enemy; and at the same time there was some difficulty experienced both in consequence of the levy, and of the contribution of the tax:

5.10.3there was also a contention about the appointment of plebeian tribunes; and the two trials of those, who a little before had been invested with consular authority, excited no trifling commotion.

5.10.4First of all the tribunes of the soldiers took care that the levy should be held; and not only the juniors were enlisted, but the seniors also were compelled to give in their names, to serve as a garrison to the city.

5.10.5But in proportion as the number of the soldiers was augmented, so much the greater sum of money was required for pay; and this was collected by a tax, those who remained at home contributing against their will, because those who guarded the city had to perform military service also, and to serve the commonwealth.

5.10.6The tribunes of the commons, by their seditious harangues, caused these things, grievous in themselves, to seem more exasperating, by their asserting, " that pay was established for the soldiers with this view, that they might wear out one half of the commons by military service, the other half by the tax.

5.10.7That a single war was being waged now for the third year, on purpose hat they may have a longer time to wage it. That armies ad been raised at one levy for four different wars, and that boys even and old men were dragged from home.

5.10.8That neither summer nor winter now made any difference, so that there may never be any respite for the unfortunate commons, who were now even at last made to pay a tax;

5.10.9so that after they brought home their bodies wasted by hardship, wounds, and eventually by age, and found their properties at home neglected by the absence of the proprietors, had to pay a tax out of their impaired fortunes, and to refund to the state in a manifold proportion the military pay which had been as it were received on interest.

5.10.10Between the levy and the tax, and their minds being taken up by more important concerns, the number of plebeian tribunes could not be filled up at the elections. A struggle was afterwards made that patricians should be elected into the vacant places.

5.10.11When this could not be carried, still, for the purpose of weakening the Trebonian law, it was managed that Caius Lacerius and Marcus Acutius should be admitted as tribunes of the commons, no doubt through the influence of the patricians.

5.11.1Chance so directed it, that this year Cneius Trebonius was tribune of the commons, and he considered that he undertook the patronage of the Trebonian law as a debt due to his name and family.

5.11.2He crying out aloud, that a point which some patricians had aimed at, though baffled in their first attempt, had yet been carried by the military tribunes that the Trebonian law had been subverted, and tribunes of the commons had been elected not by the suffrages of the people but by the mandate of the patricians; and that the thing was now come to this, that either patricians or dependants of patricians were to be had for tribunes of the commons;

5.11.3that the devoting laws were taken away, the tribunitian power wrested from them; he alleged that this was effected by some artifice of the patricians, by the villany and treachery of his colleagues.

5.11.4While not only the patricians, but the tribunes of the commons also became objects of public resentment; as well those who were elected, as those who had elected them; then three of the college, Publius Curiatius, Marcus Metilius, and Marcus Minucius, alarmed for their interests, make an attack on Sergius and Virginius, military tribunes of the former year; they turn away the resentment of the commons, and public odium from themselves on them, by appointing a day of trial for them.

5.11.5They observe that those persons by whom the levy, the tribute, the long service, and the distant seat of the war was felt as a grievance, those who lamented the calamity sustained at Veii; such as had their houses in mourning through the loss of children, brothers, relatives, and kinsmen, had now through their means the right and power of avenging the public and private sorrow on the two guilty causes.

5.11.6For that the sources of all their sufferings were centred in Sergius and Virginius: nor did the prosecutor advance that charge more satisfactorily than the accused acknowledged it; who, both guilty, threw the blame from one to the other, Virginius charging Sergius with running away, Sergius charging Virginius with treachery.

5.11.7The folly of whose conduct was so incredible, that it is much more probable that the affair had been contrived by concert, and by the common artifice of the patricians.

5.11.8That by them also an opportunity was formerly given to the Veientians to burn the works for the sake of protracting the war; and that now the army was betrayed, and the Roman camp delivered up to the Faliscians.

5.11.9That every thing was done that the young men should grow old before Veii, and that the tribunes should not be able to consult the people either regarding the lands or the other interests of

5.11.10the commons, and to give weight to their measures by a numerous attendance [of citizens], and to make head against the conspiracy of the patricians.

5.11.11That a previous judgment had been already passed on the accused both by the senate and the Roman people and by their own colleagues. For that by a decree of the senate they had been removed from the administration of affairs, and when they refused to resign their office they had been forced into it by their colleagues; and that the Roman people had elected tribunes, who were to enter on their office not on the ides of December, the usual day, but instantly on the calends of October, because the republic could no longer subsist, these persons remaining in office.

5.11.12And yet these individuals, overwhelmed and already condemned by so many decisions against them, presented themselves for trial before the people;

5.11.13and thought that they were done with the matter, and had suffered sufficient punish- ment, because they were reduced to the state of private citizens two months sooner [than ordinary]: and did not consider that the power of doing mischief any longer was then taken from them, that punishment was not inflicted; for that the official power of their colleagues also had been taken from them who certainly had committed no fault.

5.11.14That the Roman citizens should resume those sentiments which they had when the recent disaster was sustained, when they beheld the army flying in consternation, covered with wounds, and in dismay pouring into the gates, accusing not fortune nor any of the gods, but these their commanders.

5.11.15They were cert in, that there was not a man present in the assembly who did not execrate and detest the persons, families, and fortunes of Lucius Virginius and Manius Sergius.

5.11.16That it was by no means consistent that now, when it was lawful and their duty, they should not exert their power against persons, on whom they had severally imprecated the vengeance of the gods. That the gods themselves never laid hands on the guilty it was enough if they armed the injured with the means of taking revenge.

5.12.1Urged on by these discourses the commons condemn the accused [in a fine] of ten thousand asses in weight, Sergius in vain throwing the blame on fortune and the common chance of war, Virginius entreating that he might not be more unfortunate at home than he had been in the field.

5.12.2Their resentment of the people being turned against them, obliterated the remembrance of the assumption of the tribunes and of the fraud committed against the Trebonian law.

5.12.3The victorious tribunes, in order that the people might reap an immediate benefit from the trial, publish a form

5.12.4of an agrarian law, and prevent the tax from being contributed, since there was need of pay for so great a number of troops, and the enterprises of the service were conducted with success in such a manner, that in none of the wars did they reach the consummation of their hope. At Veii the camp which had been lost was recovered and strengthened with forts and a garrison.

5.12.5Here M. Aemilius and Kaeso Fabius, military tribunes, commanded. None of the enemy were found outside the walls by Marcus Furius in the Faliscan territory, and Cneius Cornelius in the Capenatian district: spoil was driven off, and the country laid waste by burning of the houses and the fruits of the earth: the towns were neither assaulted nor besieged.

5.12.6But among the Volscians, their territory being depopulated, Anxur, which was situate on an eminence, was assaulted, but to no purpose; and when force was ineffectual, they commenced to surround it with a rampart and a trench.

5.12.7The province of the Volscians had fallen [to the lot of] Valerius Potitus. In this state of military affairs an intestine disturbance broke out with greater violence than the wars were proceeded with. And when it was rendered impossible by the tribunes to have the tax paid, and the payment [of the army] was not remitted to the generals, and the soldiers became importunate for their pay, the camp also was well nigh being involved in the contagion of the sedition in the city.

5.12.8Amid this resentment of the commons against the patricians, though the tribunes asserted that now was the time for establishing liberty, and transferring the sovereign dignity from the Sergii and

5.12.9Virginii to plebeians, men of fortitude and energy, still they proceeded no further than the election of one of the commons, Publius Licinius Calvus, military tribune with consular power for the purpose of establishing their right by precedent:

5.12.10the others elected were patricians, Publius Maenius, Lucius Titinius, Publius Maelius, Lucius Furius Medullinus, Lucius Publius Volscus.

5.12.11The commons themselves were surprised at having gained so important a point, and not merely he who had been elected, being a person who had filled no post of honour before, being only a senator of long standing, and now weighed down with years.

5.12.12Nor does it sufficiently appear, why he was elected first and in preference to any one else to taste the sweets of the new dignity. Some think that he was raised to so high a dignity through the influence of his brother, Cneius Cornelius, who had been military tribune on the preceding year, and had given triple pay to the cavalry.

5.12.13Others [say] that he had himself delivered a seasonable address equally acceptable to the patricians and commons, concerning the harmony of the several orders [of the state]. The tribunes of the commons, exulting in this victory at the election, relaxed in their opposition regarding the tax, a matter which very much impeded the progress of public business. It was paid in with submission, and sent to the army.

5.13.1In the country of the Volscians Anxur was soon retaken, the guarding of the city having been neglected during a fes- tival day. This year was remarkable for a cold and snowy winter, so that the roads were impassable, and the Tiber not navigable. The price of provisions underwent no change, in consequence of the abundance previously laid in.

5.13.2And because Publius Licinius, as he obtained his office without any rioting, to the greater joy of the commons than annoyance of the patricians, so also did he administer it; a rapturous desire of electing plebeians at the next election took possession of them.

5.13.3Of the patricians Marcus Veturius alone obtained a place: almost all the centuries appointed the other plebeian candidates as military tribunes with consular authority. Marcus Pomponius, Caius Duilius, Volero Publilius, Caeius Genucius, Lucius Atilius.

5.13.4The severe winter, whether from the ill temperature of the air [arising] from the abrupt transition to the contrary state, or from whatsoever other cause, was followed by an unhealthy summer, destructive to all species of animals; and when neither the cause nor termination of this intractable pestilence could be discovered, the Sibylline books were consulted according to a decree of the senate.

5.13.5The duumvirs for the direction of religious matters, the lectisternium being then for the first time introduced into the city

5.13.6of Rome for eight days implored the favour of Apollo and Latona, Diana and Hercules, Mercury and Neptune, three couches being laid out with the greatest magnificence that was then possible. The same solemn rite was observed also by private individuals.

5.13.7The doors lying open throughout the entire city, and the use of every thing lying out in common, they say that all passengers, both those known and those unknown indiscriminately, were invited to lodgings, and that conversation was adopted between persons at variance with complaisance and kindness, and that they refrained from disputes and quarrels; their chains were also taken off those who were in confinement during those days; that afterward a scruple was felt in imprisoning those to whom the gods had brought such aid.

5.13.8In the mean while the alarm was multiplied at Veii, three wars being concentred in the one place.

5.13.9For as the Capenatians and Faliscians had suddenly come with succour [to the Veientians], they had to fight against three armies on different sides in the same manner as formerly, through the whole extent of their works. The recollection of the sentence passed on Sergius and Virginius aided them above every thing else.

5.13.10Accordingly some forces being led around in a short time from the principal camp, where some delay had been made on the former occasion, attack the Capenatians on their rear, whilst they were engaged in front against the Roman rampart. The fight commencing in this quarter struck terror into the Faliscians also, and a sally from the camp opportunely made put them to flight, thrown into disorder as they now were.

5.13.11The victors, having then pursued them in their retreat, made great slaughter amongst them.

5.13.12And soon after those who had been devastating the territory of Capena, having met them as it were by chance, entirely cut off the survivors of the fight as they were straggling through the country:

5.13.13and many of the Veientians in their retreat to the city were slain before the gates; whilst, through fear lest the Romans should force in along with them, they excluded the hindmost of their men by closing the gates.

5.14.1These were the transactions of that year. And now the election of military tribunes approached; about which the patricians felt more intense solicitude than about the war, inasmuch as they saw that the supreme authority was not only shared with the commons, but almost lost to themselves.

5.14.2Wherefore the most distinguished individuals being, by concert, prepared to stand candidates, whom they thought [the people] would feel ashamed to pass by, they themselves, nevertheless, as if they were all candidates, trying every expedient, strove to gain over not only men, but the gods also, raising religious scruples about the elections held the two preceding years;

5.14.3that, in the former of those years, a winter set in intolerably severe, and like to a prodigy from the gods;

5.14.4on the next year [they had] not prodigies, but events, a pestilence inflicted on both city and country through the manifest resentment of the gods: whom, as was discovered in the books of the fates, it was necessary to appease, for the purpose of warding off that plague. That it seemed to the gods an affront that honours should be prostituted, and the distinctions of birth confounded, in an election which was held under proper auspices.

5.14.5The people, overawed as well by the dignity of the candidates as by a sense of religion, elected all the military tribunes with consular power from among the patricians, the greater part being men who had been most highly distinguished by honour;

5.14.6Lucius Valerius Potitus a fifth time, Marcus Valerius Maximus, Marcus Furius Camillus a third time, Lucius Furius Medullinus a third time, Quintus Servilius Fidenas a second time, Quintus Sulpicius Camerinus a second time.

5.14.7During this tribunate, nothing very memorable was performed at Veii. All their force was employed in depopulating the country. Two consummate commanders, Potitus from Falerii, Camillus from Capena, carried off great booty, nothing being left undestroyed which could be injured by sword or by fire.

5.15.1In the mean time many prodigies were announced; the greater part of which were little credited or even slighted, because individuals were the reporters of them, and also because, the Etrurians being now at war with them, they had no aruspices through whom they might attend to them.

5.15.2The attention of all was turned to a particular one: the lake in the Alban grove swelled to an unusual height without any rain, or any other cause which could account for the matter independently of a miracle.

5.15.3Commissioners were sent to the Delphic oracle to inquire what the gods portended by this prodigy;

5.15.4but an interpreter of the fates was presented to them nearer home in a certain aged Veientian, who, amid the scoffs thrown out by the Roman and Etrurian soldiers from the out-posts and guards, declared, after the manner of one delivering a prophecy, that until the water should be discharged from the Alban lake, the Romans should never become masters of Veii.

5.15.5This was disregarded at first as having been thrown out at random, afterwards it began to be canvassed in conversation; until one of the Roman soldiers on guard asked one of the townsmen who was nearest him (a conversational intercourse having now taken place in consequence of the long continuance of the war) who he was, who threw out those dark expressions concerning the Alban lake?

5.15.6After he heard that he was an aruspex, being a man whose mind was not without a tincture of religion, pretending that he wished to consult him on the expiation of a private portent, if he could aid him, he enticed the prophet to a conference.

5.15.7And when, being unarmed, they had proceeded a considerable distance from their respective parties without any apprehension, the Roman youth having the advantage in strength, took up the feeble old man in the sight of all, and amid the ineffectual bustle made by the Etrurians, carried him away to his own party.

5.15.8When he was conducted before the general, and sent from thence to Rome to the senate, to those who asked him what that was which he had stated

5.15.9concerning the Alban lake, he replied, that undoubtedly the gods were angry with the Veientian people on that day, on which they had inspired him with the resolve to disclose the ruin of his country as destined by the fates.

5.15.10Wherefore what he then declared urged by divine inspiration, he neither could recall so that it may be unsaid; and perhaps by concealing what the immortal gods wished to be published, no less guilt was contracted than by openly declaring what ought to be concealed.

5.15.11Thus therefore it was recorded in the books of the fates, thus in the Etrurian doctrine, that whensoever the Alban water should rise to a great height, then, if the Romans should discharge it in a proper manner, victory was granted them over the Veientians: before that occurred, that the gods would not desert the walls of Veii.

5.15.12He then detailed what would be the legitimate method of draining. But the senate deeming his authority as but of little weight, and not to be entirely depended on in so important a matter, determined to wait for the deputies and the responses of the Pythian oracle.

5.16.1Before the commissioners returned from Delphos, or an expiation of the Alban prodigy was discovered, the new military tribunes with consular power entered on their office, Lucius Julius Iulus, Lucius Furius Medullinus for the fourth time, Lucius Sergius Fidenas, Aulus Postumius Regillensis, Publius Cornelius Maluginensis, and Aulus Manlius. This year a new enemy, the Tarquinians, started up.

5.16.2Because they saw the Romans engaged in many wars together, that of the Volscians at Anxur, where the garrison was besieged, that of the Aequans at Lavici, who were attacking the Roman colony there, moreover in the Veientian, Faliscan, and Capenatian war, and that matters were not more tranquil within the walls, by reason of the dissensions between the patricians and commons; considering that amid these [troubles] there was an opportunity for an attack, they send their light-armed cohorts to commit depredations on the Roman territory.

5.16.3For [they concluded] either that the Romans would suffer that injury to pass off unavenged, that they might not encumber themselves with an additional war, or that they would resent it with a scanty army, and one by no means strong. The Romans [felt] greater indignation, than alarm, at the inroads of the Tarquinians.

5.16.4On this account the matter was neither taken up with great preparation, nor was it delayed for any length of time.

5.16.5Aulus Postumius and Lucius Julius, having raised a body of men, not by a regular levy, (for they were prevented by the tribunes of the commons,) but [a body consisting] mostly of volunteers, whom they had arouse by exhortations, having proceeded by cross marches through the territory of Caere, fell unexpectedly on the Tarquinians, as they were returning from their depredations and laden with booty;

5.16.6they slew great numbers, stripped them all of their baggage, and, having recovered the spoils of their own lands, they return to Rome. Two days were allowed to the owners to reclaim their effects.

5.16.7On the third day, that portion not owned (for most of it belonged to the enemies themselves) was sold by public auction; and what was produced from thence, was distributed among the soldiers.

Book 5, Part 3

5.16.8The other wars, and more especially the Veientian, were of doubtful issue. And now the Romans, despairing of human aid, began to look to the fates and the gods, when the deputies returned from Delphos, bringing with them an answer of the oracle, corresponding with the response of the captive prophet: Roman, beware lest the Alban water be confined in the lake, beware of suffering it to flow into the sea in its own stream.

5.16.9Thou shalt let it out and form a passage for it through the fields, and by dispersing it in channels thou shalt consume it.

5.16.10Then press boldly on the walls of the enemy, mindful that the victory is granted to you by these fates which are now revealed over that city which thou art besieging for so many years.

5.16.11The war being ended, do thou, as victorious, bring ample offerings to my temples, and having renewed the religious institutions of your country, the care of which has been given up, perform them in the usual manner.

5.17.1Upon this the captive prophet began to be held in high esteem, and Cornelius and Postumius, the military tribunes, began to employ him for the expiation of the Alban prodigy, and to appease the gods in due form.

5.17.2And it was at length discovered wherein the gods found fault with the neglect of the ceremonies and the omission of the customary rites; that it was undoubtedly nothing else, than that the magistrates, having been appointed under some defect [in their election], had not directed the Latin festival and the solemnities on the Alban mount with due regularity.

5.17.3The only mode of expiation in the case was, that the military tribunes should resign their office, the auspices be taken anew, and an interregnum be adopted.

5.17.4All these things were performed according to a decree of the senate. There were three interreges in succession, Lucius Valerius, Quintus Servilius Fidenas, Marcus Furius Camillus.

5.17.5In the mean time disturbances never ceased to exist, the tribunes of the commons impeding the elections until it was previously stipulated, that the greater number of the military tribunes should be elected out of the commons.

5.17.6Whilst these things are going on, assemblies of Etruria were held at the temple of Voltumna, and the Capenatians and Faliscians demanding that all the states of Etruria should by common consent and resolve aid in raising the siege of Veii, the answer given was:

5.17.7that on a former occasion they had refused that to the Veientians, because they had no right to demand aid from those from whom they had not solicited advice on so important a matter.

5.17.8That for the present their own condition instead of themselves denied it to them, more especially in that part of Etruria. That a

5.17.9strange nation, the Gauls, were become new neighbours, with whom they neither had a sufficiently secure peace, nor a certainty of war: to the blood, however, and the name and the present dangers of their kinsmen this [mark of respect] was paid, that if any of their youth were disposed to go to that war, they would not prevent them. Hence there was a report at Rome, that a great number

5.17.10of enemies had arrived, and in consequence the intestine dissensions began to subside, as is usual, through alarm for the general safety.

5.18.1Without opposition on the part of the patricians, the prerogative tribe elect Publius Licinius Calvus military tribune without his suing for it, a man of tried moderation in his former tribunate, but now of extreme old age;

5.18.2and it was observed that all were re-elected in regular succession out of the college of the same year, Lucius Titinius, Publius Maenius, Publius Maelius, Cneius Genucius, Lucius Atilius: before these were proclaimed, the tribes being summoned in the ordi- nary course, Publius Licinius Calvus, by permission of the interrex, spoke as follows:

5.18.3Romans, I perceive that from the recollection of our administration you are seeking an omen of concord, a thing most important at the present time for the ensuing year.

5.18.4If you re-elect the same colleagues, improved also by experience, in me you no longer behold the same person, but the shadow and name of Publius Licinius now left. The powers of my body are decayed, my senses of sight and hearing are grown dull, my memory falters, the vigour of my mind is blunted.

5.18.5Behold here a youth, says he, holding his son, the representation and image of him whom ye formerly made a military tribune, the first from among the commons. This youth, formed under my own discipline, I present and dedicate to the commonwealth as a substitute for myself. And I beseech you, Romans, that the honour readily offered by yourselves to me, you would grant to his suit, and to my prayers added in his behalf.

5.18.6The favour was granted to the request of the father, and his son, Publius Licinius, was declared military tribune with consular power along with those whom I have mentioned above.

5.18.7Titinius and Genucius, military tribunes, proceeded against the Faliscians and Capenatians, and whilst they conduct the war with more courage than conduct, they fall into an ambush. Genucius, atoning for his temerity by an honourable death, fell among the foremost in front of the standards.

5.18.8Titinius, having collected his men from the great confusion [into which they were thrown] on a rising ground, restored their order of battle; nor did he, however, venture to engage the enemy on even ground.

5.18.9More of disgrace than of loss was sustained; which was well nigh proving a great calamity; so much alarm was excited not only at Rome, whither an exaggerated account of it had reached, but in the camp also at Veii.

5.18.10There the soldiers were with difficulty restrained from flight, as a report had spread through the camp that, the generals and army having been cut to pieces, the victorious Capenatians and Faliscians and all the youth of Etruria were not far off.

5.18.11At Rome they gave credit to accounts still more alarming than these, that the camp at Veii was now attacked, that a part of the enemy was now advancing to the city prepared for an attack: they crowded to the walls, and supplications of the matrons, which the public panic had called forth from their houses, were offered up in the temples;

5.18.12and the gods were petitioned by prayers, that they would repel destruction from the houses and temples of the city and from the walls of Rome, and that they would avert that terror to Veii, if the sacred rites had been duly renewed, if the prodigies had been expiated.

5.19.1The games and the Latin festival had now been performed anew; now the water from the Alban lake had been discharged upon the fields, and the fates were demanding [the ruin of] Veii.

5.19.2Accordingly a general destined for the destruction of that city and the preservation of his country, Marcus Furius Camillus, being nominated dictator, appointed Publius Cornelius Scipio his master of the horse.

5.19.3The change of the general suddenly produced a change in every thing. Their hopes seemed different, the spirits of the people were different, the fortune also of the city seemed changed.

5.19.4First of all, he punished according to military discipline those who had fled from Veii in that panic, and took measures that the enemy should not be the most formidable object to the soldier.

5.19.5Then a levy being proclaimed for a certain day, he himself in the mean while makes an excursion to Veii to strengthen the spirits of the soldiers: thence he returns to Rome to enlist the new army, not a single man declining the service.

5.19.6Youth from foreign states also, Latins and Hernicians, came, promising their service for the war: after the dictator returned them thanks in the senate, all preparations being now completed for the war, he vowed, according to a decree of the senate, that he would, on the capture of Veii, celebrate the great games, and that he would repair and dedicate the temple of Mother Matuta, which had been formerly consecrated by King Servius Tullius.

5.19.7Having set out from the city with his army amid the high expectation rather than mere hopes

5.19.8of persons, he first encountered the Faliscians and Capenatians in the district of Nepote. Every thing there being managed with consummate prudence and skill, was attended, as is usual, with success. He not only routed the enemy in battle, but he stripped them also of their camp, and obtained a great quantity of spoil, the principal part of

5.19.9which was handed over to the quaestor; not much was given to the soldiers. From thence the army was marched to Veii, and additional forts close to each other were erected; and by a proclamation being issued, that no one should fight without orders, the soldiers were takes off from those skirmishes, which frequently took place

5.19.10at random between the wall and rampart, [so as to apply] to the work. Of all the works, far the greatest and

5.19.11more laborious was a mine which they commenced to carry into the enemies' citadel. And that the work might not be interrupted, and that the continued labour under ground might not exhaust the same individuals, he divided the number of pioneers into six companies; six hours were allotted for the work in rotation; nor by night or day did they give up, until they made a passage into the citadel.

5.20.1When the dictator now saw that the victory was in his hands, that a most opulent city was on the point of being taken, and that there would be more spoil than had been obtained in all previous wars taken together, that he might not incur either the resentment of the soldiers from a parsimonious

5.20.2partition of the plunder, or displeasure among the patricians from a prodigal lavishing of it, he sent a letter to the senate, that by the kindness of the immortal gods, his own measures, and the perseverance of the soldiers, Veii would be soon in the power of the Roman people.

5.20.3What did they thinly should be done with respect to the spoil? Two opinions divided the senate; the one that of the elder Publius Licinius, who on being first asked by his son, as they say, proposed it as his opinion, that a proclamation should be openly sent forth to the people, that whoever wished to share in the plunder, should proceed to the camp before Veii;

5.20.4the other that of Appius Claudius, who, censuring such profusion as unprecedented, extravagant, partial, and one that was unadvisable, if they should once judge it criminal, that money taken from the enemy should be [deposited] in the treasury when exhausted by wars, advised their pay to be paid to the soldiers out of that money, so that the commons might thereby have to pay less tax. For that the families of all would feel their share of

5.20.5such a bounty in equal proportion; that the hands of the idlers in the city, ever greedy for plunder, would not then carry off the prizes due to brave warriors, as it generally so happens that

5.20.6according as each individual is wont to seek the principal part of the toil and danger, so is he the least active as a plunderer. Licinius, on the other hand, argued that the money in that case would ever prove the source of jealousy and animosity, and that it would afford grounds for charges before the commons, and thence for seditions and new laws. "That it was more advisable therefore that the feelings of the commons should be conciliated by that bounty; that succour should be afforded them, exhausted and drained

5.20.7by a tax of so many years, and that they should feel the fruits arising from a war, in which they had in a manner grown old. What each took from the enemy with his own hand and brought home with him would be more gratifying and delightful, than if he were to receive a much larger share at the will of another. That the dictator himself wished to shun the odium and recriminations arising from the matter; for that reason he transferred it to the senate. The senate, too, ought to hand the

5.20.8matter thus referred to them over to the commons, and suffer every man to have what the fortune of war gave to to him. This proposition appeared to be the safer, as it would make the senate popular. A proclamation was therefore issued, that those who chose should proceed to the camp to the dictator for the plunder of Veii.

5.21.1The vast multitude who went filled the camp. Then the dictator, going forth after taking the auspices, having issued orders that the soldiers should take arms, says, Under thy guidance, O Pythian Apollo, and inspired by thy divinity, I proceed to destroy the city of Veii, and I vow to thee the tenth part of the spoil. Thee also, queen Juno, who

5.21.2inhabitest Veii, I beseech, that thou wilt accompany us, when victors, into our city, soon to be thine, where a temple worthy of thy majesty shall receive thee. Having offered up these prayers, there being more than a sufficient number of men, he assaults the city on every quarter, in order that the perception of the danger threatening them from the mine might be diminished. The Veientians, ignorant that they had already been doomed by

5.21.3their own prophets, already by foreign oracles, that the gods had been already invited to a share in their plunder, that some, called out by vows from their city, were looking towards the temple of the enemy and new habitations, and that they were spending that the last day [of heir existence], fearing nothing less than that, their walls being undermined, the citadel was now filled with enemies, briskly run to the walls in arms, wondering what could be the reason that, when no one had stirred from the Roman posts for so many days, then, as if struck with sudden fury, they should run heedlessly to the walls. A fabulous narrative

5.21.4is introduced here, that, when the king of the Veientians was offering sacrifice, the voice of the aruspex, declaring that the victory was

5.21.5given to him who should cut up the entrails of that victim, having been heard in the mine, incited the Roman soldiers to burst open the mine, carry off the entrails, and bring them to the dictator. But in matters of such remote antiquity, I should deem it sufficient, if matters bearing a resemblance to truth

5.21.6be admitted as true. Such stories as this, more suited to display on the stage, which delights in the marvellous, than to historic authenticity, it is not worth while either to affirm or refute. The mine, at this time full of chosen men, suddenly discharged the armed troops in the temple of Juno which was in the citadel of Veii. Some of them attack the rear of the enemy on the walls; some tore open the bars of the gates; some set fire to

5.21.7the houses, while stones and tiles were thrown down from the roofs by the women and slaves. Clamour, consisting of the various voices of the assailants and the terrified, mixed with the crying of women and children, fills every place. The soldiers being in an instant beaten off from the walls, and the gates being thrown open, some entering in bodies, others scaling the deserted walls, the city become filled with enemies, fighting takes place in every quarter. Then, much slaughter being now made, the ardour of the fight abates; and the dictator commands the heralds to proclaim that the unarmed should be spared. This put an end to bloodshed. Then laying down their arms, they commenced to surrender; and, by permission of the dictator, the soldiers disperse in quest

5.21.8of plunder. And when this was collected before his eyes, greater in quantity and in the value of the effects than he had hoped or expected, the dictator, raising his hands to heaven, is said

5.21.9to have prayed, that, if his success and that of the Roman people seemed excessive to any of the gods and men, it might be permitted to the Roman people to appease that jealousy with as little detriment as possible to himself and the Roman people. It is recorded that, when turning about during this prayer, he stumbled and fell; and to persons judging of the matter by subsequent events, that seemed to refer as an omen to Camillus' own condemnation, and the disaster

5.21.10of the city of Rome being akin, which happened a few years after. And that day was consumed in slaughtering the enemy and in the plunder of this most opulent city.

5.22.1On the following day the dictator sold the inhabitants of free condition by auction: that was the only money applied to public use, not without resentment on the part of the people:

5.22.2and for the spoil they brought home with them, they felt no obligation either to their commander, who in his search for abettors of his own parsimony, had referred to the senate a matter within his own jurisdiction, or to the senate, but to the Licinian family, of which the son had laid he matter before the senate, and the father had been the proposer of so popular a resolution.

5.22.3When all human wealth had been carried away from Veii, they then began to remove the offerings to their gods and the gods themselves, but more after the manner of worshippers than of plunderers.

5.22.4For youths selected from the entire army, to whom the charge of conveying queen Juno to Rome was assigned, after having thoroughly washed their bodies and arrayed themselves in white garments, entered her temple

5.22.5with profound adoration, applying their hands at first with religious awe, because, according to the Etrurian usage, no one but a priest of a certain family had been accustomed to touch that statue. Then when some one, moved either by divine inspiration, or in youthful jocularity, said, Juno, art thou willing to go to Rome, the rest joined in shouting that the goddess had nodded assent.

5.22.6To the story an addition was afterwards made, that her voice was heard, declaring that she was willing. Certain it is, we are informed that, having been raised from her pace by machines of trifling power, she was light and easily removed, like as if she [willingly] followed;

5.22.7and that she was conveyed safe to the Aventine, her eternal seat, whither the vows of the dictator had invited her; where the same Camillus who had vowed it, afterwards dedicated a temple to her.

5.22.8Such was the fall of Veii, the wealthiest city of the Etrurian nation, which even in its final overthrow demonstrated its greatness; for having been besieged for ten summers and winters without intermission, after it had inflicted considerably greater losses than it had sustained, eventually, fat now at length urging [its destruction], it was carried after all by the contrivances of art, not by force.

5.23.1When news was brought to Rome that Veii was taken although both the prodigies had been expiated, and the answers of the prophets and the Pythian responses were well known, and though they had selected as their commander Marcus Furius, the greatest general of the day, which was doing as much to promote success as could be done by human prudence;

5.23.2yet because the war had been carried on there for so many years with various success, and many losses had been sustained, their joy was unbounded, as if for an event not expected;

5.23.3and before the senate could pass any decree, all the temples were crowded with Roman matrons returning thanks to the gods. The senate decrees supplications for the space of four days, a number of days greater than [was prescribed] in any former war.

5.23.4The dictator's arrival also, all ranks pouring out to meet him, was better attended than that of any general before, and his triumph considerably surpassed all the ordinary style of honouring such a day.

5.23.5The most conspicuous of all was himself, riding through the city in a chariot drawn by white horses; and that appeared unbecoming, not to say a citizen, but even a human being.

5.23.6The people considered it an outrage on religion that the dictator's equipage should emulate that of Jupiter and Apollo; and for that single reason his triumph was rather splendid than pleasing.

5.23.7He then contracted for a temple for queen Juno on Mount Aventine, and consecrated that of Mother Matuta: and, after having performed these services to the gods and to mankind, he laid down his dictatorship.

5.23.8They then began to consider regarding the offering to Apollo; and when Camillus stated that he had vowed the tenth part of the spoil to him, and the pontiff declared that the people ought to discharge their own

5.23.9obligation, a plan was not readily struck out of ordering the people to refund the spoil, so that the due proportion might be set aside out of it for sacred purposes.

5.23.10At length they had recourse to this which seemed the easiest course, that, whoever wished to acquit himself and his family of the religious obligation, after he had made his own estimate of his portion of the plunder, should pay into the treasury the value

5.23.11of the tenth part, so that out of it a golden offering worthy of the grandeur of the temple and the divinity of the god might be made, suitable to the dignity of the Roman people.

5.23.12This contribution also tended to alienate the affections of the commons from Camillus. During these transactions ambassadors came from the Volscians and Aequans to sue for peace; and peace was obtained, rather that the state wearied by so tedious a war might obtain repose, than that the petitioners were deserving of it.

5.24.1After the capture of Veii, the following year had six military tribunes with consular power, the two Publii Cornelii, Cossus and Scipio, Marcus Valerius Maximus a second time, Kaeso Fabius Ambustus a third time, Lucius Furius Medullinus a fifth time, Quintus Servilius a third time. To the Cornelii the Faliscian war, to Valerius and Servilius the Capenatian war, fell by lot.

5.24.2By them no cities were attempted by storm or by siege, but the country was laid waste, and the plunder of the effects on the lands was driven off; not a single fruit tree, not a vegetable was left on the land. These losses reduced the people of Capena; peace was granted to them on their suing for it. The war among the Faliscians still continued.

5.24.3At Rome in the mean time sedition became multiplied; and for the purpose of assuaging this they resolved that a colony should be sent off to the Volscian country, for which three thousand Roman citizens should be enrolled; and the triumvirs appointed for the purpose, distributed three acres and seven-twelfths to each man.

5.24.4This donation began to be scorned, because they thought that it was offered as a solace for the disappointment of higher hopes. For why were the commons to be sent into exile to the Volscians, when the magnificent city of Veii was still in view, and the Veientian territory, more fertile and extensive than the Roman territory?

5.24.5The city also they extolled as preferable to the city of Rome, both in situation, in the grandeur of its enclosures, and buildings, both public and private. Nay, even that scheme was proposed, which after the taking of Rome by the Gauls was still more strongly urged, of removing to Veii. But they destined Veii to be inhabited by half the commons and half the senate; and that two cities of one common republic might be inhabited by the Roman people. When the nobles strove against these measures so strenuously, as to de- dare "that they would sooner die in the sight of the Roman people, than that any

5.24.6of these things should be put to the vote; for that now in one city there were so many dissensions; what would there be in two? Would any one prefer a vanquished to a victorious city; and suffer Veii now after being captured to enjoy greater prosperity than it had before its

5.24.7capture? Lastly, that they may be forsaken in their country by their fellow-citizens; that no power should ever oblige them to forsake their country and fellow-citizens, and follow Titus Licinius (for he was the tribune of the commons who proposed the measure) as a founder to Veii, abandoning the divine Romulus, the son of a god, the parent and founder of the city of Rome. When these proceedings were going on with shameful contentions, (for the

5.24.8patricians had drawn over one half of the tribunes of the commons to their sentiments,) nothing else obliged the commons to refrain from violence, but that whenever a clamour was set up for the purpose of commencing a riot, the principal members of the senate, presenting themselves among the foremost to the crowd, ordered that they themselves should be attacked, struck, and put to death. Whilst they abstained from violating their age, dignity, and honourable station, their respect for them checked their rage even with respect to similar attempts on others.

5.25.1Camillus, at every opportunity and in all places, stated publicly, that this was not at all surprising;

5.25.2that the state was gone mad; which, though bound by a vow, yet felt greater concern in all other matters than in acquitting itself of its religious obligations.

5.25.3He would say nothing of the contribution of an alms more strictly speaking than of a tenth; since each man bound himself in his private capacity by it, the public was set free.

5.25.4However, that his conscience would not permit him to pass this over in silence, that out of that spoil only which consisted of movable effects, a tenth was set apart; that no mention was made of the city and captured land, which were also included in the vow.

5.25.5As the discussion of this point seemed difficult to the senate, it was referred to the pontiffs;

5.25.6Camillus being invited [to the council], the college decided, that whatever had belonged to the Veientians before the uttering of the vow, and had come into the power of the Roman people after the vow was made, of that a tenth part was sacred to Apollo. Thus the city and land were brought into the estimate.

5.25.7The money was issued from the treasury, and the consular tribunes of the soldier were commissioned to purchase gold with it. And when there was not a sufficient quantity of this [metal], the matrons having held meetings to deliberate on the subject, and by a general resolution having promised the military tribunes

5.25.8their gold and all their ornaments, brought them into the treasury This circumstance was peculiarly grateful to the senate, and they say that in return for this generosity the honour was conferred on the matrons, that they might use covered chariots [when going] to public worship and the games, and open chaises on festival and common days.

5.25.9A certain weight of gold being received from each and valued, in order that the price might be paid for it, it was resolved that a golden bowl should be made of it, which was to be carried to Delphos as an offering to Apollo.

5.25.10As soon as they disengaged their minds from the religious obligation, the tribunes of the commons renew their seditious practices; the populace are excited against all the nobles, but above all against Camillus:

5.25.11that he by confiscating and consecrating the plunder of Veii had reduced it to nothing.

5.25.12The absent [nobles] they abuse in violent terms: they evince a respect for them in their presence, when they voluntarily presented themselves to their fury. As soon as they perceived that the business would be protracted beyond that year, they re-elect as tribunes of the commons for the following year the same abettors of the law;

Book 5, Part 4

5.25.13and the patricians strove to accomplish the same thing with respect to those who were opponents of the law. Thus the same persons in a great measure were re-elected tribunes of the commons.

5.26.1At the election of military tribunes the patricians succeeded by their utmost exertions in having Marcus Furius Camillus elected. They pretended that he was wanted as a commander on account of the wars; but he was intended as an opponent to the tribunes in their profusion.

5.26.2The military tribunes with consular authority elected with Camillus were, Lucius Furius Medullinus a sixth time, Caius Aemilius, Lucius Valerius Publicola, Spurius Postumius, Publius Cornelius a second time.

5.26.3At the commencement of the year the tribunes of the commons took not a step until Marcus Furius Camillus should set out to the Faliscians, as that war had been assigned to him. Then by delaying the project cooled; and Camillus, whom they chiefly dreaded as an antagonist, acquired an increase of glory among the Faliscians.

5.26.4For when the enemy at first confined themselves within the walls, considering it the safest plan, by laying waste their lands and burning their houses, he compelled them to come forth from the city; but their fears prevented them from proceeding to any considerable length.

5.26.5At about a mile from the town they pitch their camp; trusting that it was sufficiently secure from no other cause, than the difficulty of the approaches, the roads around being rough and craggy, in some parts narrow, in others steep.

5.26.6But Camillus having followed the direction of a prisoner belonging to the country as his guide, decamping at an advanced hour of the night, at break of day shows himself on ground considerably higher [than theirs]. The Romans worked at the fortifications in three divisions: the rest of the army stood prepared for battle.

5.26.7There he routs and puts to flight the enemy when they attempted to interrupt his works; and such terror was struck into the Faliscians in consequence, that, in their precipitate flight passing by their own camp which lay in their way, they made for the city. Many were slain and wounded, before that in their panic they could make their way through the gates.

5.26.8Their camp was taken; the spoil was given up to the quaestors, to the great dissatisfaction of the soldiers; but overcome by the strictness of his authority, they both hated and admired the same firmness of conduct.

5.26.9Then a regular siege of the city took place, and the lines of circumvallation were carried on, and sometimes occasional attacks were made by the townsmen on the Roman posts, and slight skirmishes took place: and the time was spent, no hope [of success] inclining to either side, whilst corn and other provisions were possessed in much greater abundance by the besieged than the besiegers from [the store] which had been previously laid in.

5.26.10And their toil appeared likely to prove just as tedious as it had at Veii, had not fortune presented to the Roman general at once both an opportunity for displaying his virtuous firmness of mind already tested in warlike affairs, and a speedy victory.

5.27.1It was the custom among the Faliscians to employ the same person as preceptor and private tutor for their children; and, as continues the usage to this day in Greece, several youths were intrusted to the care of one man.

5.27.2The person who appeared to excel in knowledge, instructed, as t is natural to suppose, the children of the leading men. A he had established it as a custom during peace to carry the boys out beyond the city for the sake of play and of exercise; that custom not having been discontinued during the existence of the war;

5.27.3then drawing them away from the gate, sometimes in shorter, sometimes in longer excursions, advancing farther than usual, when an opportunity offered, by varying their play and conversation, he led them on between the enemy's guards, and thence to the Roman camp into his tent to Camillus.

5.27.4There to the atrocious act he added a still more atrocious speech: that he had delivered Falerii into the hands of the Romans, when he put into their power those children; whose parents are there at the head of affairs.

5.27.5When Camillus heard this, he says, Wicked as thou art, thou hast come with thy villanous offering neither to a people nor a commander like thyself.

5.27.6Between us and the Faliscians there exists rot that form of society which is established by human compact; but between both there does exist, and ever will exist, that which nature has implanted.

5.27.7There are laws of war as well of peace; and we have learned to wage them justly not less than bravely. We carry arms not against that age which is spared even when towns are taken, but against men who are themselves armed, and who, not having been injured or provoked by us, attacked the Roman camp at Veii.

5.27.8Those thou hast surpassed, as far as lay in you, by an unprecedented act of villany: I shall conquer them, as I did Veii, by Roman arts, by bravery, labour, and by arms.

5.27.9Then having stripped him naked, and tied his hands behind his back, he delivered him up to the boys to be brought back to Falerii; and supplied them with rods to scourge the traitor and drive him into the city.

5.27.10At which spectacle, a crowd of people being assembled, afterwards the senate being convened by the magistrates on the extraordinary circumstance, so great a change was produced in their sentiments, that the entire state earnestly demanded peace at the hands of those, who lately, outrageous by hatred and anger, almost preferred the fate of the Veientians to the peace of the Capenatians.

5.27.11The Roman faith, the justice of the commander, are cried up in the forum and in the senate-house; and by universal consent ambassadors set out to the camp to Camillus, and thence by permission of Camillus to Rome to the senate, in order to deliver up Falerii.

5.27.12When introduced before the senate, they are represented as having spoken thus: Conscript fathers, overcome by you and your commander by a victory at which neither god nor man can feel displeasure, we surrender ourselves to you, considering that we shall live more happily under your rule than under our own law, than which nothing can be more glorious for a conqueror.

5.27.13In the result of this war two salutary examples have been exhibited to mankind. You preferred faith in war to present victory: we, challenged by your good faith, have voluntarily given up to you the victory.

5.27.14We are under your sovereignty. Send men to receive our arms, our hostages, our city with its gates thrown open.

5.27.15You shall never have to repent of our fidelity, nor we of your dominion. Thanks were returned to Camillus both by the enemy and by his own countrymen. Money was required of the Faliscians to pay off the soldiers for that year, that the Roman people might be relieved from the tribute. Peace being granted, the army was led back to Rome.

5.28.1When Camillus returned home, signalized by much more solid glory than when white horses had drawn him through the city, having vanquished the enemy by justice and good faith, the senate did not conceal their sense of respect for him, but immediately set about acquitting him of his vow;

5.28.2and Lucius Valerius, Lucius Sergius, Aulus Manlius, being sent in a ship of war as ambassadors to carry the golden bowl to Delphos as an offering to Apollo, were intercepted by the pirates of the Liparenses not far from the Sicilian Strait, and carried to Liparae. It was the custom of the state to make a division of all booty which was acquired, as it were, by public piracy.

5.28.3On that year it so happened that one Timasitheus filled the office of chief magistrate, a man more like the Romans than his own countrymen.

5.28.4Who, himself reverencing the name of ambassadors, and the offering, and the god to whom it was sent, and the cause of the offering, impressed the multitude also, who almost on all occasions resemble their ruler, with [a sense] of religious justice; and after having brought the ambassadors to a public entertainment, escorted them with the protection of some ships to Delphos, and from thence brought them back in safety to Rome.

5.28.5By a decree of the senate a league of hospitality was formed with him, and presents were conferred on him by the state. During the same year the war with the Aequans was conducted with varying success; so that it was a matter of doubt both among the troops themselves and at Rome, whether they had been victorious or were vanquished.

5.28.6The Roman commanders were Caius Aemilius and Spurius Postumius, two of the military tribunes. At first they acted in conjunction; then, after the enemy were routed in the field, it was agreed that Aemilius should take possession of Verrugo with a certain force, and that Postumius should devastate the country.

5.28.7There, as the latter proceeded rather negligently, and with his troops irregularly drawn up, he was attacked by the Aequans, and an alarm being occasioned, he was driven to the nearest hill; and the panic spread from thence to Verrugo to the other detachment of the army.

5.28.8When Postumius, having withdrawn his men to a place of safety, summoned an assembly and upbraided them with their fright and flight; with having been beaten by a most cowardly and dastardly enemy; the entire army shout aloud that they deserved to hear all this, and admitted the disgrace they had incurred; but [they promised] that they would make amends, and that the enemy's joy should not be of long duration.

5.28.9Demanding that he would instantly lead them from thence to the camp of the enemy, (this lay in the plain within their view,) they submitted to any punishment, if they did not take it before night.

5.28.10Having praised them, he orders them to take refreshment, and to be in readiness at the fourth watch. And the enemy, in order to prevent the flight of the Romans from the hill through the road which led to Verrugo, were posted to meet them; and the battle commenced before daylight, (but the moon was up all the night,) and was not more confused than a battle fought by day.

5.28.11But the shout having reached Verrugo, when they thought that the Roman camp was attacked, occasioned such a panic, that in spite of the entreaties of Aemilius and his efforts to stop them they fled to Tusculum in great disorder.

5.28.12From thence a report was carried to Rome that Postumius and his army were cut to pieces. When the dawn of day had removed all apprehension of an ambuscade in case of a hasty pursuit, after riding through the ranks, by demanding [the performance of] their promises he infused such ardour into them, that the Aequans could no longer withstand their impetuosity.

5.28.13Then the slaughter of them in their flight, such as takes place when matters are conducted more under the influence of anger than of courage, was continued even to the total destruction of the enemy, and the melancholy news from Tusculum, the state having been alarmed without cause, was followed by a letter from Postumius decked with laurel, (announcing) that the victory belonged to the Roman people; that the army of the Aequans was destroyed.

5.29.1As the proceedings of the plebeian tribunes had not yet attained a termination, both the commons exerted themselves to continue their office for the promoters of the law, and the patricians to re-elect the opponents of the law; but the commons were more successful in the election of their own magistrates.

5.29.2Which annoyance the patricians avenged by passing a decree of the senate that consuls should be elected, magistrates detested by the commons. After an interval of fifteen years, Lucius Lucretius Flavus and Servius Sulpicius Camerinus were appointed consuls.

5.29.3In the beginning of this year, whilst the tribunes of the commons united their efforts to pass the law, because none of their college were likely to oppose them, and the consuls resisted them with no less energy, the Aequans storm Vitellia, a Roman colony in their territory.

5.29.4The chief part of the colonists made their way in safety to Rome, because the town, having been taken by treachery in the night, afforded an unimpeded mode of escape by the remote side of the city. That province fell to the lot of Lucius Lucretius the consul.

5.29.5He having set out with his army, vanquished the enemy in the field; and returned victorious to Rome to a much more serious contest.

5.29.6A day of trial had been appointed for Aulus Virginius and Quintus Pomponius, plebeian tribunes of the two preceding years, in whose defence by the combined power of the patricians, the honour of the senate was involved. For no one laid against them any other impeachment, either of their mode of life or of their conduct in office, save that, to gratify the patricians, they had protested against the tribunitian law.

5.29.7The resentment of the commons, however, prevailed over the influence of the senate; and by a most pernicious precedent these men, though innocent, were condemned [to pay a fine of] ten thousand asses in weight. At this the patricians were very much incensed.

5.29.8Camillus openly charged the commons with gross violation of duty, who, now turning their venom against their own body, did not feel that by their iniquitous sentence on the tribune they abolished the right of protesting; that abolishing this right of protesting, they had upset the tribunitian authority.

5.29.9For they were mistaken in expecting that the patricians would tolerate the unbridled licentiousness of that office. If tribunitian violence could not be repelled by tribunitian aid, that the patricians would find out some other weapon.

5.29.10The consuls he also blamed, because they had in silence suffered those tribunes who had followed the authority of the senate to be deceived by [their reliance] on the public faith. By openly expressing these sentiments, he every day still further exasperated the angry feelings of the people.

5.30.1But he ceased not to urge the senate to oppose the law; that when the day for proposing the law had arrived they should go down to the forum with no other feeling than as men who remembered that they had to contend for their altars and homes, and the temples of the gods, and the soil in which they had been born.

5.30.2For that as far as he himself individually was concerned, if during this contest [to be sustained] by his country it were allowable for him to think of his own glory, it would even reflect honour on himself, that a city captured by him should be densely inhabited, that he would daily enjoy the monument of his glory, and that he would have before his eyes a city borne by him in his triumph, that all would tread in the footsteps of his renown.

5.30.3But that he deemed it an impiety that a city deserted and forsaken by the immortal gods should be inhabited; that the Roman people should reside in a captive soil, and that a vanquished should be taken in exchange for a victorious country.

5.30.4Stimulated by these exhortations of their leader, the patricians, both young and old, entered the forum in a body, when the law was about to be proposed:

5.30.5and dispersing the selves through the tribes, each earnestly appealing to the members of their own tribe, began to entreat them with tears not to desert that country for which they themselves and their fathers had fought most valiantly and successfully, pointing to the Capitol, the temple of Vesta, and the other temples of the gods around;

5.30.6not to drive the Roman people, exiles and outcasts, from their native soil and household gods into the city of the enemy; and not to bring matters to such a state, that it was better that Veii were not taken, lest Rome should be deserted.

5.30.7Because they proceeded not by violence, but by entreaties, and in the midst of these entreaties frequent mention was [made] of the gods, the greatest part [of the people] were influenced by religious scruples: and more tribes by one rejected the law than voted for it.

5.30.8And so gratifying was this victory to the patricians, that on the following day, on a motion made by the consuls, a decree of the senate was passed, that seven acres a man of Veientian territory should be distributed to the commons; and not only to the fathers of families, but so that all persons in their house in a state of freedom should be considered, and that they might be willing to rear up their children with that prospect.

5.31.1The commons being won over by such a boon, no opposition was made to holding the elections for consuls.

5.31.2Lucius Valerius Potitus, and Marcus Manlius, who afterwards obtained the surname of Capitolinus, were elected consuls. These consuls celebrated the great games which Marcus Furius, when dictator, had vowed in the Veientian war.

5.31.3In the same year the temple of imperial Juno, vowed by the same dictator and during the same war, is dedicated; and they state that the dedication was attended with great zeal by the matrons.

5.31.4A war scarcely worth mentioning was waged with the Aequans at Algidum, the enemies taking to flight almost before they commenced the fight.

5.31.5To Valerius, because he was more persevering in slaughtering them in their flight, a triumph was granted; it was decreed that Manlius should enter the city with an ovation. The same year a new war broke out with the Volsinians; whither an army could not be led, on account of a famine and pestilence in the Roman territories, which arose from drought and excessive heat;

5.31.6on account of which the Volsinians forming a junction with the Salpinians, being elated with pride, made an unprovoked incursion into the Roman territories.

5.31.7War was then proclaimed against the two states.

5.31.8Caius Julius died during his censorship; Marcus Cornelius was substituted in his room; a proceeding which was afterwards considered as offensive to religion; because during that lustrum Rome was taken. Nor since that time has a censor ever been substituted in the room of one deceased.

5.31.9And the consuls being seized by the distemper, it was determined that the auspices should be taken anew during an interregnum.

5.32.1Therefore when in pursuance of a decree of the senate the consuls resigned their office, Marcus Furius Camillus is created interrex, who appointed Publius Cornelius Scipio interrex, and he afterwards Lucius Valerius Potitus.

5.32.2By him were appointed six military tribunes with consular power; so that, though any one of them should be incommoded by bad health, the state might have a sufficient number of magistrates. On the calends of July, the following entered on their office, Lucius Lucretius, Servius Sulpicius, Marcus Aemilius, Lucius Furius Medullinus a seventh time, Agrippa Furius, Caius Aemilius a second time.

5.32.3Of these, Lucius Lucretius and Caius Aemilius got the Volsinians as their province; the Salpinians fell to the lot of Agrippa Furius and Servius Sulpicius. The first engagement was with the Volsinians. The war, important from the number of the enemy, was without difficulty brought to a close.

5.32.4At the first onset, their army was put to flight. Eight thousand soldiers, hemmed in by the cavalry, laid down their arms and surrendered. The account received of that war had the effect of preventing the Salpinians from hazarding an engagement; the troops secured themselves within their towns.

5.32.5The Romans drove spoil in every direction, both from the Salpinian and Volsinian territory, there being no one to repel that aggression; until a truce for twenty years was granted to the Volsinians, exhausted by the war, on this condition, that they should make restitution to the Roman people, and furnish the pay of the army for that year.

5.32.6During the same year, Marcus Caedicius, a plebeian, announced to the tribunes that in the New Street, where the chapel now stands, above the temple of Vesta, he had heard in the silence of the night a voice louder than that of a human being, which ordered the magistrates to be told, that the Gauls were approaching. This, as is usual, was disregarded, on account of the humble station of the author, and also because the nation was a remote one, and therefore the less known.

5.32.7And not only were the warnings of the gods disregarded, fate now impending; but further, the only human aid which was left them, Marcus Furius, they drove away from the city;

5.32.8who, on a day [of trial] being appointed for him by Lucius Appuleius, a tribune of the people, in reference to the Veientian spoil, he having also lost his son, a young man, about the same time, when he summoned to his house the members of his tribe and his dependents, (they constituted a considerable portion of the commons,) and having sounded their sentiments, he received for answer, that they would contribute whatever fine he should be condemned to pay; that to acquit him they were unable, retired into exile; after praying to the immortal gods, "that if that outrage was done to him without his deserving it, they would at the earliest opportunity give cause to his ungrateful country to regret his absence. In his absence he was fined fifteen thousand asses in weight.

5.33.1That citizen being driven away, who being present, Rome could not be captured, if any thing is certain regarding human affairs; the destined ruin now approaching the city, ambassadors came from the Clusinians, soliciting aid against the Gauls.

5.33.2A report is current that that nation, allured by the delightfulness of the crops, and more especially of the wine, an enjoyment then new to them, crossed the Alps, and took possession of the lands formerly cultivated by the Etrurians;

5.33.3and that Aruns, a native of Clusium, introduced wine into Gaul for the purpose of enticing the nation, through resentment for his wife's having been debauched by Lucumo, whose guardian he himself had been, a very influential young man, and on whom vengeance could not be taken, unless foreign aid were resorted to;

5.33.4that this person served as a guide to them when crossing the Alps, and advised them to lay siege to Clusium.

5.33.5I would not indeed deny that the Gauls were brought to Clusium by Aruns or any other native of Clusium; but that those persons who laid siege to Clusium were not they who first crossed the Alps, is sufficiently certain. For two hundred years before they laid siege to Clusium and captured the city of Rome, the Gauls passed over into Italy.

5.33.6Nor were these the first of the Etrurians with whom the Gauls fought, but long before that they frequently fought with those who dwelt between the Apennines and the Alps.

5.33.7Before the Roman empire the sway of the Tuscans was much extended by land and by sea; how very powerful they were in the upper and lower seas, by which Italy is encompassed like an island, the names [of these seas] is a proof;

5.33.8the one of which the Italian nations have called the Tuscan sea, the general appellation of the people; the other the Hadriatic, from Hadria, a colony of Tuscans.

5.33.9The Greeks call these same seas the Tyrrhenian and Hadriatic. This people inhabited the country extending to both seas in twelve cities, colonies equal in number to the mother cities having been sent, first on this side the Apennines towards the lower sea, afterwards to the other side of the Apennines;

5.33.10who obtained possession of all the district beyond the Po, even as far as the Alps, except the corner of the Venetians, who dwell round the extreme point of the [Hadriatic] sea.

5.33.11The Alpine nations also have this origin, more especially the Rhaetians; whom their very situation has rendered savage, so as to retain nothing of their original, except the accent of their language, and not even that without corruption.

5.34.1Concerning the passage of the Gauls into Italy we have heard as follows. In the reign of Tarquinius Priscus at Rome, the supreme government of the Celts, who compose the third part of Gaul, was in the hands of the Biturigians: they gave a king to the Celtic nation.

5.34.2This was Ambigatus, one very much distinguished by his merit, and both his great prosperity in his own concerns and in those of the public; for under his administration Gaul was so fruitful and so well peopled, that so very great a population appeared scarcely capable of being restrained by any government.

5.34.3He being now advanced in years, and anxious to relieve his kingdom of so oppressive a crowd, declares his intention to bend his sister's sons, Bellovesus and Sigovesus, two enterprising youths, into whatever settlements the gods should grant them by augury:

5.34.4that they should take out with them as great a number of men as they pleased, so that no nation might be able to obstruct them in their progress. Then to Sigovesus the Hercynian forest was assigned by the oracle: to Bellovesus the gods marked out a much more cheering route into Italy.

5.34.5He carried out with him from the Biturigians, the Arvernians, the Senonians, the Aeduans, the Ambarrians, the Carnutians, and the Aulercians, all that was superfluous in their population. Having set out with an immense force of horse and foot, he arrived in the country of the Tricastinians.

5.34.6Next the Alps were opposed [to their progress], and I am not surprised that they should seem impassable, as they had never been climbed over through any path as yet, as far at least as tradition can extend, unless we are disposed to believe the stories regarding Hercules.

5.34.7When the height of the mountains kept the Gauls there penned up as it were, and they were looking around [to discover] by what path they might pass into another world between the summits, which joined the sky, a religious scruple detained them, it having been announced to them that strangers in search of lands were attacked by the nation of the Salyans.

5.34.8These were the Massilians, who had come by sea from Phocaea. The Gauls considering this an omen of their own fortune, assisted them in fortifying the ground which they had taken possession of on their first landing, covered with spacious woods.

5.34.9They themselves crossed the Alps through the Taurinian and pathless forests; and having defeated the Etrurians not far from the Ticinus, on hearing that the land in which they had posted themselves was called Insubria, the same name as the Insubres, a canton of the Aedui: embracing the omen of the place, they built a city there, and called it Mediolanum.

5.35.1Some time after another body, consisting of Cenomanians, having followed the tracks of the former under the conduct of Elitovius, crossed the Alps through the same forest, with the aid of Bellovesus, and settle themselves where the cities of Brixia and Verona now stand (the Libuans then possessed these places). After these came the Salluvians, who fix themselves near the ancient canton of the Ligurians called Laevi, inhabiting the banks of the Ticinus.

Book 5, Part 5

5.35.2Next the Boians and Lingonians, having made their way over through the Penine pass, all the tract between the Po and the Alps being occupied, crossed the Po on rafts, and drove out of the country not only the Etrurians, but the Umbrians also: they confined themselves however within the Apennines.

5.35.3Then the Senonians, the latest of these emigrants, took possession of the track [extending] from the Utens to the Aesis. I find that it was this nation that came to Clusium, and thence to Rome; whether alone, or aided by all the nations of the Cisalpine Gauls, is not duly ascertained.

5.35.4The Clusians, terrified at their strange enemy, on beholding their great numbers, the forms of the men such as they had never seen, and the kind of arms [they carried], and on hearing that the troops of the Etrurians had been frequently defeated by them on both sides of the Po, sent ambassadors to Rome to solicit aid from the senate, though they had no claim on the Roman people, in respect either of alliance or friendship, except that the had not defended their relations the Veientians against the Roman people.

5.35.5No aid was obtained: three ambassadors were sent, sons of Marcus Fabius Ambustus, to treat with the Gauls in the name of the senate and Roman people; that they should not attack the allies and friends of the Roman people from whom they had received no wrong.

5.35.6That they should be supported by the Romans even by force of arms, if circumstances obliged them; but it seemed better that war itself should be kept aloof, if possible; and that the Gauls, a nation strangers to them, should be known by peace, rather than by arms.

5.36.1The embassy was a mild one, had it not been consigned to ambassadors too hot in temper, and who resembled Gauls more than Romans.

5.36.2To whom, after they delivered their commission in the assembly of the Gauls, the following answer is returned: Though the name of the Romans was new to their ears, yet they believed them to be brave men, whose aid was implored by the Clusians in their perilous conjuncture.

5.36.3And since they chose to defend their allies against them by negociation rather than by arms, that they on their part would not reject the pacific terms which they propose, if the Clusians would give up to the Gauls in want of land, a portion of their territories which they possessed to a greater extent than they could cultivate;

5.36.4otherwise peace could not be obtained: that they wished to receive an answer in presence of he Romans; and if the land were refused them, that the would decide the matter with the sword in presence of the sane Romans; that they might have an opportunity of carrying home an account how much the Gauls excelled all other mortals in bravery.

5.36.5On the Romans asking what right they had to demand land from the possessors, or to threaten war [in case of refusal], and what business the Gauls had in Etruria, and on their fiercely replying, that they carried their right in their swords, that all things were the property of the brave, with minds inflamed on both sides they severally have recourse to arms, and the battle is commenced.

5.36.6Here, fate now pressing hard on the Roman city, the ambassadors, contrary to the law of nations, take up arms; nor could this be done in secret, as three of the noblest and bravest of the Roman youth fought in the van of the Etrurians; so conspicuous was the valour of the foreigners.

5.36.7Moreover Quintus Fabius, riding out beyond the line, slew a general of the Gauls who was furiously charging the very standards of the Etrurians, having run him through the side with his spear: and the Gauls recognised him when stripping him of his spoils; and a signal was given throughout the entire line that he was a Roman ambassador.

5.36.8Giving up therefore their resentment against the Clusians, they sound a retreat, threatening the Romans. Some gave it as their opinion that they should proceed forthwith to Rome.

5.36.9The seniors prevailed, that ambassadors should be sent to complain of the injuries done them, and to demand that the Fabii should be given up to them in satisfaction for having violated the law of nations. When the ambassadors had stated matters, according to the instructions given to them, the conduct of the Fabii was neither approved by the senate, and the barbarians seemed to them to demand what was just: but in the case of men of such station party favour prevented them from decreeing that which they felt to be right.

5.36.10Wherefore lest the blame of any misfortune, which might happen to be received in a war with the Gauls, should lie with them, they refer the consideration of the demands of the Gauls to the people, where influence and wealth were so predominant, that those persons, whose punishment was under consideration, were elected military tribunes with consular power for the ensuing year.

5.36.11At which proceeding the Gauls being enraged, as was very natural, openly menacing war, return to their own party. With the three Fabii the military tribunes elected were Quintus Sulpicius Longus, Quintus Servilius a fourth time, Servius Cornelius Maluginensis.

5.37.1Though danger of such magnitude was impending (so completely does Fortune blind the minds of men when she wishes not her threatening stroke to be foiled) a state, which against the Fidenatian and Veientian enemies, and other neighbouring states, had recourse to aid even from the most extreme quarters, and had appointed a dictator on

5.37.2many trying occasions, that same state now, when an enemy, never before seen or heard of, from the ocean and remotest regions of the earth, was advancing in arms against them, looked not for any extraordinary command or aid.

5.37.3Tribunes, by whose temerity the war had been brought on them, were appointed to the chief direction of affairs, and even making less of the war than fame had represented it, held the levy with no greater diligence than used to be exercised for ordinary wars.

5.37.4In the mean while the Gauls, on hearing that honour was even conferred on the violators of human law, and that their embassy was slighted, inflamed with resentment, over which that nation has no control, immediately snatched up their standards, and enter on their march with the utmost expedition.

5.37.5When the cities, alarmed at the tumult occasioned by them as they passed precipitately along, began to run to arms, and the peasants took to flight, they indicated by a load shout that they were proceeding to Rome, taking up an immense space of ground, wherever they passed, with their horses and men, their troops spreading widely in every direction.

5.37.6But fame and the messengers of the Clusians, and then of the other states one after another, preceding them, the rapid advance of the enemy brought the greatest consternation to Rome;

5.37.7for, with their tumultuary troops hastily led on, they met them within the distance of the eleventh mile-stone, where the river Allia, descending from the Crustuminian mountains in a very deep channel, joins the river Tiber not far below the road.

5.37.8Already all places in front and on each side were crowded with the enemy, and this nation, which has a natural turn for causeless confusion, by their harsh music and discordant clamours, filled all places with a horrible din.

5.38.1There the military tribunes, without having previously selected a place for their camp, without having previously raised a rampart to which they might have a retreat, unmindful of their duty to the gods, to say nothing of that to man, without taking auspices or offering sacrifices, draw up their line, which was extended towards the flanks, lest they should be surrounded by the great numbers of the enemy.

5.38.2Still their front could not be made equal to that of the enemy, though by thinning their line they rendered their centre weak and scarcely connected. There was on the right a small eminence, which it was determined to fill with bodies of reserve; and that circumstance, as it was the first cause of their dismay and flight, so it proved their only means of safety in their flight.

5.38.3For Brennus, the chieftain of the Gauls, being chiefly apprehensive of some design being intended in the small number. of the enemy, thinking that the high ground had been seized for this purpose, that, when the Gauls had been engaged in front with the line of the legions, the reserve was to make an attack on their rear and flank, directed his troops against the reserve; certain, that if he had dislodged them

5.38.4from their ground, the victory would be easy in the plain for a force which had so much the advantage in point of numbers: thus not only fortune, but judgment also stood on the side of the barbarians. In the opposite army there appeared nothing like Romans, either in the

5.38.5commanders, or in the soldiers. Terror and dismay had taken possession of their minds, and such a forgetfulness of every thing, that a far greater number of them fled to Veii, a city of their enemy, though the Tiber stood in their way, than by the direct road to Rome, to their wives and children. Their situation defended the reserve for some time; throughout the remainder of the line as soon as the shout was heard, by those who stood nearest on their flank, and by those at a distance on their rear, almost before they could look

5.38.6at the enemy as yet untried, not only without attempting to fight, but without even returning the shout, fresh and unhurt they took to flight. Nor was there any slaughter of them in the act of fighting; but their rear was cut to pieces, whilst they obstructed their flight by their struggling one

5.38.7with another. Great slaughter was made on the bank of the Tiber, whither the entire left wing, having thrown down their arms, directed their flight;

5.38.8and many who did not know how to swim, or were exhausted, being weighed down by their coats of mail and other defensive armour, were swallowed up in the current. The greatest part however escaped safe to

5.38.9Veii; whence not only no reinforcement, but not even an account of their defeat, was forwarded to Rome. Those on the right wing which had been posted at a distance from the river, and rather near the foot of the mountain, all made for Rome, and, without even shutting the gates, fled into the citadel.

5.39.1The miraculous attainment of so sudden a victory held even the Gauls in a state of stupefaction. And at first they stood motionless with panic, as if not knowing what had happened; then they apprehended a stratagem; at length they began to collect the spoils of the slain, and to pile up the arms in heaps, as is their custom.

5.39.2Then, at length, where no appearance of any thing hostile was any where observed having proceeded on their journey, they reach the city of Rome not long before sun-set: where when some horsemen, who had advanced before, brought back word that the gates were not shut, that no guard was posted before the gates, no armed troops on the walls, another cause of amazement similar to the former made them halt;

5.39.3and dreading the night and ignorance of the situation of the city, they posted themselves between Rome and the Anio, after sending scouts about the walls and the several gates to ascertain what plans the enemy would adopt in their desperate circumstances.

5.39.4With respect to the Romans, as the greater part had gone to Veii from the field of battle, and no one supposed that any survived except those who had fled back to Rome, being all lamented as lost, both those living and those dead, they caused the entire city to be filled with wailings. The alarm for the public interest stifled private sorrow, as soon as it was announced that the enemy were at hand.

5.39.5Presently the barbarians patrolling around the walls in troops, they heard their yells and the dissonant clangour of their arms. All the interval up to the next day kept their minds in such a state of suspense, that an assault seemed every moment about to be made on the city:

5.39.6on their first approach, when they arrived at the city, [it was expected;] for if this were not their design, that they would have remained at the Allia; then towards sunset, because there was not much of the day remaining, they imagined that there would attack them before night; then that the design was deferred until night, in order to strike the greater terror.

5.39.7At length the approach of light struck them with dismay; and the calamity itself followed closely upon their continued apprehension of it, when the troops entered the gates in hostile array.

5.39.8During that night, however, and the following day, the state by no means bore any resemblance to that which which had fled in so dastardly a manner at the Allia. For as there was not a hope that the city could be defended, so small a number of troops now remaining, it was determined that the youth fit for military service, and the abler part of the senate with their wives and children, should retire into the citadel and Capitol;

5.39.9and having collected stores of arms and corn, and thence from a fortified post, that they should defend the deities, and the inhabitants, and the Roman name: that the flamen [Quirinalis] and the vestal priestesses should carry away far from slaughter and conflagration the objects appertaining to the religion of the state:

5.39.10and that their worship should not be intermitted, until there remained no one who should continue it.

5.39.11If the citadel and Capitol, the mansion of the gods, if the senate, the source of public counsel, if the youth of military age, should survive the impending ruin of the city, the loss would be light of the aged, the crowd left behind in the city, and who were sure to perish under any circumstances. And in order that the plebeian portion of the multitude might bear the thing with greater resignation, the aged men, who had enjoyed triumphs and consulships, openly declared that they would die along with them,

5.39.12and that they would not burden the scanty stores of the armed men with those bodies, with which they were now unable to bear arms, or to defend their country. Such was the consolation addressed to each other by the aged now destined to death.

5.40.1Their exhortations were then turned to the band of young men, whom they escorted to the Capitol and citadel, commending to their valour and youth whatever might be the remaining fortune of a city, which for three hundred and sixty years had been victorious in all its wars.

5.40.2When those who carried with them all their hope and resources, parted with the others, who had determined not to survive the ruin of their captured city;

5.40.3both the circumstance itself and the appearance [it exhibited] was really distressing, and also the weeping of the women, and their undecided running together, following now these, now those, and asking their husbands and children what was to become of them, [all together] left nothing that could be added to human misery.

5.40.4A great many of them, however, escorted their friends into the citadel, no one either preventing or inviting them; because the measure which was advantageous to the besieged, that of reducing the number of useless persons, was but little in accordance with humanity.

5.40.5The rest of the crowd, chiefly plebeians, whom so small a hill could not contain, nor could they be supported amid such a scarcity of corn, pouring out of the city as if in one continued train, repaired to the Janiculum.

5.40.6Frog thence some were dispersed through the country, some made for the neighbouring cities, without any leader or concert, following each his own hopes, his own plans, those of the public being given up as lost.

5.40.7In the mean time the Flamen Quirinalis and the vestal virgins, laying aside all concern for their own affairs, consulting which of the sacred deposits should be carried with them, which should be left behind, for they had not strength to carry them all, or what place would best preserve them in safe custody, consider it best to put them into casks and to bury them in the chapel adjoining to the residence of the Flamen Quirinalis, where now it is profane to spit out.

5.40.8The rest they carry away with them, after dividing the burden among themselves, by the road which leads by the Sublician bridge to the Janiculum.

5.40.9When Lucius Albinius, a Roman plebeian, who was conveying his wife and children in a waggon, beheld them on that ascent among the rest of the crowd which was leaving the city as unfit to carry arms;

5.40.10even then the distinction of things divine and human being preserved, considering it an outrage on religion, that the public priests and sacred utensils of the Roman people should go on foot and be carried, that he and his family should be seen in a carriage, he commanded his wife and children to alight, placed the virgins and sacred utensils in the vehicle, and carried them on to Caere, whither the priests had intended to go.

5.41.1Meanwhile at Rome all arrangements being now made, as far as was possible in such an emergency, for the defence of the citadel, the crowd of aged persons having returned to their houses, awaited the enemy's coming with minds firmly prepared for death.

5.41.2Such of them as had borne curule offices, in order that they may die in the insignia of their former station, honours, and merit, arraying themselves in the most magnificent garments worn by those drawing the chariots of the gods in procession, or by persons riding in triumph, seated themselves in their ivory chairs, in the middle of their halls.

5.41.3Some say that they devoted themselves for their coun- try and the citizens of Rome, Marcus Fabius, the chief pontiff, dictating the form of words.

5.41.4The Gauls, both because by the intervention of the night they had abated all angry feelings arising from the irritation of battle, and because they had on no occasion fought a well-disputed fight, and were then not taking the city by storm or violence, entering the city the next day, free from resentment or heat of passion, through the Colline gate which lay open, advance into the forum, casting their eyes around on the temples of the gods, and on the citadel, which alone exhibited any appearance of war.

5.41.5From thence, after leaving a small guard, lest any attack should be made on them whilst scattered, from the citadel or Capitol, they dispersed in quest of plunder; the streets being entirely desolate, rush some of them in a body into the houses that were nearest; some repair to those which were most distant, considering these to be untouched and abounding with spoil.

5.41.6Afterwards being terrified by the very solitude, lest any stratagem of the enemy should surprise them whilst being dispersed, they returned in bodies into the

5.41.7forum and the parts adjoining to the forum, where the houses of the commons being shut, and the halls of the leading men lying open, almost greater backwardness was felt to attack the open than the shut houses;

5.41.8so completely did they behold with a sort of veneration men sitting in the porches of the palaces, who besides their ornaments and apparel more august than human, bore a striking resemblance to gods, in the majesty which their looks and the gravity of their countenance displayed.

5.41.9Whilst they stood gazing on these as on statues, it is said that Marcus Papirius, one of them, roused the anger of a Gaul by striking him on the head with his ivory, while he was stroking his beard, which was then universally worn long; and that the commencement of the bloodshed began with him, that the rest were slain in their seats.

5.41.10After the slaughter of the nobles, no person whatever was spared; the houses were plundered, and when emptied were set on fire.

5.42.1But whether it was that all were not possessed with a desire of destroying the city, or it had been so determined by the leading men of the Gauls, both that some fires should be presented to their view, [to see] if the besieged could be forced into

5.42.2a surrender through affection for their dwellings, and that all the houses should not be burned down, so that what- ever portion should remain of the city, they might hold as a pledge to work upon the minds of the enemy; the fire by no means spread either indiscriminately or extensively on the first day, as is usual in a captured city.

5.42.3The Romans beholding from the citadel the city filled with the enemy, and their running to and fro through all the streets, some new calamity presenting itself in every different quarter, were neither able to preserve their presence of mind, nor even to have perfect command of their ears and eyes.

5.42.4To whatever direction the shouts of the enemy, the cries of women and children, the crackling of the flames, and the crash of falling houses, had called their attention, thither, terrified at every incident, they turned their thoughts, faces, and eyes, as if placed by fortune to be spectators of their falling country, and as if left as protectors of no other of their effects, except their own persons:

5.42.5so much more to be commiserated than any others who were ever besieged, because, shut out from their country, they were besieged, beholding all their effects in the power of the enemy.

5.42.6Nor was the night, which succeeded so shockingly spent a day, more tranquil; daylight then followed a restless night; nor was there any time which failed to produce the sight of some new disaster.

5.42.7Loaded and overwhelmed by so many evils, they did not at all abate their determination, [resolved,] though they should see every thing in flames and levelled to the dust, to defend by their bravery the hill which they occupied, small and ill provided as it was, being left [as a refuge] for liberty.

5.42.8And now, as the same events recurred every day, as if habituated to misfortunes, they abstracted their thoughts from all feeling of their circumstances, regarding their arms only, and the swords in their right hands, as the sole remnants of their hopes.

5.43.1The Gauls also, after having for several days waged an ineffectual war against the buildings of the city, when they saw that among the fires and ruins of the captured city nothing now remained except armed enemies, neither terrified by so many disasters, nor likely to turn their thoughts to a surrender, unless force were employed, determine to have recourse to extremities, and to make an attack on the citadel.

5.43.2A signal being given at break of day, their entire multitude is marshalled in the forum; thence, after raising the shout and forming a testudo, they advance to the attack.

5.43.3Against whom the Romans, acting neither rashly nor precipitately, having strengthened the guards at every approach, and opposing the main strength of their men in that quarter where they saw the battalions advancing, suffer the enemy to ascend, judging that the higher they ascended, the more easily would they be driven back down the steep.

5.43.4About the middle of the ascent they met them: and making a charge thence from the higher ground, which of itself bore them against the enemy, they routed the Gauls with slaughter and destruction, so that never after, either

5.43.5in parties or with their whole force, did they try that kind of fighting.

5.43.6Laying aside all hope of succeeding by force of arms, they prepare for a blockade; of which having had no idea up to

5.43.7that time, they had, whilst burning the city, destroyed whatever corn had been therein, and during those very days all the provisions had been carried off from the land to Veii.

5.43.8Accordingly, dividing their army, they resolved that one part should plunder through the neighbouring states, that the other part should carry on the siege of the citadel, so that the ravagers of the country might supply the besiegers with corn.

5.44.1The Gauls, who marched from the city, were led by fortune herself, to make trial of Roman valour, to Ardea, where Camillus was in exile: who, more distressed by the fortune of the public than his own, whilst he now pined away arraigning gods and men, fired with indignation, and wondering where were now those men who with him had taken Veii and Falerii, who had conducted other wars rather by their own valour than by the favour of fortune, hears on a sudden that the army of the Gauls was approaching, and that the people of Ardea in consternation were met in council on the subject.

5.44.2And as if moved by divine inspiration, after he advanced into the midst of the assembly, having hitherto been accustomed to absent himself from such meetings, he says, "People of Ardea, my friends of old, of late my fellow-citizens also, since your kindness so ordered it, and my good fortune achieved it, let no one of you suppose that I have come forward here forgetful of my condition; but the [present] case and the common danger obliges every one to contribute to the common good whatever service he can in our present alarming situation.

5.44.3And when shall I repay you for your so very important services to me, if I now be remiss? or where will you derive benefit from me, if not in war? By this accomplishment I maintained my rank in my native country: and, unconquered in war, I was banished during peace by my ungrateful fellow-citizens.

5.44.4To you, men of Ardea, a favourable opportunity has been presented of making a return for all the former favours conferred by the Roman people, such as you yourselves remember, (for which reason, as being mindful of them, you are not to be upbraided with them,) and of obtaining great military renown for this your city over the common enemy.

5.44.5The nation, which now approaches in disorderly march, is one to which nature has given great spirits and bodies rather huge than firm.

5.44.6Let the disaster of Ron e serve as a proof. They captured the city when lying open to them; a small handful of men from the citadel and Capitol withstand them. Already tired out by the slow process of a siege, they retire and spread themselves through the country.

5.44.7Gorged with food and wine hastily swallowed, when night comes on they stretch themselves indiscriminately, like brutes, near streams of water, without entrenchment, without guards or advanced posts; more incautious even now than usual in consequence of success. If you then are disposed to defend your own walls, and not to suffer all these places to become Gaul, take up arms in a full body at the first watch: follow me to slaughter, not to battle. If I do not deliver them up to you fettered by sleep, to be butchered like cattle, I decline not the same issue of my affairs at Ardea as I had at Rome.

5.45.1Both friends and enemies were satisfied that there existed no where at that time a man of equal military talent. The assembly being dismissed, they refresh themselves, carefully watching the moment the signal should be given which being given, during the silence of the beginning of the night they attended Camillus at the gates.

5.45.2Having gone forth to no great distance from the city, they found the camp of the Gauls, as had been foretold, unprotected and neglected on every side, and attack it with a shout.

5.45.3No fight any where, but slaughter every where; their bodies, naked and relaxed with sleep, are cut to pieces. Those most remote, however, being roused from their beds, not knowing what the tumult was, or whence it came, were directed to flight, and some of them, without perceiving it, into the midst of the enemy. A great number flying into the territory of Antium, an attack being made on them in their straggling march by the townspeople, were surrounded and cut off.

5.45.4A like carnage was made of the Tuscans in the Veientian territory; who were so far from compassionating the city which had now been its neighbour for nearly four hundred years, overpowered as it now was by a strange and unheard-of enemy, that at that very time they made incursions on the Roman territory; and laden with plunder, had it in contemplation to lay siege to Veii, the bulwark and last hope of the Roman race.

5.45.5The Roman soldiers had seen them straggling over the country, and collected in a body, driving the spoil before them, and they perceived their camp pitched at no great distance from Veii.

5.45.6Upon this, first self-commiseration, then indignation, and after that resentment, took possession of their minds: Were their calamities to be a subject of mockery to the Etrurians, from whom they had turned off the Gallic war on themselves?

5.45.7Scarce could they curb their passions, so as to refrain from attacking them at the moment; and being restrained by Quintus Cadicius, the centurion, whom they had appointed their commander, they deferred the matter until night.

Book 5, Part 6

5.45.8A leader equal to Camillus was all that was wanted; in other respects matters were conducted in the same order and with the same fortunate result. And further, under the guidance of some prisoners, who had survived the nightly slaughter, they set out to Salinae against another body of Tuscans, they suddenly made on the following night still greater havoc, and returned to Veil exulting in their double victory.

5.46.1Meanwhile, at Rome, the siege, in general, was slow, and there was quiet on both sides, the Gauls being intent only on this, that none of the enemy should escape from between their posts; when, on a sudden, a Roman youth drew on himself the admiration both of his countrymen and the enemy.

5.46.2There was a sacrifice solemnized at stated times by the Fabian family on the Quirinal hill. To perform this Caius Fabius Dorso having descended from the Capitol, in the Gabine cincture, carrying in his hands the sacred utensils, passed out through the midst of the enemy's post, without being at all moved by the calls or threats of any of them, and reached the Quirinal hill;

5.46.3and after duly performing there the solemn rites, coming back by the same way with the same firm countenance and gait, confident that the gods were propitious, whose worship he had not even neglected when prohibited by the fear of death, he returned to the Capitol to his friends, the Gauls being either astounded at such an extraordinary manifestation of boldness, or moved even by religious considerations, of which the nation is by no means regardless.

5.46.4In the mean time, not only the courage, but the strength of those at Veii increased daily, not only those Romans repairing thither from the country who had strayed away after the unsuccessful battle, or the disaster of the city being taken, but volunteers also flowing in from Latium, to come in for share of the spoil. It now seemed high time that their country should be recovered and rescued from the hands of the enemy.

5.46.5But a head was wanting to this strong body. The very spot put them in mind of Camillus, and a considerable part consisted of soldiers who had fought successfully under his guidance and auspices:

5.46.6and Caedicius declared that he would not give occasion that any one, whether god or man, should terminate his command rather than that, mindful of his own rank, he would himself call (for the appointment of) a general.

5.46.7With universal consent it was resolved that Camillus should be sent for from Ardea, but not until the senate at Rome were first consulted: so far did a sense of propriety regulate every proceeding, and so carefully did they observe the distinctions of things in their almost desperate circumstances. They had to pass at great risk through the enemy's guards.

5.46.8For this purpose a spirited youth, Pontius Cominius, offered his services, and supporting himself on cork was carried down the Tiber to the city.

5.46.9From thence, where the distance from the bank was shortest, he makes his way into the Capitol over a portion of the rock that was craggy, and therefore neglected by the enemy's guard: and being conducted to the magistrates, he delivers the instructions received from the army.

5.46.10Then having received a decree of the senate, both that Camillus should be recalled from exile at the comitia curiata, and be forthwith appointed dictator by order of the people, and that the soldiers should have the general whom they wished, he passed out the same way and proceeded with his despatches to Veii;

5.46.11and deputies being sent to Camillus to Ardea, conducted him to Veii: or else the law was passed by the curiae, and he was nominated dictator in his absence; for I am more inclined to believe that he did not set out from Ardea until he found that the law was passed; because he could neither change his residence without an order of the people, nor hold the privilege of the auspices in the army until he was nominated dictator.

5.47.1Whilst these things were going on at Veii, in the mean while the citadel and Capitol of Rome were in great danger.

5.47.2For the Gauls either having perceived the track of a human foot where the messenger from Veii had passed, or having of themselves remarked the easy ascent by the rock at the temple of Carmentis, on a moonlight night, after they had at first sent forward an unarmed person, to make trial of the way, delivering their arms, whenever any difficulty occurred, alternately supported and supporting each other, and drawing each other up, according as the ground required, they reached the summit in such silence, that they

5.47.3not only escaped the notice of the sentinels, but of the dogs also, an animal extremely wakeful with respect to noises by night. The notice of the geese they did not escape, which, as being sacred to Juno, were spared though they were in the greatest scarcity of food.

5.47.4Which circumstance was the cause of their preservation. For Marcus Manlius, who three years before had been consul, a man distinguished in war, being aroused from sleep by their cackling and the clapping of their wings, snatched up his arms, and at the same time calling the others to do the same, proceeds to the spot; and whilst the others are thrown into confusion, he struck with the boss of his shield and tumbles down a Gaul, who had already got footing on the summit;

5.47.5and when the fall of this man as he tumbled threw down those who were next him, he slew others, who in their consternation had thrown away their arms, and caught hold of the rocks to which they clung. And now the others also having assembled beat down the enemy by javelins and stones, and the entire band, having lost their footing, were hurled down the precipice in promiscuous ruin.

5.47.6The alarm then subsiding, the remainder of the night was given up to repose, (as far as could be done considering the disturbed state of their minds,) when the danger, even though past, still kept them in a state of anxiety.

5.47.7Day having appeared, the soldiers were summoned by sound of trumpet to attend the tribunes in assembly, when recompence was to be made both to merit and to demerit;

5.47.8Manlius was first of all commended for his bravery and presented with gifts, not only by the military tribunes, but with the consent of the soldiers, for they all carried to his house, which was in the citadel, a contribution of half a pound of corn an half a pint of wine: a matter trifling in the relation, but the [prevailing] scarcity had rendered it a strong proof of esteem, when each man, depriving himself of his own food, contributed in honour of one man a portion subtracted from his body and from his necessary requirements.

5.47.9Then the guards of that place where the enemy had climbed up unobserved, we e summoned;

5.47.10and when Quintus Sulpicius declared openly that he would punish all according to the usage of military discipline, being deterred by the consentient shout of the soldiers who threw the blame on one sentinel, he spared the rest. The man, who was manifestly guilty of the crime, he threw down from the rock, with the approbation of all.

5.47.11From this time forth the guards on both sides became more vigilant on the part of the Gauls, because a rumour spread that messengers passed between Veii and Rome, and on that of the Romans, from the recollection of the danger which occurred during the night.

5.48.1But beyond all the evils of siege and war, famine distressed both armies;

5.48.2pestilence, moreover, [oppressed] the Gauls, both as being encamped in a place lying between hills, as well as heated by the burning of the houses, and full of exhalations, and sending up not only ashes but embers also, whenever the wind rose to any degree;

5.48.3and as the nation, accustomed to moisture and cold, is most intolerant of these annoyances, and, suffering severely from the heat and suffocation, they were dying, the diseases spreading as among cattle, now becoming weary of burying separately, they heaped up the bodies promiscuously and burned them; and rendered the place remarkable by the name of Gallic piles.

5.48.4A truce was now made with the Romans, and conferences were held with the permission of the commanders; in which when the Gauls frequently alluded to the famine, and referred to the urgency of that as a further motive for their surrendering, for the purpose of removing that opinion, bread is said to have been thrown in many places from the Capitol, into the advanced posts of the enemy.

5.48.5But the famine could neither be dissembled nor endured any longer. Accordingly, whilst the dictator is engaged in person in holding a levy, in ordering his master of the horse, Lucius Valerius, to bring up the troops from Veii, in making preparations and arrangements, so that he may attack the enemy on equal terms, in the mean time the army

5.48.6of the Capitol, wearied out with keeping guard and with watches, having surmounted all human sufferings, whilst nature would not suffer famine alone to be overcome, looking forward from day to day, to see whether any succour would come from the dictator,

5.48.7at length not only food but hope also failing, and their arms weighing down their debilitated bodies, whilst the guards were being relieved, insisted that there should be either a surrender, or that they should be bought off, on whatever terms were possible, the Gauls intimating in rather plain terms, that they could be induced for no very great compensation to relinquish the siege.

5.48.8Then the senate was held and instructions were given to the military tribunes to capitulate. Upon this the matter was settled between Quintus Sulpicius, a military tribune, and Brennus, the chieftain of the Gauls, and one thousand pounds' weight of gold was agreed on as the ransom of a people, who were soon after to be the rulers of the world.

5.48.9To a transaction very humiliating in itself, insult was added. False weights were brought by the Gauls, and on the tribune objecting, his sword was thrown in in addition to the weight by the insolent Gaul, and an expression was heard intolerable to the Romans, Woe to the vanquished!

5.49.1But both gods and men interfered to prevent the Romans from living on the condition of being ransomed; for by some chance, before the execrable price was completed, all the gold being not yet weighed in consequence of the altercation, the dictator comes up, and orders the gold to be removed, and the Gauls to clear away.

5.49.2When they, holding out against him, affirmed that they had concluded a bargain, he denied that the agreement was a valid one, which had been entered into with a magistrate of inferior authority without his orders, after he had been nominated dictator; and he gives notice to the Gauls to get ready for battle.

5.49.3He orders his men to throw their baggage in a heap, and to get ready their arms, and to recover their country with steel, not with gold, having before their eyes the temples of the gods, and their wives and children, and the soil of their country disfigured by the calamities of war, and all those objects which they were solemnly bound to defend, to recover, and to revenge.

5.49.4He then draws up his army, as the nature of the place admitted, on the site of the half-demolished city, and which was uneven by nature, and he secured all those advantages for his own men, which could be prepared or selected by military skill.

5.49.5The Gauls, thrown into confusion by the unexpected event, take up arms, and with rage, rather than good judgment, rushed upon the Romans. Fortune had now changed; now the aid of the gods and human prudence assisted the Roman cause. At the first encounter, therefore, the Gauls were routed with no greater difficulty than they had found in gaining the victory at Allia.

5.49.6They were afterwards beaten under the conduct and auspices of the same Camillus, in a more regular engagement, at the eighth stone on the Gabine road, whither they had betaken themselves after their defeat.

5.49.7There the slaughter was universal: their camp was taken, and not even one person was left to carry news of the defeat. The dictator, after having recovered his country from the enemy, returns into the city in triumph; and among the rough military jests which they throw out [on such occasions] he is styled, with praises by no means undeserved, Romulus, and parent of his country, and a second founder of the city.

5.49.8His country, thus preserved by arms, he unquestionably saved a second time in peace, when he hindered the people from removing to Veii, both the tribunes pressing the matter with greater earnestness after the burning of the city, and the commons of themselves being more inclined to that measure;

5.49.9and that was the cause of his not resigning his dictatorship after the triumph, the senate entreating him not to leave the commonwealth in so unsettled a state.

5.50.1First of all, he proposed matters appertaining to the immortal gods; for he was a most scrupulous observer of religious duties;

5.50.2and he procures a decree of the senate, that all the temples, as the enemy had possessed them, should be restored, their bounds traced, and expiations made for them, and that the form of expiation should be sought in the books by the decemvirs;

5.50.3that a league of hospitality should be entered into by public authority with the people of Caere, because they had afforded a reception to the sacred utensils of the Roman people and to their priests;

5.50.4and because, by the kindness of that people, the worship of the immortal gods had not been intermitted; that Capitoline games should be exhibited, for that Jupiter, supremely good and great, had protected his own mansion and the citadel of the Roman people when in danger; and that Marcus Furius, the dictator, should establish a college for that purpose, out of those who should inhabit the Capitol and citadel.

5.50.5Mention was also introduced of expiating the voice heard by night, which had been heard announcing the calamity before the Gallic war, and neglected, and a temple was ordered in the New Street to Aius Locutius.

5.50.6The gold which had been rescued from the Gauls, and that also which during the alarm had been collected from the other temples into the recess of Jupiter's temple, the recollection being confused as to the temples to which it should be carried back, was all judged to be sacred, and ordered to be placed under the throne of Jupiter.

5.50.7Already the religious scruples of the state had appeared in this, that when gold was wanting for public uses, to make up for the Gauls the amount of the ransom agreed upon, they had accepted that which was contributed by the matrons, so that they might not touch the sacred gold. Thanks were returned to the matrons, and to this was added the honour of their having funeral orations pronounced on them after death, in the same manner as the men.

5.50.8Those things being finished which appertained to the gods, and such measures as could be transacted through the senate, then, at length, as the tribunes were teasing the commons by their unceasing harangues, to leave the ruins, to remove to Veii, a city ready prepared for them, being escorted by the entire senate, he ascends the tribunal, and spoke as follows:

5.51.1"Romans, so disagreeable to me are contentions with the tribunes of the people, that in my most melancholy exile, whilst I resided at Ardea, I had. no other consolation than that I was removed from these contests; and for this same reason I would never have returned, even though you recalled me by a decree of the senate, and by order of the people.

5.51.2Nor has it been any change in my own sentiments, but in your fortune, that has persuaded me to return now. For the question was that my country should remain in its own established seat, not that I should reside in my country. And on the present occasion I would gladly remain quiet and silent, were not the present struggle also appertaining to my country's interests, to be wanting to which, as long as life lasts, were base in others, in Camillus impious. For why have we recovered it?

5.51.3Why have we rescued it when besieged out of the hands of the enemy, if we ourselves desert it when recovered? And when, the Gauls being victorious, the entire city captured, both the gods and the natives of Rome still retained and inhabited the Capitol and citadel, shall even the citadel and the Capitol be deserted, now when the Romans are victorious and the city has been recovered? And s all our prosperous fortune cause more desolation to this city than our adverse caused?

5.51.4Truly if we had no religious institutions established together with the city, and regularly transmitted down to us, still the divine power has so manifestly interested itself in behalf of the Roman state on the present trying occasion, that I should think that all neglect of the divine worship was removed from the minds of men.

5.51.5For consider the events of these latter years one after the other, whether prosperous or adverse; you will find that all things succeeded favourably with us whilst we followed the gods, and unfavourably when we neglected them.

5.51.6Now, first of all the Veientian war —of how many years' duration, with what immense labour waged! —was not brought to a termination, until the water was discharged from the Alban lake by the admonition of the gods.

5.51.7What, in the name of heaven, regarding this recent calamity of our city? did it arise, until the voice sent from heaven concerning the approach of the Gauls was treated with slight? until the law of nations was violated by our ambassadors, and until such violation was passed over by us with the same indifference towards the gods, when it should have been punished by us?

5.51.8Accordingly vanquished, made captives and ransomed, we have suffered such punishments at the hands of gods and men, as that we are now a warning to the whole world. Afterwards our misfortunes reminded us of our religious duties.

5.51.9We fled for refuge to the gods, to the seat of Jupiter supremely good and great; amid the ruin of all our effects our sacred utensils we partly concealed in the earth; part of them we carried away to the neighbouring cities and removed from the eyes of the enemy. Though deserted by gods and men, still we intermitted not the worship of the gods.

5.51.10Accordingly they have restored to us our country, and victory, our ancient renown in war which had been lost, and on our enemies, who, blinded by avarice, have violated the faith of a treaty with respect to the weight of gold, they have turned dismay, and flight, and slaughter.

5.52.1"When you behold such striking instances of the effects of honouring or neglecting the deity, do you perceive what an act of impiety we are about to perpetrate, scarcely emerging from the wreck of our former misconduct and calamity?

5.52.2We possess a city founded under auspices and auguries; not a spot is there in it that is not full of religious rites and of the gods: the days for the anniversary sacrifices are not more definitely stated, than are the places in which they are to be performed.

5.52.3All these gods, both public and private, do ye, Romans, pretend to forsake. What similarity does your conduct bear [to that] which lately during the siege was beheld with no less admiration by the enemy than by yourselves in that excellent Caius Fabius, when he descended from the citadel amid the Gallic weapons, and performed on the Quirinal hill the solemn rites of the Fabian family?

5.52.4Is it your wish that the family religious rites should not be intermitted even during war, but that the public rites and the Roman gods should be deserted even in time of peace, and that the pontiffs and flamens should be more negligent of public religious ceremonies, than a private individual in the anniversary rite of a particular family?

5.52.5Perhaps some one may say, that we will either perform these duties at Veii, or that we will send our priests hither from thence in order to perform them; neither of which can be done, without infringing on the established forms.

5.52.6For not to enumerate all the sacred rites severally and all the gods, whether in the banquet of Jupiter can the lectisternium be performed in any other place, save in the Capitol?

5.52.7What shall I say of the eternal fire of Vesta, and of the statue, which, as the pledge of empire, is kept under the safeguard of her temple? What, O Mars Gradivus, and you, father Quirinus, of your Ancilia? Is it right that these sacred things, coeval with the city, some of them more ancient than the origin of the city, should be abandoned to profanation?

5.52.8And, observe the difference existing between us and our ancestors. They handed down to us certain sacred rites to be performed by us on the Alban and on the Lavinian mounts. Was it in conformity with religion that these sacred rites were transferred to us to Rome from the cities of our enemies? shall we transfer them hence to Veii, an enemy's city, without impiety?

5.52.9Come, recollect how often sacred rites are performed anew, because some ceremony of our country had been omitted through negligence or accident. On a late occasion, what circumstance, after the prodigy of the Alban lake, proved a remedy to the state distressed by the Veientian war, but the repetition of the sacred rites and the renewal of the auspices?

5.52.10But further, as if duly mindful of ancient religious usages, we have both transferred foreign deities to Rome, and have established new ones. Very recently, imperial Juno was transferred from Veii, and had her dedication performed on a day how distinguished for the extraordinary zeal of the matrons, and with what a full attendance!

5.52.11We have directed a temple to be erected to Aius Locutius, in consequence of the heavenly voice heard in the New Street. To our other solemnities we have added the Capitoline games, and, by direction of the senate, we have founded a new college for that purpose.

5.52.12Which of these things need we have done, if we were to leave the Roman city together with the Gauls? if it was not voluntarily we remained in the Capitol for so many months of siege; if we were retained by the enemy through motives of fear?

5.52.13We are speaking of the sacred rites and of the temples; what, pray, of the priests? Does it not occur to you, what a degree of profaneness would be committed in respect of them. The Vestals, forsooth, have but that one settlement, from which nothing ever disturbed them, except the capture of the city. It is an act of impiety for the flamen Dialis to remain for a single night without the city.

5.52.14Do ye mean to make them Veientian instead of Roman priests? And shall the virgins forsake thee, O Vesta? And shall the flamen by living abroad draw on himself and on his country such a weight of guilt every night?

5.52.15What of the other things, all of which we transact under auspices within the Pomaerium, to what oblivion, to what neglect do we consign them?

5.52.16The assemblies of the Curias, which comprise military affairs; the assemblies of the Centuries, at which you elect consuls and military tribunes, when can they be held under auspices, unless where they are wont [to be held]? Shall we transfer them to Veii?

5.52.17or whether for the purpose of holding their elections shall the people assemble at so great inconvenience into a city deserted by gods and men?

5.53.1"But the case itself forces us to leave a city desolated by fire and ruin, and remove to Veii, where all things are entire, and not to distress the needy commons by building here.

5.53.2But that this is only held out as a pretext, rather than that it is the real motive, I think is evident to you, though I should say nothing on the subject; for you remember that before the arrival of the Gauls, when the buildings, both public and private, were still unhurt, and the city still stood in safety, this same question was agitated, that we should remove to Veii. Observe then, tribunes, what a difference there is between my way of thinking and yours.

5.53.3Ye think that though it may not have been advisable to do it then, still that now it ought certainly to be done; I, on the contrary, (and be not surprised until you shall have heard the state of the case,) admitting it were advisable to remove when the entire city was safe, would not vote for relinquishing these ruins now.

5.53.4For then victory would be the cause of our removing into a captured city, one that would be glorious to ourselves and our posterity; whilst now this same removal would be wretched and disgraceful to us, and glorious to the Gauls.

5.53.5For we shall appear not to have left our country as conquerors, but to have lost it from having been vanquished; the flight at Allia, the capture of the city, the blockading of the Capitol, [will seem] to have imposed this necessity on us of forsaking our household gods, of having recourse to exile and flight from that place which we were unable to defend. And have the Gauls been able to demolish Rome, which the Romans shall be deemed to have been unable to restore?

5.53.6What remains, but that if they should now come with new forces, (for it is evident that their number is scarcely credible,) and should they feel disposed to dwell in this city, captured by them, and deserted by you, would you suffer them?

5.53.7What, if not the Gauls, but your old enemies, the Aequans and Volscians, should form the design of removing to Rome; would you be willing that they should become Romans, you Veientians? Would ye prefer that this should be a desert in your possession, or a city of the enemy? For my part I can see nothing more impious. Is it because ye are averse to building, ye are prepared to incur this guilt, this disgrace?

5.53.8Even though no better, no more ample structure could be erected throughout the entire city than that cottage of our founder, is it not bet- ter to dwell in cottages, like shepherds and rustics, amid your sacred places and your household gods, than to go publicly into exile?

5.53.9Our forefathers, strangers and shepherds, when there was nothing in these places but woods and marshes, erected a new city in a very short time; do we, with a Capitol and citadel safe, and the temples of the gods still standing, feel it irksome to build up what has been burnt? and what we individually would have done, if our private residence had been burned down, shall we as a body refuse to do in the case of a public conflagration?

5.54.1What, if by some evil design or accident a file should break out at Veii, and the flames spread by the wind, as may happen, should consume a considerable portion of the city; are we then to seek Fidenae, or Gabii, or any other city to remove to?

5.54.2Has our native soil so slight a hold on us, or this earth which we call mother; or does our love of country lie merely in the surface and in the timber of the houses?

5.54.3For my part, I will acknowledge to you, whilst I was absent, though I am less disposed to remember this as the effect of tour injustice than of my own misfortune, as often as my country came into my mind, all these circumstances occurred to me, the hills, the plains, the Tiber, the face of the country familiar to my eyes, and this sky, beneath which I had been born and educated; may these now induce you, by their endearing hold on you, to remain in your present settlement, rather than they should cause you to pine away through regret, after having left them.

5.54.4Not without good reason did gods and men select this place for founding a city: these most healthful hills; a commodious river, by means of which the produce of the soil may be conveyed from the inland countries, by which maritime supplies may be obtained; close enough to the sea for all purposes of convenience, and not exposed by too much proximity to the dangers of foreign fleets; a situation in the centre of the regions of Italy, singularly adapted by nature for the increase of a city.

5.54.5The very size of so new a city is a proof. Romans, the present year is the three hundred and sixty-fifth year of the city; for so long a time are you waging war amid nations of such long standing; yet not to mention single cities, neither the Volscians combined with the Aequans, so many and such strong towns, nor all Etruria, so potent by land and sea, occupying the breadth of Italy between the two seas, can cope with you in war.

5.54.6And as the case is so, where, in the name of goodness, is the wisdom in you who have tried [this situation] to make trial now of some other, when, though your own valour may be removed elsewhere, the fortune of this place certainly cannot be transferred?

5.54.7Here is the Capitol, where, a human head being found, it was foretold that in that place would be the head of the world, and the chief seat of empire. Here, when the Capitol was to be freed by the rites of augury, Juventas and Terminus, to the very great joy of our fathers, suffered not themselves to be moved. Here is the fire of Vesta, here the Ancilia sent down from heaven, here are all the gods propitious to you if you stay.

5.55.1Camillus is said to have moved them as well by other parts of his speech, but chiefly by that which related to religious matters. But an expression seasonably uttered determined the matter whilst still undecided; for when a meeting of the senate, a little after this, was being held in the Curia Hostilia regarding these questions, and some troops returning from relieving guard passed through the forum in their march, a centurion in the comitium cried out, Standard-bearer, fix your standard!

5.55.2it is best for us to remain here. Which expression being heard, both the senate came out from the senate-house, and all cried out that they embraced the omen, and the commons, who were collected around, joined their approbation. The law [under discussion] being rejected, the building of the city commenced in several parts at once.

5.55.3Tiles were supplied at the public expense. The privilege of hewing stone and felling timber wherever each person wished was granted, security being taken that they would finish the buildings on that year.

Book 5, Part 7

5.55.4Their haste took away all attention to the regulating the course of the streets, whilst, setting aside all distinction of property, they build on any part that was vacant.

5.55.5That is the reason why the ancient sewers, at first conducted through the public streets, now in many places pass under private houses, and why the form of the city appears more like one taken up by individuals, than regularly portioned out [by commissioners].

Book 6, Part 1

6Successful operations against the Volscians, and Aequans, and Praenestines. Four tribes were added. Marcus Manlius, who had defended the Capitol from the Gauls, being condemned for aspiring to regal power, is thrown from the Tarpeian rock; in commemoration of which circumstance a decree of the senate was passed, that none of the Manlian family should henceforward bear the cognomen of Marcus. Caius Licinius and Lucius Sextius, tribunes of the people, proposed a law that consuls might be chosen from among the commons; and after a violent contest, succeeded in passing that law, notwithstanding the opposition of the patricians, the same tribunes of the commons being for five years the only magistrates in the state; and Lucius Sextius was the first consul elected from the commons.

6.1.1THE transactions of the Romans, from the building of the city of Rome to the capture of the same city, first under kings, then under consuls, and dictators, and decemvirs, and consular tribunes, their wars abroad, their dissensions at home, I have exhibited in five books:

6.1.2matters obscure, as well by reason of their very great antiquity, like objects which from their great distance are scarcely perceptible, as also because in those times the use of letters, the only faithful guardian of the memory of events, was inconsiderable and rare: and, moreover, whatever was contained in the commentaries of the pontiffs, and other public and private records, were lost for the most part in the burning of the city.

6.1.3Henceforwards, from the second origin of the city, which sprung up again more healthfully and vigorously, as if from its root, its achievements at home and abroad, shall be narrated with more clearness and authenticity.

6.1.4But it now stood erect, leaning chiefly on the same support, Marcus Furius, by which it had bean first raised; nor did they suffer him to lay down the dictatorship until the end of the year.

6.1.5It was not agreeable to them, that the tribunes during whose time of office the city had been taken, should preside at the elections for the following year: the administration came to an interregnum.

6.1.6Whilst the state was kept occupied in the employment and constant labour of repairing the city, in the mean time a day of trial was named by Caius Marcius, tribune of the people, for Quintus Fabius, as soon as he went out of office, because whilst an ambassador he had, contrary to the law of nations, appeared

6.1.7in arms against the Gauls, to whom he had been sent as a negotiator: from which trial death removed him so opportunely that most people thought it voluntary.

6.1.8The interregnum commenced. Publius Cornelius Scipio was interrex, and after him Marcus Furius Camillus. He nominates as military tribunes with consular power, Lucius Valerius Publicola a second time, Lucius Virginius, Publius Cornelius, Aulus Manlius, Lucius Aemilius, Lucius Postumius.

6.1.9These having entered on their office immediately after the interregnum, consulted the senate on no other business previous to that which related to religion. In the first place they ordered that the treaties and laws which could be found, should be collected; (these consisted of the twelve tables, and some laws made under the kings.)

6.1.10Some of them were publicly promulgated; but such as appertained to religious matters were kept secret chiefly by the pontiffs, that they might hold the minds of the people fettered by them.

6.1.11Then they began to turn their attention to the subject of desecrated days; and the day before the fifteenth day of the calends of August, remarkable for a double disaster, (as being the day on which the Fabii were slain at Cremera, and afterwards the disgraceful battle attended with the ruin of the city had been fought at Allia,) they called the Allian day from the latter disaster, and they rendered it remarkable for transacting no business whether public or private.

6.1.12Some persons think, that because Sulpicius, the military tribune, had not duly offered sacrifice on the day after the ides of July, and because, without having obtained the favour of the gods, the Roman army had been exposed to the enemy on the third day after, an order was also made to abstain from all religious undertakings on the day following the ides: thence the same religious observance was derived with respect to the days following the calends and the nones.

6.2.1But it was not long allowed them to consult in quiet re- garding the means of raising the city, after so grievous a fall.

6.2.2On the one side their old enemies, the Volscians, had taken up arms, to extinguish the Roman name: on the other, some traders brought [intelligence] that a conspiracy of the leading men of Etruria from all the states had been formed at the temple of Voltumna.

6.2.3A new cause of terror also had been added by the defection of the Latins and Hernicians, who, since the battle fought at the lake Regillus, had remained in friendship with the Roman people with fidelity not to be questioned.

6.2.4Accordingly, when such great alarms surrounded them on every side, and it became apparent to all that the Roman name laboured not only under hatred with their enemies, but under contempt also with their allies;

6.2.5it was resolved that the state should be defended under the same auspices, as those under which it had been recovered, and that Marcus Furius should be nominated dictator.

6.2.6He, then dictator, nominated Caius Servilius Ahala master of the horse; and a suspension of all public business being proclaimed, he held a levy of the juniors, in such a manner as to divide them into centuries after they had sworn allegiance to him.

6.2.7The army, when raised and equipped with arms, he divided into three parts. One part he opposed to Etruria in the Veientian territory; another he ordered to pitch their camp before the city.

6.2.8A military tribune, Aulus Manlius, commanded the latter; those who were sent against the Etrurians, Lucius Aemilius commanded. The third part he led in person against the Volscians; and not far from Lanuvium, (the place is called ad Maecium,) he set about storming their camp.

6.2.9Into these, who set out to the war from motives of contempt, because they thought that all the Roman youth were cut off by the Gauls, the fact of having heard that Camillus was appointed to the command struck such terror, that they fenced themselves with a rampart, and the rampart itself with trees piled up together, lest the enemy might by any means reach to the works.

6.2.10When Camillus observed this, he ordered fire to be thrown into the fence opposed to him; and it so happened that a very strong wind was turned towards the enemy.

6.2.11He therefore not only opened a passage by the fire, but the flames being directed against the camp, by the vapour also and the smoke, and by the crackling of the green timber as it burned, he so confounded the enemy that the Romans had less diffi- culty in passing the rampart into the camp of the Volscians, than they had experienced in climbing over the fence which had been consumed by the fire.

6.2.12The enemy being routed and cut down, after the dictator had taken the camp by assault, he gave up the booty to the soldiers, which was so much the more agreeable, as it was less expected, the commander being by no means profusely generous.

6.2.13Then having pursued them in their flight, after he had depopulated the entire Volscian land, he at length in the seventieth year forced the Volscians to a surrender.

6.2.14After his victory he passed from the Volscians to the Aequans, who were also preparing for hostilities: he surprised their army at Bolae, and having attacked not only their camp, but their city also, he took them at the first onset.

6.3.1When such fortune manifested itself on that side where Camillus, the life and soul of the Roman interest, was, a great alarm had fallen on another quarter.

6.3.2For almost all Etruria, taking up arms, were besieging Sutrium, allies of the Roman people, whose ambassadors having applied to the senate, imploring aid in their distress, obtained a decree, that the dictator should at the earliest opportunity bear aid to the Sutrians.

6.3.3And when the circumstances of the besieged would not suffer them to brook the delay of this hope, and the small number of the townsmen were spent with labour, watching, and wounds, all which fell heavily on the same individuals, and when, the city being delivered up to the enemy by a capitulation, they were leaving their habitations in a miserable train, being discharged without their arms with only a single garment; at that juncture Camillus happened to come up at the head of the Roman army.

6.3.4And when the mournful crowd prostrated themselves at his feet, and the address of the leading men, wrung from them by extreme necessity, was followed by the weeping of women and boys, who were dragged along by the companions of their exile, he bade the Sutrians to give over their lamentations: that he brought with him grief and tears to the Etrurians.

6.3.5He then orders the baggage to be deposited, and the Sutrians to remain there with a small guard left with them, and the soldiers to follow him in arms. Having thus proceeded to Sutrium with his army disencumbered, he found, as he expected, every thing in disorder, as usually happens in success; no advanced guard before the walls, the gates lying open, and the conquerors dispersed, carrying out the booty from the houses of the enemy.

6.3.6Sutrium is therefore taken a second time on the same day; the Etrurians, lately victorious, are cut down in every quarter by their new enemy, nor is time afforded them to collect and form one body, or even to take up arms.

6.3.7When each pushed eagerly towards the gates, to try if by any chance they could throw themselves into the fields, they found the gates shut for the dictator had given those orders in the first instance.

6.3.8Upon this some took up arms, others, who happened to be armed before the tumult came on them, called their friends together in order to make battle; which would have been kindled by the despair of the enemy, had not criers, sent in every direction through the city, issued orders that their arms should be laid down, that the unarmed should be spared, and that no one should be injured except those who were armed.

6.3.9Then even those whose minds had been, in their last hope, obstinately bent on fighting, when hopes of life were offered, threw down their arms in every direction, and surrendered themselves unarmed to the enemy, which fortune ad rendered the safer method.

6.3.10Their number being considerable, they were distributed among several guards; the own was before night restored to the Sutrians uninjured and free from all the calamities of war, because it had not been taken by force but delivered up on terms.

6.4.1Camillus returned to the city in triumph, being victorious in three wars at the same time.

6.4.2By far the greatest number of the prisoners whom he led before his chariot were from among the Etrurians. And these being sold by auction, such a sum of money was raised, that after paying the matrons the price of their gold, out of that which was over and above, three golden bowls were made;

6.4.3which, inscribed with the name of Camillus, it is certain, lay, before the burning of the Capitol, in the recess of Jupiter's temple at the feet of Juno.

6.4.4On that year such of the Veientians, Capenatians, and Faliscians as had come over to the Romans during the wars with those nations, were admitted into the state, and land was assigned to these new citizens.

6.4.5Those also were recalled by a decree of the senate from Veii, who, from a dislike to building at Rome, had betaken themselves to Veii, and had seized on the vacant houses there. And at first there was a murmuring on their part disregarding the order; then a day having been appointed, and capital punishment [denounced against any one] who did not return to Rome, from being refractory as they were collectively, rendered them when taken singly obedient, each through fear for himself.

6.4.6And Rome both now increased in numbers, and rose throughout its entire extent by its buildings, the state assisting in the expenses, and the aediles urging on the work as if public, and private persons (for the want felt of accommodation stimulated them) hastening to complete the work; and within a year a new city was erected.

6.4.7At the termination of the year an election was held of military tribunes with consular power. Those elected were, Titus Quinctius Cincinnatus, Quintus Servilius Fidenas a fifth time, Lucius Julius Iulus, Lucius Aquillius Corvus, Lucius Lucretius Tricipitinus, Servius Sulpicius Rufus.

6.4.8They led one army against the Aequans, not to war, (for they owned themselves conquered,) but from motives of animosity, to lay waste their territories, lest they should leave them any strength for new designs; the other into the territory of Tarquinii. Here Cortuosa and Contenebra, towns belonging to the Etrurians, were taken by storm and demolished.

6.4.9At Cortuosa there was no contest; having attacked it by surprise, they took it at the first shout and onset; the town was plundered and burned. Contenebra sustained a siege for a few days; and it was continual labour, abated neither by night nor by day, that reduced them.

6.4.10When the Roman army, having been divided into six parts, each [division] relieved the other in the battle one hour in six in rotation, and the paucity of numbers exposed the same individual townsmen, wearied as they were, to a contest ever new, they at length yielded, and an opportunity was afforded to the Romans of entering the city. It was the wish of the tribunes that the spoil should be made public property; but the order [that such should be so] was too late for their determination.

6.4.11Whilst they hesitate, the spoil already became the property of the soldiers; nor could it be taken from them, except by means calculated to excite dissatisfaction.

6.4.12On the same year, that the city should not increase by private buildings only, the lower parts of the Capitol also were built of hewn stone; a work deserving of admiration even amid the present magnificence of the city.

6.5.1Now, whilst the state was busily occupied in building, the tribunes of the commons endeavoured to draw crowds to their harangues by [proposing] the agrarian laws.

6.5.2The Promptine territory was then, for the first time since the power of the Volscians had been reduced by Camillus, held out to them as their indisputable right.

6.5.3They alleged it as a charge, that that district was much more harassed on the part of the nobility than it had been on that of the Volscians, for that incursions were made by the one party on it, only as long as they had strength and arms;

6.5.4that persons belonging to the nobility encroached on the possession of land that was public, nor would there be any room in it for the commons, unless a division were now made, before they seized on all.

6.5.5They made not much impression on the commons, who through their anxiety for building attended the forum only in small numbers, and were drained by their expenses on the same object, and were therefore careless about land for the improvement of which means were wanting.

6.5.6The state being full of religious impressions, and then even the leading men having become superstitious by reason of their recent misfortunes, in order that the auspices might be taken anew, the government had once more recourse to an interregnum.

6.5.7The successive interreges were, Marcus Manlius Capitolinus, Servius Sulpicius Camerinus, and Lucius Valerius Potitus. The last at length held an election of military tribunes with consular power. He nominates Lucius Papirius, Caius Cornelius, Caius Sergius, Lucius Aemilius a second time, Lucius Menenius, and Lucius Valerius Publicola a third time.

6.5.8These entered on their office after the interregnum. This year the temple of Mars, vowed in the Gallic war, was dedicated by Titus Quinctius, duumvir for performing religious rites. Four tribes were added from the new citizens, the Stellatine, the Tormentine, the Sabatine, and the Arnian, and they made up. the number of twenty-five tribes.

6.6.1Regarding the Pomptine land the matter was pressed by Lucius Sicinius, plebeian tribune, on the people, who now attended in greater numbers, and more readily aroused to the desire of land than they had been.

6.6.2And mention having been introduced in the senate regarding war against the Latins and Hernicians, the matter was deferred in consequence of their attending to a more important war, because Etruria was up in arms.

6.6.3Matters reverted to their electing Camillus military tribune with consular power. Five colleagues were added, Servius Cornelius Maluginensis, Quintus Servilius Fidenas a sixth time, Lucius Quinctius Cincinnatus, Lucius Horatius Pulvillus, and Publius Valerius.

6.6.4At the commencement of the year the attention of the people was drawn away from the Etrurian war, because a body of fugitives from the Pomptine district, suddenly entering the city, brought word that the Antians were up in arms;

6.6.5and that the states of the Latins privately sent their youth to that war, denying that there was any public concert in it, they alleging that volunteers were only not prevented from serving in whatever quarter they pleased. They had now ceased to despise any wars.

6.6.6Accordingly the senate returned thanks to the gods, because Camillus was in office; for (they knew) that it would have been necessary to nominate him dictator, if he were in a private station.

6.6.7And his colleagues agreed that when any terror with respect to war threatened, the supreme direction of every thing should be vested in one man, and that they had determined to consign their authority into the hands of Camillus; and that they did not consider, that any concession they should make to the dignity of that man, derogated in any way from their own. The tribunes having been highly commended by the senate, Camillus himself also, covered with confusion, returned thanks.

6.6.8He then said that " a heavy burden was laid on him by the Roman people, by their having now nominated him dictator for the fourth time; a great one by the senate, by reason of such flattering judgments of that house concerning him; the greatest of all, however, by the condescension of such distinguished colleagues.

6.6.9Where if any addition could be made to his diligence and vigilance, that, vying with himself, he would strive to render the opinion of the state, [expressed] with such unanimity regarding him, as permanent as it was most honourable.

6.6.10In reference to the war and to the people of Antium, that there was more of threats there than of danger; that he, however, would advise that, as they should fear nothing, so should they despise nothing.

6.6.11That the city of Rome was beset by the ill-will and hatred of its neighbours: therefore that the commonwealth should be maintained by a plurality, both of generals and of armies.

6.6.12It is my wish, said he, that you, Publius Valerius, as my associate in command and counsel, should lead the troops with me against the enemy at Antium;

6.6.13that you, Quintus Servilius, after raising and equipping another army, shall encamp in the city, ready to act, whether Etruria, as lately, or these new causes of anxiety, the Latins and Hernicians, should bestir themselves. I deem it as certain that you, will conduct matters, as is worthy of your father and grandfather, and of yourself and six tribuneships.

6.6.14Let a third army be raised by Lucius Quinctius, out of hose excused from service and the seniors, [those past the military age,] who may protect the city and the walls. Let Lucius Horatius provide arms, weapons, corn, and whatever the other exigencies of the war shall demand.

6.6.15You, Servius Cornelius, we your colleagues appoint the president of this council of the state, the guardian of religion, of the assemblies, of the laws, and of all matters pertaining to the city.

6.6.16All cheerfully promising their utmost endeavours in the discharge of their apportioned offices, Valerius, chosen as his associate in command, added, that Marcus Furius should be considered by him as dictator, and that he would act as master of the horse to him.

6.6.17Wherefore, that they should entertain hopes regarding the war, proportioned to the opinion they formed of their sole commander.

6.6.18The senate, elated with joy, cry out, that "they entertained good hopes both regarding war, and peace, and the republic in general; and that the republic would never have need of a dictator, if it were to have such men in office, united together in such harmony of sentiments, prepared alike to obey and to command, and who were laying up praise as common stock, rather than taking it from the common fund to themselves individually.

6.7.1A suspension of civil business being proclaimed, and a levy being held, Furius and Valerius set out to Satricum; to which place the Antians had drawn together not only the youth of the Volscians, selected out of the new generation, but immense numbers of the Latins and Hernicians, out of states which by a long [enjoyment of] peace were in the most unimpaired condition.

6.7.2The new enemy then added to the old shook the spirits of the Roman soldiers. When the centurions reported this to Camillus, whilst forming his line of battle, that the minds of the soldiers were disturbed, hat arms were taken up by them with backwardness, and that they left the camp with hesitation and reluctance;

6.7.3nay, that some expressions were heard, that they should each have to fight with one hundred enemies, and that such numbers, even if unarmed, much less when furnished with arms, could with difficulty be withstood, he leaped on his horse, and in front of the troops, turning to the line, and riding between the ranks, What dejection of mind is this, soldiers, what backwardness? Is it with the enemy, or me, or yourselves you are unacquainted?

Book 6, Part 2

6.7.4What else are the enemy, but the constant subject of your bravery and your glory? on the other hand, with me as your general, to say nothing of the taking of Falerii and Veii, you have lately celebrated a triple triumph for a threefold victory over these self-same Volscians and Aequans, and Etruria.

6.7.5Do you not recognise me as your general, because I gave you the signal, not as dictator, but as tribune? I neither feel the want of the highest authority over you, and you should look to nothing in me but myself; for the dictatorship neither added to my courage, any more than exile took it from me.

6.7.6We are all therefore the same individuals; and as we bring to this war the same requisites as we brought to former wars, let us look for the same result of the war. As soon as you commence the fight, each will do that which he has learned and been accustomed to do. You will conquer, they will run.

6.8.1Then having given the signal, he leaps from his horse, and seizing the standard-bearer who was next him by the hand, he hurries him on with him against the enemy, calling aloud, Soldiers, advance the standard.

6.8.2And when they saw Camillus himself, now disabled through age for bodily exertion, advancing against the enemy, they all rush forwards together, having raised a shout, each eagerly crying out, Follow the general.

6.8.3They say further that the standard was thrown into the enemy's line by order of Camillus, and that the van was then exerted to recover it.

6.8.4That there first the Antians were forced to give way, and that the panic spread not only to the first line, but to the reserve troops also.

6.8.5Nor was it merely the ardour of the soldiers animated by the presence of their general that made this impression, but because nothing was more terrible to the minds of the Volscians, than the sight of Camillus which happened to present itself.

6.8.6Thus, in whatever direction he went, he carried certain victory with him. This was particularly evident, when, hastily mounting his horse, he rode with a footman's shield to the left wing, which was almost giving way, by the fact of showing him elf he restored the battle, pointing out the rest of the line gaining the victory.

6.8.7Now the result was decided, but the flight of the enemy was impeded by their great numbers, and the wearied soldiers would have had tedious work in putting so great a number to the sword, when rain suddenly falling with a violent storm, put an end to the pursuit of the victory which was now decided, rather than to the battle.

6.8.8Then the signal for retreat being given, the fall of night put an end to the war, without further trouble to the Romans. For the Latins and Hernicians, having abandoned the Volscians, marched to their homes, having attained results corresponding to their wicked measures.

6.8.9The Volscians, when they saw themselves deserted by those through reliance on whom they had resumed hostilities, abandoned their camp, and shut themselves up within the walls of Satricum. Camillus at first prepared to surround them by lines of circumvallation, and to prosecute the siege by a mound and other works.

6.8.10But seeing that this was obstructed by no sally from the town, and considering that the enemy possessed too little spirit for him to wait in tedious expectation of victory under the circumstances, after exhorting his soldiers not to waste themselves by tedious labours, as [they had done] when besieging Veii, that the victory was in their hands, he attacked the walls on every side, amid the great alacrity of the soldiers, and took the town by scalade. The Volscians, having thrown down their arms, surrendered themselves.

6.9.1But the general's thoughts were fixed on a higher object, on Antium: [he knew] that that was the great aim of the Volscians, and main source of the late war.

6.9.2But because so strong a city could not be taken without great preparations, engines and machines, leaving his colleague with the army, he set out for Rome, in order to advise the senate to have Antium destroyed.

6.9.3In the middle of his discourse, (I suppose that it was the wish of the gods that the state of Antium should last a longer time,) ambassadors came from Nepete and Sutrium, soliciting aid against the Etrurians, urging that the time for giving them aid would soon pass by.

6.9.4Thither did fortune avert the force of Camillus from Antium; for as those places were situate opposite Etruria, and were barriers or gates as it were on that side, both they had a wish to get possession of them, whenever they meditated any new enter- prise, and the Romans to recover and secure them.

6.9.5Wherefore the senate resolved to treat with Camillus, that he would relinquish Antium and undertake the Etrurian war. The city troops, which Quinctius had commanded, are decreed to him.

6.9.6Though he would have preferred the army which was in the Volscian territory, as being tried and accustomed to him, he made no objection: he only demanded Valerius as his associate in command. Quinctius and Horatius were sent against the Volscians, as successors to Valerius.

6.9.7Furius and Valerius, having set out from the city to Sutrium, found one part of the town already taken by the Etrurians, and on the other part, the approaches to which were barricaded, the townsmen with difficulty repelling the assault of the enemy.

6.9.8Both the approach of aid from Rome, as also the name of Camillus, universally respected both with the enemy and the allies, sustained their tottering state for the present, and afforded time for bringing them relief.

6.9.9Accordingly Camillus, having divided his army, orders his colleague to lead round his troops to that side which the enemy already possessed, and to assault the walls; not so much from any hope that the city could be taken by scalade, as that, by turning away the enemy's attention to that quarter, both the townsmen who were wearied with fighting might have some relaxation of their toil, and that he himself might have an opportunity of entering the city without a contest.

6.9.10This having been done on both sides, and the double terror now surrounding the Etrurians, when they saw that the walls were assailed with the utmost fury, and that the enemy were within the walls, they threw themselves out in consternation, in one body, by a gate which alone happened not to be guarded.

6.9.11Great slaughter was made on them as they fled, both in the city and through the fields. The greater number were slain within the walls by Furius' soldiers: those of Valerius were more alert for the pursuit; nor did they put an end to the slaughter until night, which prevented them from seeing.

6.9.12Sutrium being recovered and restored to the allies, the army was led to Nepete, which having been received by capitulation, was now entirely in the possession of the Etrurians.

6.10.1It appeared probable, that there would be more of labour in recovering the city, not only for this reason, be- cause it was all in possession of the enemy, but also because the surrender had been made in consequence of a party of the Nepesinians having betrayed the state.

6.10.2It was determined, however, that a message should be sent to their leading men, to separate themselves from the Etrurians, and that they themselves should evince that strict fidelity, which they had implored from the Romans.

6.10.3Whence as soon as an answer was brought that there was nothing in their power, that the Etrurians occupied the walls and the guards of the gates, first, terror was struck into the townsmen by laying waste their land;

6.10.4then, when the faith of the capitulation was more religiously observed than that of the alliance, the army was led up to the walls with fascines of bushes collected from the fields, and the ditches being filled, the scaling ladders were raised, and the town was taken at the first shout and attack.

6.10.5Proclamation was then made to the Nepesinians, that they should lay down their arms, and orders were given that the unarmed should be spared. The Etrurians, armed and unarmed, were put to the sword without distinction: of the Nepesinians also the authors of the surrender were beheaded.

6.10.6To the unoffending multitude their property was restored, and the town was left with a garrison. Thus having recovered two allied cities from the enemy, the tribunes marched back their victorious army to Rome. During the same year restitution was demanded from the Latins and Hernicians, and the cause was asked why they had not during some years supplied soldiers according to stipulation.

6.10.7An answer was given in a full assembly of both nations, that neither the blame was public, nor was there any design in the circumstance of some of their youth having served among the Volscians.

6.10.8That these individuals, however, suffered the penalty of their improper conduct, and that none of them had returned. But that the cause of their not supplying the soldiers had been their continual terror from the Volscians, which pest adhering to their side, had not been capable of being destroyed by so many successive wars.

6.10.9Which answer being reported to the senate, they decided that there was wanting rather a seasonable time for declaring war than sufficient grounds for it.

6.11.1In the following year, Aulus Manlius, Publius Cornelius, Titus and Lucius Quintii Capitolini, Lucius Papirius Cursor a second time, Caius Sergius a second time, being military tribunes with consular power, a grievous war broke out abroad, a still more grievous disturbance at home;

6.11.2the war originated on the part of the Volscians, to which was added a revolt of the Latins and Hernicians; the sedition from one from whom it could be least of all apprehended, a man of patrician birth and distinguished character, Marcus Manlius Capitolinus;

6.11.3who being too aspiring in mind, whilst he despised the other leading men, envied one, who was peculiarly distinguished both by honours and by merit, Marcus Furius: he became indignant that he should be the only man among the magistrates;

6.11.4the only man at the head of the armies; that he now attained such eminence that he treated not as colleagues but as mere tools the persons elected under the same auspices; though, in the mean time, if any one would form a just estimate, his country could not have been recovered by Marcus Furius from the siege of the enemy, had not the Capitol and citadel been first preserved by him;

6.11.5and the other attacked the Gauls, whilst their attention was distracted between receiving the gold and the hope of peace, when he himself drove them off when armed and taking the citadel; of the other's glory, a man's share appertained to all the soldiers who conquered along with him; that in his victory no man living was a sharer.

6.11.6His mind puffed by these notions, and moreover, from a viciousness of disposition being vehement and headstrong, when he perceived that his influence among the patricians did not stand forth as prominent as he thought it should, he, the first of all the patricians, became a plebeian partisan, and formed plans in conjunction with the plebeian magistrates;

6.11.7and by criminating the fathers, and alluring the commons to his side, he now came to be carried along by the tide of popular applause, not by prudence, and preferred to be of a great, rather than of a good character:

6.11.8and not content with agrarian laws, which had ever served the tribunes of the commons as material for disturbances, he now began to undermine public credit; for [he well knew] that the incentives of debt were sharper, as not only threatening poverty and ignominy, but intimidated personal liberty with stocks and chains.

6.11.9And the amount of the debt was immense, contracted by building, a circumstance most destructive even to the rich. The Volscian war therefore, heavy in itself, charged with additional weight by the defection of the Latins and Hernicians, was held out as a colourable pretext, for having a higher authority resorted to.

6.11.10But it was rather the reforming plans that drove the senate to create a dictator. Aulus Cornelius Cossus having been elected dictator, nominated Titus Quinctius Capitolinus his master of the horse.

6.12.1The dictator, though he perceived that a greater struggle was reserved for him at home than abroad; still, either because there was need of despatch for the war, or supposing that by a victory and a triumph he should add to the powers of the dictatorship itself, held a levee and proceeds into the Pomptine territory, where he had heard that the Volscians had appointed their army to assemble.

6.12.2I doubt not but that, in addition to satiety, to persons reading of so many wars waged with the Volscians, this same circumstance will suggest itself, which often served as an occasion of surprise to me when perusing the writers who lived nearer to the times of these occurrences, from what source the Volscians and Aequans, so often vanquished, could have procured supplies of soldiers.

6.12.3And as this has been unnoticed and passed over in silence by ancient writers; on which matter what can I state, except mere opinion, which every one may from his own conjecture form for himself?

6.12.4It seems probable, either that they employed, as is now practised in the Roman levies, successive generations of their young men one after the other, during the intervals between the wars; or that the armies were not always recruited out of the same states, though the same nation may have made war;

6.12.5or that there was an innumerable multitude of free-men in those places, which, at the present day, Roman slaves save from being a desert, a scanty seminary of soldiers being scarcely left.

6.12.6Certain it is, (as is agreed upon among all authors,) although their power was very much impaired under the guidance and auspices of Camillus, the forces of the Volscians were strong: besides, the Latins and Hernicians had been added, and some of the Circeians, and some Roman colonists also from Velitrae.

6.12.7The dictator, having pitched his camp on that day, and on coming forth on the day following after taking the auspices, and having, by sacrificing a victim, implored the favour of the gods, with joyful countenance presented himself to the soldiers, who were now taking arms at day-break, according to orders, on the signal for battle being displayed.

6.12.8Soldiers, says he, the victory is ours, if the gods and their prophets see aught into futurity. Accordingly, as it becomes men full of well-grounded hope, and who are about to engage with their inferiors, let us place our spears at our feet, and arm our right hands only with our swords. I would not even wish that any should push forward beyond the line; but that, standing firm, you receive the enemy's charge in a steady posture.

6.12.9When they shall have discharged their ineffective missives, and, breaking their ranks, they shall rush on you as you stand firm, then let your swords glitter, and let each man recollect, that there are gods who aid the Roman; those gods, who have sent us into battle with favourable omens.

6.12.10Do you, Titus Quinctius, keep back the cavalry, attentively observing the very commencement of the contest; as soon as you observe the armies closed foot to foot, then, whilst they are taken up with another panic, strike terror into them with your cavalry, and by making a charge on them, disperse the ranks of those engaged in the fight.

6.12.11The cavalry, the infantry conduct the fight, just as he had ordered them. Nor did either the general disappoint the legions, nor fortune the general.

6.13.1The army of the enemy, relying on nothing but on their number, and measuring both armies merely by the eye, entered on the battle inconsiderately, and inconsiderately gave it over:

6.13.2fierce only in their shout and with their missive weapons, and at the first onset of the fight, they were unable to withstand the swords, and the close engagement foot to foot, and the looks of the enemy, darting fire through their ardour for the fight.

6.13.3Their front line was driven in, and confusion spread to the reserve troops, and the cavalry occasioned alarm on their part: the ranks were then broken in many places, every thing was set in motion, and the line seemed as it were fluctuating. Then when, the foremost having fallen, each saw that death was about to reach himself, they turn their backs.

6.13.4The Roman followed close on them; and as long as they went off armed and in bodies, the labour in the pursuit fell to the infantry; when it was observed that their arms were thrown away in every direction, and that the enemy's line was scattered in flight through the country; then squadrons of horse were sent out, intimation being given that they should not, by losing time with the massacre of individuals, afford an opportunity in the mean time to the multitude to escape:

6.13.5it would be sufficient that their speed should be retarded by missive weapons and by terror, and that the progress of their forces should be detained by skirmishing, until the infantry should be able to overtake and despatch the enemy by regular slaughter.

6.13.6There was no end of the flight and slaughter before night; on the same day the camp of the Volscians was taken also and pillaged, and all the plunder, save the persons of free condition, was given up to the soldiers.

6.13.7The greatest part of the prisoners consisted of Latins and Hernicians, and these not men of plebeian rank, so that it could be supposed that they had served for hire, but some young men of rank were found among them: an evident proof that the Volscian enemies had been aided by public authority.

6.13.8Some of the Circeians also were recognised, and colonists from Velitrae; and being all sent to Rome, on being interrogated by the leading senators, plainly revealed the same circumstances as they had done to the dictator, the defection each of his respective state.

6.14.1The dictator kept his army in the standing camp, not at all doubting that the senate would order war with these states; when a more momentous difficulty having occurred at home, rendered it necessary that he should be sent for to Rome, the sedition gaining strength every day, which the fomenter was now rendering more than ordinarily formidable.

6.14.2For now it was easy to see from what motives proceeded not only the discourses of Manlius, but his actions also, apparently suggested by popular zeal, but at the same time tending to create disturbance.

6.14.3When he saw a centurion, illustrious for his military exploits, leading off to prison by reason of a judgment for debt, he ran up with his attendants in the middle of the forum and laid hands on him; and exclaiming aloud against the insolence of the patricians, the cruelty of the usurers, and the grievances of the commons, and the deserts and misfortunes of the man.

6.14.4Then indeed, said he, in vain have I preserved the Capitol and citadel by this right hand, if I am to see my fellow-citizen and fellow-soldier, as if captured by the victorious Gauls, dragged into slavery and chains.

6.14.5He then paid the debt to the creditor openly before the people, and having purchased his freedom with the scales and brass, he sets the man at liberty, whilst the latter implored both gods and men, that they would grant a recompence to Marcus Manlius, his liberator, the parent of the Roman commons;

6.14.6and being immediately received into the tumultuous crowd, he himself also increased the tumult, displaying the scars received in the Veientian, Gallic, and other succeeding wars:

6.14.7that he, whilst serving in the field, and rebuilding his dwelling which had been demolished, though he had paid off the principal many times over, the interest always keeping down the principal, had been overwhelmed with interest: that through the kind interference of Marcus Manlius, he now beheld the light, the forum, and the faces of his fellow-citizens:

6.14.8that he received from him all the kind services usually conferred by parents; that to him therefore he devoted whatever remained of his person, of his life, and of his blood; whatever ties subsisted between him and his country, public and private guardian deities, were all centred in that one man.

6.14.9When the commons, worked upon by these expressions, were now wholly in the interest of the one individual, another circumstance was added, emanating from a scheme still more effectually calculated to create general confusion.

6.14.10A farm in the Veientian territory, the principal part of his estate, he subjected to public sale: that I may not, says he, suffer any of you, Romans, as long as any of my property shall remain, to be dragged off to prison, after judgment has been given against him, and he has been consigned to a creditor. That circumstance, indeed, so inflamed their minds, that they seemed determined on following the assertor of their freedom through every thing, right and wrong.

6.14.11Besides this, speeches [were made] at his house, as if he were delivering an harangue, full of imputations against the patricians; among which he threw out, waving all distinction whether he said what was true or false, that treasures of the Gallic gold were concealed by the patricians; that they were now no longer content with possessing the public lands, unless they appropriated the public money also; if that were made public, that the commons might be freed from their debt.

6.14.12When this hope was presented to them, then indeed it seemed a scandalous proceeding, that when gold was to be contributed to ransom the state from the Gauls, the collection was made by a public tribute; that the same gold, when taken from the Gauls, had become the plunder of a few.

6.14.13Accordingly they followed up the inquiry, where the furtive possession of so enormous a treasure could be kept; and when he deferred, and told them that he would inform them at the proper time, all other objects being given up, the attention of all was directed to this point; and it became evident that neither their gratitude, if the information were true, nor their displeasure if it proved false, would know any bounds.

6.15.1Matters being in this state, the dictator, being summoned home from the army, came into the city. A meeting of the senate being held on the following day, when, having sufficiently sounded the inclinations of the people, he forbade the senate to leave him, attended by that body, he placed his throne in the comitium, and sent his sergeant to Marcus Manlius;

6.15.2who on being summoned by the dictator's order, after he had given intimation to his party that a contest was at hand, came to the tribunal, attended by a numerous party.

Book 6, Part 3

6.15.3On the one side stood the senate, on the other the people as if in battle-array, attentively observing, each party, their respective leader.

6.15.4Then silence being made, the dictator said, I wish that I and the Roman patricians may agree with the commons on all other matters, as I am confident we shall agree on the business which regards you, and on that about which I am about to interrogate you.

6.15.5I perceive that hopes have been raised by you in the minds of the citizens, that, with safety to the public credit, their debts may be paid off out of the Gallic treasures, which it is alleged the leading patricians are secreting. To which proceeding so far am I from being any obstruction, that on the contrary, Marcus Manlius, I exhort you to free the Roman commons from the weight of interest; and to tumble from their secreted spoil, those who lie now brooding on those public treasures.

6.15.6If you refuse to do this, whether because you yourself desire to be a sharer in the spoil, or because the information is unfounded, I shall order you to be carried off to prison, nor will I any longer suffer the multitude to be disquieted by you with delusive hopes.

6.15.7To this Manlius replied, That it had not escaped him, that it was not against the Volscians, who were enemies as often as it suited the interests of the patricians, nor against the Latins and Hernicians, whom they were driving into hostilities by false charges, but against him and the Roman commons, that he was appointed dictator.

6.15.8Now the war being dropped, which was only feigned, that an attack was being made against himself; that the dictator now professed to defend the usurers against the commons; that now a charge and destruction was sought for him out of the favour of the multitude.

6.15.9Does the crowd that surrounds my person offend you, said he, Aulus Cornelius, and you, conscript fathers? Why then do you not draw it away from me, each of you by your own acts of kindness? by becoming surety, by delivering your fellow-citizens from the stocks, by preventing those cast in law-suits, and assigned over to their creditors, from being dragged away to prison, by sustaining the necessities of others out of your own superfluities?

6.15.10But why do I exhort you to expend out of your own property? Fix some capital; deduct from the principal what has been paid in interest; soon will my crowd not be a whit more remarkable than that of any other person.

6.15.11But [I may be asked] why do I alone thus interest myself in behalf of my fellow-citizens? I have no other answer to give, than if you were to ask me, why in the same way did I alone preserve the Capitol and the citadel. Both then I afforded the aid which I could to all collectively, and now I will afford it to each individually.

6.15.12Now with respect to the Gallic treasures, the mode of interrogation renders difficult a matter which in itself is easy. For why do you ask that which you know? why do you order that which is in your own laps to be shaken out of them rather than resign it, unless some fraud lurks beneath?

6.15.13The more you require your own impositions to be examined into, the more do I dread lest you should blind the eyes of those narrowly watching you. Wherefore, it is not I that am to be compelled to discover your hoard, but you must be forced to produce it to the public.

6.16.1When the dictator ordered him to lay aside evasion, and urged him to prove the truth of his information, or to own the guilt of having advanced a false accusation against the senate, and of having exposed them to the odium of a lying charge of concealment; when he refused to speak, to meet the wishes of his enemies, he ordered him to be carried off to prison.

6.16.2When arrested by the sergeant, he said, O Jupiter, supremely great and good, imperial Juno, and Minerva, and ye other gods and goddesses, who inhabit the Capitol and citadel, do ye suffer your soldier and defender to be thus harassed by his enemies?

6.16.3Shall this right hand, by which I beat off the Gauls from your temples, be now in bonds and chains? Neither the eyes nor ears of any one could well endure the indignity [thus offered him], but the state, most patient of legitimate authority, had rendered certain offices absolute to themselves; nor did either the tribunes of the commons, nor the commons themselves, dare to raise their eyes or utter a sentence in opposition to the dictatorial power.

6.16.4On Manlius being thrown into prison, it appears that a great part of the commons put on mourning, that a great many persons had let their hair and beard grow, and that a dejected crowd presented itself at the entrance of the prison.

6.16.5The dictator triumphed over the Volscians; and that triumph was the occasion rather of ill-will than of glory. For they murmured that it had been acquired at home, not abroad, and that it was celebrated over a citizen, not over an enemy; that only one thing was wanting to his arrogance, that Manlius was not led before his car.

6.16.6And now the affair fell little short of sedition, for the purpose of appeasing which, the senate, without the solicitation of any one, suddenly becoming bountiful of their own free-will, decreed that a colony of two thousand Roman citizens should be conducted to Satricum; two acres and half of land were assigned to each.

6.16.7And when they considered this, both as scanty in itself, conferred on a few, and as a bribe for betraying Marcus Manlius, the sedition was irritated by the remedy.

6.16.8And now the crowd of Manlius' partisans was become more remarkable, both by their squalid attire and by the appearance of persons under prosecutions, and terror being removed by the resignation of the dictatorship, after the triumph had set both the tongues and thoughts of men at liberty.

6.17.1Expressions were therefore heard freely uttered of persons upbraiding the multitude, that by their favour they always raised their defenders to a precipice, then at the very critical moment of danger they forsook them.

6.17.2That in this way Spurius Cassius, when inviting the commons to a share in the lands, in this way Spurius Maelius, when warding off famine from the mouths of his fellow-citizens at his own expense, had been undone; thus Marcus Manlius was betrayed to his enemies, whilst drawing forth to liberty and light one half of the state, when sunk and overwhelmed with usury.

6.17.3That the commons fattened their favourites that they might be slaughtered. Was this punishment to be suffered, if a man of consular rank did not answer at the nod of a dictator? Suppose that he had lied before, and that on that account he had had no answer to make; what slave was ever imprisoned in punishment of a lie?

6.17.4Did not the memory of that night present itself, which was well nigh the last and an eternal one to the Roman name? nor any idea of the band of Gauls climbing up the Tarpeian rock? nor that of Marcus Manlius himself, such as they had seen him in arms, covered with sweat and blood, after having in a manner rescued Jupiter himself from the hands of the enemy?

6.17.5Was a recompence made to the preserver of their country with their half pounds of corn? and would they suffer a person, whom they almost deified, whom they had set on a footing with Jupiter, at least with respect to the surname of Capitolinus, to drag out an existence subject to the will of an executioner, chained in a prison and in darkness? Was there thus sufficient aid in one person for all; and no relief for one in so many?

6.17.6The crowd did not disperse from that place even during the night, and they threatened that they would break open the prison; when that being conceded which they were about to take by force, Manlius was discharged from prison by a decree of the senate; by which proceeding the sedition was not terminated, but a leader was supplied to the sedition.

6.17.7About the same time the Latins and Hernicians, as also the colonists of Circeii and Velitrae, when striving to clear themselves of the charge [of being concerned] in the Volscian war, and demanding back the prisoners, that they may punish them according to their own laws, received a harsh answer; the colonists the severer, because being Roman citizens they had formed the abominable design of attacking their own country.

6.17.8They were therefore not only refused with respect to the prisoners, but notice was given them in the name of the senate, who however forbore from such a proceeding in the case of the allies, instantly to depart from the city, from the presence and sight of the Roman people; lest the law of embassy, provided for the foreigner, not for the citizen, should afford them no protection.

6.18.1The sedition excited by Manlius reassuming its former violence, on the expiration of the year the election was held, and military tribunes with consular power were elected from among the patricians; they were Servius Cornelius Malugi- nensis a third time, Publius Valerius Potitus a second time, Marcus Furius Camillus, Servius Sulpicius Rufus a second time, Caius Papirius Crassus, Titus Quinctius Cincinnatus a second time.

6.18.2At the commencement of which year peace with foreign countries afforded every opportunity both to the patricians and plebeians: to the plebeians, because not being called away by any levy, they conceived hopes of destroying usury, whilst they had so influential a leader; to the patricians, because their minds were not called away by any external terror from relieving the evils existing at home.

6.18.3Accordingly, as both sides arose much more strenuous then ever, Manlius also was present for the approaching contest. Having summoned the commons to his house, he holds consultations both by night and day with the leading men amongst them with respect to effecting a revolution of affairs, being filled with a much higher degree both of spirit and of resentment than he had been before.

6.18.4The recent ignominy had lighted up resentment in a mind unused to affront; it gave him additional courage, that the dictator had not ventured to the same extent against him, as Quinctius Cincinnatus had done in the case of Spurius Maelius, and because the dictator had not only endeavoured to avoid the unpopularity of his imprisonment by abdicating the dictatorship, but not even the senate could bear up against it.

6.18.5Elated by these considerations, and at the same time exasperated, he set about inflaming the minds of the commons, already sufficiently heated of themselves: How long, says he, will you be ignorant of your own strength, which nature has not wished even the brutes to be ignorant of? At least count how many you are, and how many enemies you have.

6.18.6Even if each of you were to attack an individual antagonist, still I should suppose that you would strive more vigorously in defence of liberty, than they in defence of tyranny.

6.18.7For as many of you as have been clients around each single patron, in the same number will ye be against a single enemy. Only make a show of war; ye shall have peace.

6.18.8Let them see you prepared for open force; they themselves will relax their pretensions. Collectively you must attempt something, or individually submit to every thing. How long will you look to me? I for my part will not be wanting to any of you: do you see that my fortune fail not. I, your avenger, when my enemies thought well of it, was suddenly reduced to nothing; and you all in a body beheld that person thrown into chains, who had warded off chains from each one of you.

6.18.9What am I to hope, if my enemies attempt more against me? Am I to expect the fate of Cassius and Maelius? You acted kindly in appearing shocked at it: the gods will avert it: but never will they come down from heaven on my account: they must inspire you with a determination to avert it; as they inspired me, in arms and in peace, to defend you from barbarous foes and tyrannical fellow-citizens.

6.18.10Is the spirit of so great a people so mean, that aid against your adversaries always satisfies you? And are you not to know any contest against the patricians, except how you may suffer them to domineer over you? Nor is this implanted in you by nature; but you are theirs by possession.

6.18.11For why is it you bear such spirit with respect to foreigners, as to think it meet that you should rule over them? because you have been accustomed to vie with them for empire, against these to essay liberty rather than to maintain it.

6.18.12Nevertheless, whatsoever sort of leaders you have, whatever has been your own conduct, ye have up to this carried every thing which ye have demanded, either by force, or your own good fortune.

6.18.13It is now time to aim at still higher objects. Only make trial both of your own good fortune, and of me, who have been, as I hope, already tried to your advantage.

6.18.14Ye will with less difficulty set up some one to rule the patricians, than ye have set up persons to resist their rule. Dictatorships and consulships must be levelled to the ground, that the Roman commons may be able to raise their heads. Wherefore stand by me, prevent judicial proceedings from going on regarding money.

6.18.15I profess myself the patron of the commons —a title with which my solicitude and zeal invests me. If you will dignify your leader by any more distinguishing title of honour or command, ye will render him still more powerful to obtain what ye desire.

6.18.16From this his first attempt is said to have arisen with respect to the obtaining of regal power; but no sufficiently clear account is handed down, either with whom [he acted], or how far his designs extended.

6.19.1But, on the other side, the senate began to deliberate regarding the secession of the commons into a private house, and that, as it so happened, situate in the citadel, and regarding the great danger that was threatening liberty.

6.19.2Great numbers cry out, that a Servilius Ahala was wanted, who would not irritate a public enemy by ordering him to be led to prison, but would finish an intestine war with the loss of one citizen.

6.19.3They came to a resolution milder in terms, but possessing the same force, that the magistrates should see that the commonwealth received no detriment from the designs of Marcus Manlius.

6.19.4Then the consular tribunes, and the tribunes of the commons, (for these also had submitted to the authority of the senate, because they saw that the termination of their own power and of the liberty of all would be the same,) all these then consult together as to what was necessary to be done.

6.19.5When nothing suggested itself to the mind of any, except violence and bloodshed, and it was evident that that would be attended with great risk; then Marcus Maenius, and Quintus Publilius, tribunes of the commons, say, Why do we make that a contest between the patricians and commons, which ought to be between the state and one pestilent citizen?

6.19.6Why do we attack, together with the commons, a man whom it is safer to attack through the commons themselves, that he may fall overpowered by his own strength? We have it in contemplation to appoint a day of trial for him.

6.19.7Nothing is less popular than regal power; as soon as the multitude shall perceive that the contest is not with them, and that from advocates they are to be made judges, and shall behold the prosecutors from among the commons, the accused a patrician, and that the charge between both parties is that of aiming at regal power, they will favour no object more than their own liberty.

6.20.1With the approbation of all, they appoint a day of trial for Manlius.

6.20.2When this took place, the commons were at first excited, especially when they saw the accused in a mourning habit, and with him not only none of the patricians, but not even any of his kinsmen or relatives, nay, not even his brothers Aulus and Titus Manlius; a circumstance which had never occurred before, that at so critical a juncture a man's nearest friends did not put on mourning.

6.20.3When Appius Claudius was thrown into prison [they remarked], that Caius Claudius, who was at enmity with him and the entire Claudian family, appeared in mourning; that this favourite of the people was about to be destroyed by a con- spiracy, because he was the first who had come over from the patricians to the commons.

6.20.4When the day arrived, I find in no author, what acts were alleged by the prosecutors against the accused bearing properly on the charge of aspiring to kingly power, except his assembling the multitude, and his seditious expressions and his largesses, and pretended discovery;

6.20.5nor have I any doubt that they were by no means unimportant, as the people's delay in condemning him was occasioned not by the merits of the cause, but by the place of trial. This seems deserving of notice, that men may know what great and glorious achievements his depraved ambition of regal power rendered not only bereft of all merit, but absolutely hateful.

6.20.6He is said to have brought forward near four hundred persons to whom he had lent money without interest, whose goods he had prevented from being sold, whom he had prevented from being carried off to prison after being adjudged to their creditors.

6.20.7Besides this, that he not only enumerated also his military rewards, but also produced them to view; spoils of enemies slain up to thirty; presents from generals to the number of forty; in which the most remarkable were two mural crowns and eight civic.

6.20.8In addition to this, that he brought forward citizens saved from the enemy, amongst whom was mentioned Caius Servilius, when master of the horse, now absent. Then after he had recounted his exploits in war, in pompous language suitable to the dignity of the subject, equalling his actions by his eloquence, he bared his breast marked with scars received in battle:

6.20.9and now and then, directing his eyes to the Capitol, he called down Jupiter and the other gods to aid him in his present lot; and he prayed, that the same sentiments with which they had inspired him when protecting the fortress of the Capitol, for the preservation of the Roman people, they would now inspire the Roman people with in his critical situation: and he entreated them singly and collectively, that they would form their judgment of him with their eyes fixed on the Capitol and citadel and their faces turned to the immortal gods.

6.20.10As the people were summoned by centuries in the field of Mars, and as the accused, extending his hands towards the Capitol, directed his prayers from men to the gods; it became evident to the tribunes, that unless they removed the eyes of men also from the memory of so great an exploit, the best founded charge would find no place in minds prejudiced by services.

6.20.11Thus the day of trial being adjourned, a meeting of the people was summoned in the Pœteline grove outside the Nomentan gate, from whence there was no view of the Capitol; there the charge was made good, and their minds being now unmoved [by adventitious circumstances], a fatal sentence, and one which excited horror even in his judges, was passed on him.

6.20.12There are some who state that he was condemned by duumvirs appointed to inquire concerning cases of treason. The tribunes cast him down from the Tarpeian rock: and the same place in the case of one man became a monument of distinguished glory and of extreme punishment.

6.20.13Marks of infamy were offered to him when dead: one, a public one; that, when his house had been that where the temple of Moneta and the mint-office now stand, it was proposed to the people, that no patrician should dwell in the citadel and Capitol: the other appertaining to his family;

6.20.14it being commanded by a decree that no one of the Manlian family should ever after bear the name of Marcus Manlius. Such was the fate of a man, who, had he not been born in a free state, would have been celebrated with posterity.

6.20.15In a short time, when there was no longer any danger from him, the people, recollecting only his virtues, were seized with regret for him. A pestilence too which soon followed, no causes of so great a calamity presenting themselves, seemed to a great many to have arisen from the punishment inflicted on Manlius:

6.20.16The Capitol [they said] had been polluted with the blood of its preserver; nor was it agreeable to the gods that the punishment of him by whom their temples had been rescued from the hands of the enemy, had been brought in a manner before their eyes.

6.21.1The pestilence was succeeded by a scarcity of the fruits of the earth, and the report of both calamities by spreading [was followed] by a variety of wars in the following year, Lucius Valerius a fourth time, Aulus Manlius a third time, Servius Sulpicius a third time, Lucius Lucretius, Lucius Aemilius a third time, Marcus Trebonius, being military tribunes with consular power.

6.21.2Besides the Volscians, assigned by some fatality to give eternal employment to the Roman soldiery, and the colonies of Circeii and Velitrae, long meditating a revolt, and Latium which had been suspected, new enemies suddenly sprung up in the people of Lanuvium, which had been a most faithful city.

6.21.3The fathers, considering that this arose from contempt, because the revolt of their own citizens, the people of Velitrae, had been so long unpunished, decreed that a proposition should be submitted to the people at the earliest opportunity on the subject of declaring war against them:

6.21.4and in order that the commons might be the more disposed for that service, they appointed five commissioners for distributing the Pomptine land, and three for conducting a colony to Nepete.

6.21.5Then it was proposed to the people that they should order a declaration of war; and the plebeian tribunes in vain endeavouring to dissuade them, all the tribes declared for war.

6.21.6That year preparations were made for war; the army was not led out into the field on account of the pestilence. And that delay afforded full time to the colonists to deprecate the anger of the senate;

6.21.7and a great number of the people were disposed that a suppliant embassy should be sent to Rome, had not the public been involved, as is usual, with the private danger, and the abettors of the revolt from the Romans, through fear, lest they, being alone answerable for the guilt, might be given up as victims to the resentment of the Romans, dissuaded the colonies from counsels of peace.

6.21.8And not only was the embassy obstructed by them in the senate, but a great part of the commons were excited to make predatory excursions into the Roman territory.

6.21.9This new injury broke off all hope of peace. This year a report first originated regarding a revolt of the Praenestines; and the people of Tusculum, Gabii and Lavici, into whose territories the incursions had been made, accusing them of the fact, the senate returned so placid an answer, that it became evident that less credit was given to the charges, because they wished them not to be true.

6.22.1In the following year the Papirii, Spurius and Lucius, new military tribunes, led the legions to Velitrae; their four colleagues in the tribuneship, Servius Cornelius Maluginensis a fourth time, Quintus Servilius, Servius Sulpicius, Lucius Aemilius a fourth time, being left behind to protect the city, and in case any new commotion should be announced from Etruria; for every thing was apprehended from that quarter.

6.22.2At Velitrae they fought a successful battle against the auxiliaries of the Praenestines, who were almost greater than the number of colonists themselves; so that the proximity of the city was both the cause of an earlier flight to the enemy, and was their only refuge after the flight.

6.22.3The tribunes refrained from besieging the town, both because [the result] was uncertain, and they considered that the war should not be pushed to the total destruction of the colony. Letters were sent to Rome to the senate with news of the victory, expressive of more animosity against the Praenestine enemy than against those of Velitrae.

Book 6, Part 4

6.22.4In consequence, by a decree of the senate and an order of the people, war was declared against the Praenestines: who, in conjunction with the Volscians, took, on the following year, Satricum, a colony of the Roman people, by storm, after an obstinate defence by the colonists, and made, with respect to the prisoners, a disgraceful use of their victory.

6.22.5Incensed at this, the Romans elected Marcus Furius Camillus a seventh time military tribune. The colleagues conjoined with him were the two Postumii Regillenses, Aulus and Lucius, and Lucius Furius, with Lucius Lucretius and Marcus Fabius Ambustus.

6.22.6The Volscian war was decreed to Marcus Furius out of the ordinary course, Lucius Furius is assigned by lot from among the tribunes his assistant; [which proved] not so advantageous to the public as a source of all manner of praise to his colleague: both on public grounds, because he restored the [Roman] interest which had been prostrated by his rash conduct; and on private grounds, because from his error he sought to obtain his gratitude rather than his own glory.

6.22.7Camillus was now in the decline of life, and when prepared at the election to take the usual oath for the purpose of excusing himself on the plea of his health, he was opposed by the consent of the people: but his active mind was still vigorous within his ardent breast, and he enjoyed all his faculties entire, and now that he concerned himself but little in civil affairs, war still aroused him.

6.22.8Having enlisted four legions of four thousand men each, and having ordered the troops to assemble the next day at the Esquiline gate, he set out to Satricum. There the conquerors of the colony, nowise dismayed, confiding in their number of men, in which they had considerably the advantage, awaited him.

6.22.9When they perceived that the Romans were approaching, they marched out immediately to the field, determined to make no delay to put all to the risk of an engagement, that by proceeding thus they should derive no advantage from the judgment of their distinguished commander, on which alone they confided.

6.23.1The same ardour existed also in the Roman army; nor did any thing, but the wisdom and authority of one man, delay the fortune of the present engagement, who sought, by protracting the war, an opportunity of aiding their strength by skill.

6.23.2The enemy urged them the more on that account, and now not only did they draw out their troops in order of battle before their camp, but advanced into the middle of the plain, and by throwing up trenches near the battalions of the enemy, made a show of their insolent confidence in their strength.

6.23.3The Roman soldier was indignant at this; the other military tribune, Lucius Furius, still more so, who, encouraged both by his youth and his natural disposition, was still further elated by the hopes entertained by the multitude, who assumed great spirits on grounds the most uncertain.

6.23.4The soldiers, already excited of themselves, he still further instigated by disparaging the authority of his colleague by reference to his age, the only point on which he could do so: saying constantly, that wars were the province of young men, and that with the body the mind also flourishes and withers;

6.23.5that from having been a most vigorous warrior he was become a drone; and that he who, on coming up, had been wont to carry off camps and cities at the first onset, now consumed the time inactive within the trenches.

6.23.6What accession to his own strength, or diminution of that of the enemy, did he hope for?

6.23.7What opportunity, what season, what place for practising stratagem? that the old man's plans were frigid and languid. Camillus had both sufficient share of life as well as of glory. What use was it to suffer the strength of a state which ought to be immortal, to sink into old age along with one mortal body.

6.23.8By such observations, he had attracted to himself the attention of the entire camp; and when in every quarter battle was called for, We cannot, he says, Marcus Furius, withstand the violence of the soldiers; and the enemy, whose spirits we have increased by delaying, insults us by insolence by no means to be borne. Do you, who are but one man, yield to all, and suffer yourself to be overcome in counsel, that you may the sooner overcome in battle.

6.23.9To this Camillus replies, that whatever wars had been waged up to that day under his single auspices, in these that neither himself nor the Roman people had been dissatisfied either with his judgment or with his fortune; now he knew that he had a colleague, his equal in command and in authority, in vigour of age superior;

6.23.10with respect to the army, that he had been accustomed to rule, not to be ruled; with his colleague's authority he could not interfere. That he might do, with the favour of the gods, whatever he might deem to be to the interest of the state.

6.23.11That he would even solicit for his years the indulgence, that he might not be placed in the front line; that whatever duties in war an old man could discharge, in these he would not be deficient; that he prayed to the immortal gods, that no mischance might prove his plan to be the more advisable.

6.23.12Neither his salutary advice was listened to by men, nor such pious prayers by the gods. The adviser of the battle draws up the front line; Camillus forms the reserve, and posts a strong guard before the camp; he himself took his station on an elevated place as a spectator, anxiously watching the result of the other's plan.

6.24.1As soon as the arms clashed at the first encounter, the enemy, from stratagem, not from fear, retreated.

6.24.2There was a gentle acclivity in their rear, between the army and their camp; and because they had sufficient numbers, they had left in the camp several strong cohorts, armed and ready for action, which were to rush forth, when the battle was now commenced, and when the enemy had approached the rampart.

6.24.3The Roman being drawn into disadvantageous ground by following the retreating enemy in disorder, became exposed to this sally. Terror therefore being turned on the victor, by reason of this new force, and the declivity of the valley, caused the Roman line to give way.

6.24.4The Volscians, who made the attack from the camp, being fresh, press on them; those also who had given way by a pretended flight, renew the fight.

6.24.5The Roman soldiers no longer recovered themselves; but unmindful of their recent presumption and former glory, were turning their backs in every direction, and with disorderly speed were making for their camp, when Camillus, being mounted on his horse by those around him, and hastily opposing the reserved troops to them, Is this, says he, soldiers, the battle which ye called for? What man, what god is there, whom ye can blame? That was your rashness, this your cowardice.

6.24.6Having followed another leader, now follow Camillus; and as ye are accustomed to do under my leadership, conquer. Why do ye look to the rampart and camp? Not a man of you shall that camp receive, except as victor.

6.24.7Shame at first stopped their disorderly flight; then when they saw the standards wheel about, and a line formed to meet the enemy, and the general, besides being distinguished by so many triumphs, venerable also by his age, presented himself in front of the battalions, where the greatest toil and danger was, every one began to upbraid both himself and others, and mutual exhortation with a brisk shout pervaded the entire line.

6.24.8Nor was the other tribune deficient on the occasion. Being despatched to the cavalry by his colleague, who was restoring the line of the infantry, not by rebuking them, (for which task his share in their fault had rendered him an authority of little weight,) but from command turning entirely to entreaties, he besought them individually and collectively, to redeem him from blame, who was answerable for the events of that day.

6.24.9Notwithstanding the repugnance and dissuasion of my colleague, I gave myself a partner in the rashness of all rather than in the prudence of one. Camillus sees his own glory in your fortune, whatever it be;

6.24.10for my part, unless the battle is restored, I shall feel the result with you all, the infamy alone (which is most distressing). It was deemed best that the horse should be transferred into the line whilst still unsteady, and that they should attack the enemy by fighting on foot. Distinguished by their arms and courage, they proceed in whatever direction they perceive the line of the infantry most pressed; nor among either the officers or soldiers is there any abatement observed from the utmost effort of courage.

6.24.11The result therefore felt the aid of the bravery exerted; and the Volscians being put to real flight in that direction in which they had lately retreated under pretended fear, great numbers were slain both in the battle itself, and afterwards in flight; the others in the camp, which was taken in the same onset: more, however, were captured than slain.

6.25.1Where when, on taking an account of the prisoners, several Tusculans were recognised, being separated from the rest, they are brought to the tribunes; and they confessed to those who interrogated them, that they had taken up arms by the authority of the state.

6.25.2By the fear of which war so near home Camillus being alarmed, says that he would immediately carry the prisoners to Rome, that the senate might not be ignorant, that the Tusculans had revolted from the alliance; meanwhile his colleague, if he thought proper, should command the camp and army.

6.25.3One day had been a lesson to him not to prefer his own counsels to better.

6.25.4However neither himself, nor any person in the army, supposed that Camillus would pass over his misconduct without some angry feelings, by which the commonwealth had been brought into so perilous a situation; and both in the army and at Rome, the uniform account of all was, that, as matters had been conducted with varying success among the Volscians, the blame of the unsuccessful battle and of the flight lay with Lucius Furius, all the glory of the successful one was to be attributed to Camillus.

6.25.5The prisoners being brought into the senate, when the senate decreed that the Tusculans should be punished with war, and they intrusted the management of that war to Camillus, he requests one assistant for himself in that business, and being allowed to select which ever of his colleagues he pleased, contrary to the expectation of every one, he solicited Lucius Furius.

6.25.6By which moderation of feeling he both alleviated the disgrace of his colleague, and acquired great glory to himself. There was no war, however, with the Tusculans. By firm adherence to peace they warded off the Roman violence, which they could not have done by arms.

6.25.7When the Romans entered their territories, no removals were made from the places adjoining to the road, the cultivation of the lands was not interrupted: the gates of the city lying open, they came forth in crowds clad in their gowns to meet the generals; provision for the army was brought with alacrity from the city and the lands.

6.25.8Camillus having pitched his camp before the gates, wishing to know whether the same appearance of peace, which was

6.25.9displayed in the country, prevailed also within the walls, entered the city, where he beheld the gates lying open, and every thing exposed to sale in the open shops, and the workmen engaged each on their respective employments, and the schools of learning buzzing with the voices of the scholars, and the streets filled amid the different kinds of people, with boys and women going different ways, whithersoever the occasions of their respective callings carried them;

6.25.10nothing in any quarter that bore any appear- ance of panic or even of surprise; he looked around at every object, attentively inquiring where the war had been.

6.25.11No trace was there of any thing having been removed, or brought forward for the occasion; so completely was every thing in a state of steady tranquil peace, so that it scarcely seemed that even the rumour of war could have reached them.

6.26.1Overcome therefore by the submissive demeanour of the enemy, he ordered their senate to be called. Tusculans, he says, ye are the only persons who have yet found the true arms and the true strength, by which to protect your possessions from the resentment of the Romans.

6.26.2Proceed to Rome to the senate. The fathers will consider, whether you have merited more punishment for your former conduct, or forgiveness for your present. I shall not anticipate your gratitude for a favour to be conferred by the state. From me ye shall have the power of seeking pardon.

6.26.3The senate will grant to your entreaties such a result, as they shall consider meet. When the Tusculans came to Rome, and the senate [of a people], who were till a little before faithful allies, were seen with sorrowful countenances in the porch of the senate-house, the fathers, immediately moved [at the sight,] even then ordered them to be called in rather in a friendly than a hostile manner.

6.26.4The Tusculan dictator spoke as follows: Conscript fathers, we against whom ye proclaimed and made war, just as you see us now standing in the porch of your house, so armed and so attired did we go forth to meet your generals and your legions.

6.26.5This was our habit, this the habit of our commons; and ever shall be, unless whenever we shall receive arms from you and defence of you. We return thanks to your generals and your troops for having trusted their eyes more than their ears; and for having committed nothing hostile, where none subsisted.

6.26.6The peace, which we observed, the same we solicit at your hands: we pray you, avert war to that quarter where, if any where, it subsists. What your arms may be able to effect on us, if after our submission we are to experience it, we will experience unarmed. This is our determination. May the immortal gods grant that it be as successful as it is dutiful!

6.26.7With respect to the charges, by which you were induced to declare war against us, though it is needless to refute by words what has been contradicted by facts; yet, admitting they were true, we think it safe for us to confess them, after having shown such evident marks of repentance. Admit then that we have offended against you, since ye deserve that such satisfaction be made to you.

6.26.8These were nearly the words used by the Tusculans. They obtained peace at the present, and not long after the freedom of the state also. The legions were withdrawn from Tusculum.

6.27.1Camillus, distinguished by his prudence and bravery in the Volscian war, by his success in the Tusculan expedition, in both by his extraordinary moderation and forbearance towards his colleague, went out of office;

6.27.2the military tribunes for the following year being Lucius and Publius Valerius, Lucius a fifth, Publius a third time, and Caius Sergius a third time, Lucius Menenius a second time, Spurius Papirius, and Servius Cornelius Maluginensis.

6.27.3The year required censors also, chiefly on account of the uncertain representations regarding the debt; the tribunes of the commons exaggerating the amount of it on account of the odium of the thing, whilst it was underrated by those whose interest it was that the difficulty of procuring payment should appear to depend rather on [the want of] integrity, than of ability in the debtors.

6.27.4The censors appointed were Caius Sulpicius Camerinus, Spurius Postumius Regillensis; and the matter having been commenced was interrupted by the death of Postumius, because it was not conformable to religion that a substitute should be colleague to a censor.

6.27.5Accordingly after Sulpicius had resigned his office, other censors having been appointed under some defect, they did not discharge the office; that a third set should be appointed was not allowed, as though the gods did not admit a censorship for that year.

6.27.6The tribunes denied that such mockery of the commons was to be tolerated; that the senate were averse to the public tablets, the witnesses of each man's property, because they were unwilling that the amount of the debt should be seen, which would clearly show that one part of the state was depressed by the other; whilst in the mean time the commons, oppressed with debt, were exposed to one enemy after another.

6.27.7Wars were now sought out in every direction without distinction. Troops were marched from Antium to Satricum, from Satricum to Velitrae, and thence to Tusculum. The Latins, Hernicians, and the Praenestines were now threatened with hostilities, more through a hatred of their fellow-citizens than of the enemy, in order to wear out the commons under arms, and not suffer them to breathe in the city, or to reflect on their liberty at their leisure, or to stand in an assembly where they may hear a tribune's voice discussing concerning the reduction of interest and the termination of other grievances.

6.27.8But if the commons had a spirit mindful of the liberty of their fathers, that they would neither suffer any Roman citizen to be assigned to a creditor on account of debt, nor a levy to be held; until, the debts being examined, and some method adopted for lessening them, each man should know what was his own, and what another's; whether his person was still free to him, or that also was due to the stocks.

6.27.9The price held out for sedition soon raised it: for both several were made over to creditors, and on account of the rumour of the Praenestine war, the senate decreed that new legions should be levied; both which measures began to be obstructed by tribunitian interposition and the combined efforts of the commons.

6.27.10For neither the tribunes suffered those consigned to their creditors to be thrown into prison, nor did the young men give in their names. While the senate felt less pressing anxiety about enforcing the laws regarding the lending of money than about the levy; for now it was announced that the enemy, having marched from Praeneste, had encamped in the Gabinian territory;

6.27.11meanwhile this very report rather aroused the tribunes of the commons to the struggle commenced than deterred them; nor did any thing else suffice to allay the discontent in the city, but the approach of hostilities to the very walls.

6.28.1For when the Praenestines had been informed that no army was levied at Rome, no general fixed on, that the senate and people were turned the one against the other;

6.28.2their leaders thinking that an opportunity presented itself, making a hasty march, and laying waste the country as they went along, they advanced their standards as far as the Colline gate.

6.28.3Tile panic in the city was great. The alarm was given to take up arms; persons ran together to the walls and gates, and at length turning from sedition to war, they created Titus Quinctius Cincinnatus dictator.

6.28.4He appointed Aulus Sempronius Atratinus his master of the horse. When this was heard, (such was the terror of that office,) the enemy retired from the walls, and the young Romans assembled to the edict without refusal.

6.28.5Whilst the army is being levied at Rome, in the mean time the enemy's camp is pitched not far from the river Allia: thence laying waste the land far and wide, they boasted one to the other that they had chosen a place fatal to the Roman city; that there would be a similar consternation and flight from thence as occurred in the Gallic war.

6.28.6For if the Romans dread a day deemed inauspicious, and marked with the name of that place, how much more than the Allian day would they dread the Allia itself, the monument of so great a disaster. No doubt the fierce looks of the Gauls and the sound of their voices would recur to their eyes and ears.

6.28.7Turning over in mind those groundless notions of circumstances as groundless, they rested their hopes on the fortune of the place. On the other hand, the Romans [considered] that, in whatever place a Latin enemy stood, they knew full well that they were the same whom, after having utterly defeated at the lake Regillus, they kept in peaceable subjection for one hundred years;

6.28.8that the place being distinguished by the memory of their defeat, would rather stimulate them to blot out the remembrance of their disgrace, than raise a fear that any land should be unfavourable to their success.

6.28.9Were even the Gauls themselves presented to them in that place, that they would fight just as they fought at Rome in recovering their country, as the day after at Gabii; then, when they took care, that no enemy, who had entered the walls of Rome, should carry home an account of their success or defeat.

6.29.1With these feelings on either side they came to the Allia. The Roman dictator, when the enemy were in view drawn up and ready for action, says, Aulus Sempronius, do you see that these men have taken their stand at the Allia, relying on the fortune of the place? nor have the immortal gods granted them any thing of surer confidence, or any more effectual support.

6.29.2But do you, relying on arms and on courage, make a brisk charge on the middle of their line; I will bear down on them when thrown into disorder and consternation with the legions. Ye gods, witnesses of the treaty, assist us, and exact the penalty, due for yourselves having been violated, and for us who have been deceived through the appeal made to your divinity.

6.29.3The Praenestines sustained not the attack of cavalry, or infantry; their ranks were broken at the first charge and shout. Then when their line maintained its ground in no quarter, they turn their backs; and being thrown into consternation and carried beyond their own camp by their panic, they stop not from their precipitate speed, until Praeneste came in view.

6.29.4There, having been dispersed in consequence of their flight, they select a post for the purpose of fortifying it in a hasty manner; lest, if they betook themselves within the walls, the country should be burned forthwith, and when all places should be desolated, siege should be laid to the city.

6.29.5But when the victorious Romans approached, the camp at the Allia having been plundered, that fortress also was abandoned, and considering the walls scarcely secure, they shut themselves up within the town of Praeneste.

6.29.6There were eight towns besides under the sway of the Praenestines.

6.29.7Hostilities were carried round to these also; and these being taken one after the other without much difficulty, the army was led to Velitrae. This also was taken by storm.

6.29.8They then came to Praeneste, the main source of the war. That town was obtained, not by force, but by capitulation. Titus Quinctius, being once victorious in a pitched battle, having taken also two camps belonging to the enemy, and nine towns by storm, and Praeneste being obtained by surrender, returned to Rome: and in his triumph brought into the Capitol the statue of Jupiter Imperator, which he had conveyed from Praeneste.

6.29.9It was dedicated between the recesses of Jupiter and Minerva, and a tablet fixed under it, as a monument of his exploits, was engraved with nearly these words:

6.29.10Jupiter and all the gods granted, that Titus Quinctius, dictator, should take nine towns. On the twentieth day after the appointment he abdicated the dictatorship.

Book 6, Part 5

6.30.1An election was then held of military tribunes with consular power; in which the number of patricians and plebeians was equal.

6.30.2From the patricians were elected Publius and Caius Manlius, with Lucius Julius; the commons gave Caius Sextilius, Marcus Albinius, and Lucius Antistius.

6.30.3To the Manlii, because they had the advantage of the plebeians in family station, and of Julius in interest, the province of the Volscians was assigned out of the ordinary course, without lots, or mutual arrangement; of which circumstance both themselves and the patricians who conferred it afterwards repented. Without any previous reconnoitre they sent out some cohorts to forage.

6.30.4It having been falsely reported to them that these were ensnared, whilst they march in great haste, in order to support them, without even retaining the author [of the report] who had deceived them, he being a Latin enemy instead of a Roman soldier, they themselves fell into an ambuscade.

6.30.5There, whilst they suffer and commit great havoc, making resistance on disadvantageous ground solely by the valour of the soldiers, the enemy in the mean time in another quarter attacked the Roman camp which was situate on a plain. By their temerity and want of skill, matters were brought into jeopardy in both places by the generals.

6.30.6Whatever portion [of the army] was saved, the good fortune of the Roman people, and the steady valour of the soldiers, even without a director, protected.

6.30.7When an account of these events was brought to Rome, it was at first agreeable to them that a dictator should be appointed; then when intelligence was received from the Volscian country that matters were quiet, and it appeared manifest that they knew not how to take advantage of victory and of opportunity, the army and generals were recalled from thence also; and there was quiet from that quarter, as far as regarded the Volscians.

6.30.8The only disturbance there was towards the end of the year was, that the Praenestines, having stirred up some of the states of the Latins, renewed hostilities.

6.30.9During the same year new colonists were enrolled for Setia, the colony itself complaining of the paucity of men. Domestic tranquillity, which the influence of the plebeian military tribunes and the respect shown to them among their own party procured, was a consolation for the want of success in war.

6.31.1The commencement of the following year blazed forth with violent sedition, the military tribunes with consular power being Spurius Furius, Quintus Servilius a second time, Caius Licinius, Publius Clœlius, Marcus Horatius, Lucius Geganius.

6.31.2The debt was both the ground-work and cause of the disturbance: for the purpose of ascertaining which Spurius Servilius Priscus and Quintus Clœlius Siculus, being appointed censors, were prevented by war from proceeding in the business.

6.31.3For alarming news at first, then the flight [of the country people] from the lands, brought intelligence that the legions of the Volscians had entered the borders, and were laying waste the Roman land in every direction.

6.31.4In which alarm, so far was the fear of the foreign enemy from putting a check to the domestic feuds, that on the contrary the tribunitian power became even more vehement in obstructing the levy; until these conditions were imposed on the patricians, that no one was to pay tribute as long as the war lasted, nor issue any judicial process respecting money due.

6.31.5This relaxation being obtained for the commons, there was no delay with respect to the levy. New legions being enlisted, it was resolved that two armies should be led into the Volscian territory, the legions being divided. Spurius Furius and Marcus Horatius proceed to the right, towards the sea-coast and Antium; Quintus Servilius and Lucius Geganius to the left, to Ecetra towards the mountains. On neither side did the enemy meet them.

6.31.6Devastation was therefore committed, not similar to that straggling kind which the Volscian had practised by snatches under the influence of trepidation after the manner of a banditti, relying on the dissensions among the enemy and dreading their valour; but committed with the full meed of their resentment by a regular army, more severe also by reason of their continuance.

6.31.7For the incursions had been made by the Volscians on the skirts of the borders, as they were afraid lest an army might in the mean time come forth from Rome: the Romans, on the contrary, had a motive for tarrying in the enemy's country, in order to entice them to an engagement.

6.31.8All the houses therefore on the lands, and some villages also, being burnt down, not a fruit-tree nor the seed being left for the hope of a harvest, all the booty both of men and cattle, which was outside the walls, being driven off, the troops were led back from both quarters to Rome.

6.32.1A short interval having been granted to the debtors to recover breath, when matters became perfectly quiet with respect to the enemy, legal proceedings began to be instituted anew; and so remote was all hope of relieving the former debt, that a new one was now contracted by a tax for building a wall of hewn stone bargained for by the censors:

6.32.2to which burden the commons were obliged to submit, because the tribunes of the commons had no levy which they could obstruct.

6.32.3Forced by the influence of the nobles, they elected all the military tribunes from among the patricians, Lucius Aemilius, Publius Valerius a fourth time, Caius Veturius, Servius Sulpicius, Lucius and Caius Quinctius Cincinnatus.

6.32.4By the same influence they succeeded in raising three armies against the Latins and Volscians, who with combined forces were encamped at Satricum, all the juniors being bound by the military oath without any opposition;

6.32.5one army for the protection of the city; the other to be sent for the sudden emergencies of war, if any disturbance should arise elsewhere. The third, and by far the most powerful, Publius Valerius and Lucius Aemilius led to Satricum.

6.32.6Where when they found the enemy's line of battle drawn up on level ground, they immediately engaged; and before the victory was sufficiently declared, the battle, which held out fair hopes of success, was put a stop to by rain accompanied by a violent storm of wind.

6.32.7On the following day the battle was renewed; and for a considerable time the Latin troops particularly, who had learned the Roman discipline during the long confederacy, stood their ground with equal bravery and success.

6.32.8A charge of cavalry broke their ranks; when thus confused, the infantry advanced upon them; and as much as the Roman line advanced, so much were the enemy dislodged from their ground; and when once the battle gave way, the Roman prowess became irresistible.

6.32.9When the enemy being routed made for Satricum, which was two miles distant, not for their camp, they were cut down chiefly by the cavalry; their camp was taken and plundered.

6.32.10The night succeeding the battle, they betake themselves to Antium in a march resembling a flight; and though the Roman army followed them almost in their steps, fear however possessed more swiftness than anger.

6.32.11Wherefore the enemy entered the walls before the Roman could annoy or impede their rear. After that several days were spent in laying waste the country, as the Romans were neither supplied with military engines to attack walls, nor the others to hazard the chance of a battle.

6.33.1At this time a dissension arose between the Antians and the Latins; when the Antians, overcome by misfortunes and reduced by a war, in which they had both been born and had grown old, began to think of a surrender;

6.33.2whilst their recent revolt after a long peace, their spirits being still fresh, rendered the Latins more determined to persevere in the war. There was an end to the contest, when it became evident to both parties that neither would stand in the way of the other so as to prevent them from following out their own views.

6.33.3The Latins by departing redeemed themselves from a share in what they deemed a dishonourable peace.

6.33.4The Antians, on the removal of those who by their presence impeded their salutary counsels, surrender their city and lands to the Romans. The resentment and rage of the Latins, because they were neither able to damage the Romans in war, nor to retain the Volscians in arms, vented itself in setting fire to the city of Satricum, which had been their first place of retreat after their defeat; nor did any other building in that city remain, since they cast firebrands indiscriminately into those sacred and profane, except the temple of Mother Matuta.

6.33.5From that neither the sanctity of the building itself, nor respect for the gods, is said to have restrained them, but an awful voice, emitted from the temple with threats of dismal vengeance, unless they removed their abominable fires to a distance from the temples.

6.33.6Fired with this rage, their impetuosity carried them on to Tusculum, under the influence of' resentment, because, having abandoned the general association of the Latins, they joined themselves not only in alliance with the Romans, but also as members of their state.

6.33.7As they unexpectedly rushed in at the gates, which were lying open, the town, except the citadel, was taken at the first shout. The townsmen with their wives and children took refuge in the citadel, and sent messengers to Rome, to inform the senate of their situation.

6.33.8An army was led to Tusculum with no less expedition than was worthy of the honour of the Roman people. Lucius Quinctius and Servius Sulpicius, military tribunes, commanded it.

6.33.9They beheld the gates of Tusculum shut, and the Latins, with the feelings of besiegers and besieged, on the one side defending the walls of Tusculum, on the other hand attacking the citadel; they struck terror and felt it at the same time.

6.33.10The arrival of the Romans produced a change in the minds of both parties: it turned the Tusculans from great alarm into the utmost alacrity, and the Latins from almost assured confidence of soon taking the citadel, as they were masters of the town, to very slender hope of even their own safety.

6.33.11A shout is raised by the Tusculans from the citadel; it is answered by a much louder one from the Roman army. The Latins are hard pressed on both sides: they neither withstand the force of the Tusculans pouring down on them from the higher ground; nor are they able to repel the Romans advancing up to the walls, and forcing the bars of the gates.

6.33.12The walls were first taken by scalade; the gates were then broken open; and when the two enemies pressed them both in front and in the rear, nor did there remain any strength for fight, nor any room for running away, between both they were all cut to pieces to a man. Tusculum being recovered from the enemy, the army was led back to Rome.

6.34.1In proportion as all matters were more tranquil abroad in consequence of their successes in war this year, so much did the violence of the patricians and the distresses of the commons in the city increase every day; as the ability to pay was prevented by the very fact that it was necessary to pay.

6.34.2Accordingly, when nothing could now be paid out of their property, being cast in suits and assigned over to custody, they satisfied their creditors by their character and persons, and punishment was substituted for payment.

6.34.3Wherefore not only the lowest, but even the leading men in the commons had sunk so low in spirit, that no enterprising and adventurous man had courage,

6.34.4not only to stand for the military tribuneship among the patricians, (for which privilege they had strained all their energies,) but not even to take on them and sue for plebeian magistracies: and the patricians seemed to have for ever recovered the possession of an honour that had been only usurped by the commons for a few years.

6.34.5A trifling cause, as generally happens, which had the effect of producing a mighty result, intervened to prevent the other party from exulting too much in that. Two daughters of Marcus Fabius Ambustus, an influential man, both among persons of his own station, and also with the commons, because he was by no means considered a despiser of persons of that order, had been married, the elder to Servius Sulpicius, the younger to Caius Licinius Stolo, a distinguished person, but still a plebeian; and the fact of such an alliance not having been scorned, had gained influence for Fabius with the people.

6.34.6It so happened, that when the two sisters, the Fabiae, were passing away the time in conversation in the house of Servius Sulpicius. military tribune, a lictor of Sulpicius, when he returned home from the forum, rapped at the door, as is usual, with the rod. When the younger Fabia, a stranger to this custom, was frightened at it, she was laughed at by her sister, who was surprised at her sister not knowing the matter.

6.34.7That laugh, however, gave a sting to the female mind, sensitive as it is to mere trifles. From the number of persons attending on her, and asking her commands, her sister's match, I suppose, appeared to her to be a fortunate one, and she repined at her own, according to that erroneous feeling, by which every one is most annoyed at being outstripped by those nearest to him.

6.34.8When her father happened to see her disappointed after the recent mortification, by kindly inquiring he prevailed on her, who was dissembling the cause of her annoyance, (as being neither affectionate with respect to her

6.34.9sister, nor respectful towards her husband,) to confess, that the cause of her chagrin was, that she had been united to an inferior, and married into a house which neither honour nor influence could enter.

6.34.10Ambustus then, consoling his daughter, bid her keep up good spirits; that she should soon see the same honours at her own house, which she now sees at her sister's. Upon

6.34.11this he began to draw up his plans with his son-in-law, having attached to himself Lucius Sextius, an enterprising young man, and one to whose hope nothing was wanting but patrician descent.

6.35.1There appeared a favourable opportunity for making innovations on account of the immense load of debt, no alleviation of which evil the commons could hope for unless their own party were placed in the highest authority. To [bring about] that object [they saw] that they should exert themselves.

6.35.2That the plebeians, by endeavouring and persevering, had already gained a step towards it, whence, if they struggled forward, they might reach the summit, and be on a level with the patricians, in honour as well as in merit.

6.35.3For the present it was resolved that plebeian tribunes should be created, in which office they might open for themselves a way to other honours.

6.35.4And Caius Licinius and Lucius Sextius, being elected tribunes, proposed laws all against the power of the patricians, and for the interests of the commons: one regarding the debt, that, whatever had been paid in interest being deduced from the principal, the remainder should be paid off in three years by equal instalments;

6.35.5the other concerning the limitation of land, that no one should possess more than five hundred acres of land; a third, that there should be no election of military tribunes, and that one at least of the consuls should be elected from the commons; all matters of great importance, and such as could not be attained without the greatest struggles.

6.35.6A contest therefore for all those objects, of which there is ever an inordinate desire among men, viz. land, money, and honours, being now proposed, the patricians became terrified and dismayed, and finding no other remedy in their public and private consultations except the protest, which had been tried in many previous contests, they gained over their colleagues to oppose the bills of the tribunes.

6.35.7When they saw the tribes summoned by Licinius and Sextius to announce their votes, surrounded by bands of patricians, they neither suffered the bills to be read, nor any other usual form for taking the votes of the commons to be gone through.

6.35.8And now assemblies being frequently convened to no purpose, when the propositions were now considered as rejected; It is very well, says Sextius; "since it is determined that a protest should possess so much power, by that same weapon will we protect the people.

6.35.9Come, patricians, proclaim an assembly for the election of military tribunes; I will take care that that word, I FORBID IT, which you listen to our colleagues chaunting with so much pleasure, shall not be very delightful to you.

6.35.10Nor did the threats fall ineffectual: no elections were held, except those of aediles and plebeian tribunes. Licinius and Sextius, being re-elected plebeian tribunes, suffered not any curule magistrates to be appointed, and this total absence of magistrates continued in the city for the space of five years, the people re-electing the two tribunes, and these preventing the election of military tribunes.

6.36.1There was an opportune cessation of other wars: the colonists of Velitrae, becoming wanton through ease, because there was no Roman army, made repeated incursions on the Roman territory, and set about laying siege to Tusculum.

6.36.2This circumstance, the Tusculans, old allies, new fellow-citizens, imploring aid, moved not only the patricians, but the commons also, chiefly with a sense of honour.

6.36.3The tribunes of the commons relaxing their opposition, the elections were held by the interrex; and Lucius Furius, Aulus Manlius, Servius Sulpicius, Servius Cornelius, Publius and Caius Valerius, found the commons by no means so complying in the levy as in the elections;

6.36.4and an army having been raised amid great contention, they set out, and not only dislodged the enemy from Tusculum, but shut them up even within their own walls. Velitrae began to be besieged by a much greater force than that with which Tusculum had been besieged;

6.36.5nor still could it be taken by those by whom the siege had been commenced. The new military tribunes were elected first: Quintius Servilius, Caius Veturius, Aulus and Marcus Cornelius, Quintus Quinctius, Marcus Fabius.

6.36.6Nothing worthy of mention was performed even by these at Velitrae. Matters were involved in greater peril at home: for besides Sextius and Licinius, the proposers of the laws, reelected tribunes of the commons now for the eighth time, Fabius also, military tribune, father-in-law of Stolo, avowed himself the unhesitating supporter of those laws of which he had been the adviser.

6.36.7And whereas, there had been at first eight of the college of the plebeian tribunes protesters against the laws, there were now only five:

6.36.8and (as is usual with men who leave their own party) dismayed and astounded, they in words borrowed from others, urged as a reason for their protest, that which had been taught them at home; that a great number of the commons were absent with the army at Velitrae; that the assembly ought to be deferred till the coming of the soldiers, that the entire body of the commons might give their vote concerning their own interests.

6.36.9Sextius and Licinius with some of their colleagues, and Fabius one of the military tribunes, well-versed now by an experience of many years in managing the minds

6.36.10of the commons, having brought forward the leading men of the patricians, teased them by interrogating them on each of the subjects which were about to be brought before the people: would they dare to demand, that when two acres of land a head were distributed among the plebeians, they themselves should be allowed to have more than five hundred acres?

6.36.11that a single man should possess the share of nearly three hundred citizens; whilst his portion of land scarcely extended for the plebeian to a stinted habitation and a place of burial?

6.36.12Was it their wish that the commons, surrounded with usury, should surrender their persons to the stocks and to punishment, rather than pay off their debt by [discharging] the principal; and that persons should be daily led off from the forum in flocks, after being assigned to their creditors, and that the houses of the nobility should be filled with prisoners? and that wherever a patrician dwelt, there should be a private prison?

6.37.1When they had uttered these statements, exasperating and pitiable in the recital, before persons alarmed for themselves, exciting greater indignation in the hearers than was

6.37.2felt by themselves, they affirmed that there never would be any other limit to their occupying the lands, or to their butchering the commons by usury, unless the commons were to elect one consul from among the plebeians, as a guardian of their liberty.

6.37.3That the tribunes of the commons were now despised, as being an office which breaks down its own power by the privilege of protest.

6.37.4That there could be no equality of right, where the dominion was in the hands of the one party, assistance only in that of the other. Unless the authority were shared, the commons would never enjoy an equal share in, the commonwealth; nor was there any reason why any one should think it enough that plebeians were taken into account at the consular elections; unless it were made indispensable that one consul at least should be from the commons, no one would be elected.

6.37.5Or had they already forgotten, that when it had been determined that military tribunes should be elected rather than consuls, for this reason, that the highest honours should be opened to plebeians also, no one out of the commons was elected military tribune for forty-four years?

Book 6, Part 6

6.37.6How could they suppose, that they would voluntarily confer, when there are but two places, a share of the honour on the commons, who at the election of military tribunes used to monopolize the eight places? and that they would suffer a way to be opened to the consulship, who kept the tribuneship so long a time fenced up?

6.37.7That they must obtain by a law, what could not be obtained by influence at elections; and that one consulate must be set apart out of the way of contest, to which the commons may have access; since when left open to dispute it is sure ever to become the prize of the more powerful.

6.37.8Nor can that now be alleged, which they used formerly to boast of, that there were not among the plebeians qualified persons for curule magistracies. For, was the government conducted with less activity and less vigour, since the tribunate of Publius Licinius Calvus, who was the first plebeian elected to that office, than it was conducted during those years when no one but patricians was a military tribune?

6.37.9Nay, on the contrary, several patricians had been condemned after their tribuneship, no plebeian. Quaestors also, as military tribunes, began to be elected from the commons a few years before; nor had the Roman people been dissatisfied with any one of them.

6.37.10The consulate still remained for the attainment of the plebeians; that it was the bulwark, the prop of their liberty. If they should attain that, then that the Roman people would consider that kings were really expelled from the city, and their liberty firmly established.

6.37.11For from that day that every thing in which the patricians surpassed them, would flow in on the commons, power and honour, military glory, birth, nobility, valuable at present for their own enjoyment, sure to be left still more valuable to their children.

6.37.12When they saw such discourses favourably listened to, they publish a new proposition; that instead of two commissioners for performing religious rites, ten should be appointed; so that one half should be elected out of the commons, the other half from the patricians; and they deferred the meeting [for the discussion] of all those propositions, till the coming of that army which was besieging Velitrae.

6.38.1The year was completed before the legions were brought back from Velitrae. Thus the question regarding the laws was suspended and deferred for the new military tribunes; for the commons re-elected the same two plebeian tribunes, because they were the proposers of the laws.

6.38.2Titus Quinctius, Servius Cornelius, Servius Sulpicius, Spurius Servilius, Lucius Papirius, Lucius Valerius, were elected military tribunes. Immediately at the commencement of the year the question about the laws was pushed to the extreme of contention;

6.38.3and when the tribes were called, nor did the protest of their colleagues prevent the proposers of the laws, the patricians being alarmed have recourse to their two last aids, to the highest authority and the highest citizen.

6.38.4It is resolved that a dictator be appointed: Marcus Furius Camillus is appointed, who nominates Lucius Aemilius his master of the horse. To meet so powerful a measure of their opponents, the proposers of the laws also set forth the people's cause with great determination of mind, and having convened an assembly of the people, they summon the tribes to vote.

6.38.5When the dictator took his seat, accompanied by a band of patricians, full of anger and of threats, and the business was going on at first with the usual contention of the plebeian tribunes, some proposing the law and others protesting against it, and though the protest was more powerful by right, still it was Overpowered by the popularity of the laws themselves and of their proposers, and when the first tribes pronounced, Be it as you

6.38.6propose, then Camillus says, Since, Romans, tribunitian extravagance, not authority, sways you now, and ye are rendering the right of protest, acquired formerly by a secession of the commons, totally unavailing by the same violent conduct by which you acquired it, I, as dictator, will support the right of protest, not more for the interest of the whole commonwealth than for your sake; and by my authority I will defend your rights of protection, which have been overturned.

6.38.7Wherefore if Caius Licinius and Lucius Sextius give way to the protest of their colleagues, I shall not introduce a patrician magistrate into an assembly of the commons.

6.38.8If, in opposition to the right of protest, they will strive to saddle laws on the state as though captive, I will not suffer the tribunitian power to be destroyed by itself. When the plebeian tribunes still persisted in the matter with unabated energy and contemptuously, Camillus, being highly provoked, sent his lictors to disperse the commons; and added threats, that if they persisted he would bind down the younger men by the military oath, and would forthwith lead an army out of the city.

6.38.9He struck great terror into the people; by the opposition he rather inflamed than lessened the spirits of their leaders. But the matter inclining neither way, he abdicated his dictatorship, either because he had been appointed with some informality, as some have stated; or because the tribunes of the people proposed to the commons, and the commons passed it, that if Marcus Furius did any thing as dictator, he should be fined five hundred thousand asses.

6.38.10But both the disposition of the man himself, and the fact that Publius Manlius was immediately substituted as dictator for him, incline me to believe, that he was deterred rather by some defect in the auspices than by this unprecedented order.

6.38.11What could be the use of appointing him (Manlius) to manage a contest in which Camillus had been defeated? and because the following year had the same Marcus Furius dictator, who certainly would not without shame have resumed an authority which but the year before had been worsted in his hands;

6.38.12at the same time, because at the time when the motion about fining him is said to have been published, he could either resist this order, by

6.38.13which he saw himself degraded, or he could not have obstructed those others on account of which this was introduced, and throughout the whole series of disputes regarding the tribunitian and consular authority, even down to our own memory, the pre-eminence of the dictatorship was always decided.

6.39.1Between the abdication of the former dictatorship and the new one entered on by Manlius, an assembly of the commons being held by the tribunes, as if it were an interregnum, it became evident which of the laws proposed were more grateful to the commons, which to the proposers.

6.39.2For they passed the bills regarding the interest and the land, rejected the one regarding the plebeian consulate. And both decisions would have been carried into effect, had not the tribunes declared that they consulted the people on all the laws collectively.

6.39.3Publius Manlius, dictator, then inclined the advantage to the side of the people, by naming Caius Licinius from the commons, who had been military tribune, as master of the horse.

6.39.4The patricians, I understand, were much displeased at this nomination, but the dictator used to excuse himself to the senate, alleging the near relationship between him and Licinius; at the same time denying that the authority of master of the horse was higher than that of consular tribune.

6.39.5When the elections for the appointment of plebeian tribunes were declared, Licinius and Sextius so conducted themselves, that by denying that they any longer desired a continuation of the honour, they most powerfully stimulated the commons to effectuate that which they were anxious for notwithstanding their dissimulation.

6.39.6"That they were now standing the ninth year as it were in battle-array against the patricians, with the greatest danger to their private interests, without any benefit to the public.

6.39.7That the measures published, and the entire strength of the tribunitian authority, had grown old with them; the attack was made on their propositions, first by the protest of their colleagues, then by banishing their youth to the war at Velitrae; at length the dictatorial thunder was levelled against them.

6.39.8That now neither colleagues, nor war, nor dictator stood in their way; as being a man, who by nominating a plebeian as master of the horse, has even given an omen for a plebeian consul.

6.39.9That the commons retarded themselves and their interests. They could, if they liked, have the city and forum free from creditors, their lands immediately free from unjust possessors.

6.39.10Which kindnesses, when would they ever estimate them with sufficiently grateful feelings, if, whilst receiving the measures respecting their own interests, they cut away from the authors of them all hopes of distinction? That it was not becoming the modesty of the Roman people to require that they themselves be eased from usury, and be put in possession of the land unjustly occupied by the great, whilst they leave those persons through whom they attained these advantages, become old tribunitians, not only without honour, but even without the hope of honour.

6.39.11Wherefore they should first determine in their minds what choice they would make, then declare that choice at the tribunitian elections. If they wished that the measures published by them should be passed collectively, there was some reason for re-electing the same tribunes; for they would carry into effect what they published.

6.39.12But if they wished that only to be entertained which may be necessary for each in private, there was no occasion for the invidious continuation of honour; that they would neither have the tribuneship, nor the people those matters which were proposed.

6.40.1In reply to such peremptory language of the tribunes, when amazement at the insolence of their conduct and silence struck all the

6.40.2rest of the patricians motionless, Appius Claudius Crassus, the grandson of the decemvir, is said to have stepped forward to refute their arguments, [urged on] more by hatred and anger than by hope [of succeeding], and to have spoken nearly to this effect:

6.40.3"Romans, to me it would be neither new nor surprising, if I too on the present occasion were to hear that one charge, which has ever been advanced against our family by turbulent tribunes, that even from the beginning nothing in the state has been of more importance to the Claudian family than the dignity of the patricians; that they have ever resisted the interests of the commons.

6.40.4Of which charges I neither deny nor object to the one, that we, since we have been admitted into the state and the patricians, have strenuously done our utmost, that the dignity of those families, among which ye were pleased that we should be, might be truly said rather to have been increased than diminished.

6.40.5With respect to the other, in my own defence and that of my ancestors, I would venture to maintain, Romans, (unless any one may consider those things, which may be done for the general good of the state, were injurious to the commons as if inhabitants of another city,) that we, neither in our private nor in our official capacity, ever knowingly did any thing which was intended to be detrimental to the commons;

6.40.6and that no act nor word of ours can be mentioned with truth contrary to your interest (though some may have been contrary to your inclinations). Even though I were not of the Claudian family, nor descended from patrician blood, but an ordinary individual of the Roman citizens, who merely felt that I was descended from free-born parents, and that I lived in a free state, could I be silent on this matter:

6.40.7that Lucius Sextius and Caius Licinius, perpetual tribunes, forsooth, have assumed such a stock of arrogance during the nine years in which they have reigned, as to refuse to allow you the free exercise of your suffrage either at the elections or in enacting laws.

6.40.8On a certain condition, one of them says, ye shall re-elect us tribunes for the tenth time. What else is it, but saying, what others sue for, we disdain so thoroughly, that without some consideration we will not accept it?

6.40.9But in the name of goodness, what is that consideration, for which we may always have you tribunes of the commons? that ye admit collectively all our measures, whether they please or displease, are profitable or unprofitable.

6.40.10I beg you, Tarquinii, tribunes of the commons, suppose that I, an individual citizen, should call out in reply from the middle of the assembly, With your good leave be it permitted us to select out of these measures those which we deem to be beneficial to us; to reject the others.

6.40.11It will not be permitted, he says. Must you enact concerning the interest of money and the lands, that which tends to the interest of you all; and must not this prodigy take place in the city of Rome, that of seeing Lucius Sextius and this Caius Licinius consuls, a thing which you loathe and abominate? Either admit all; or I propose none.

6.40.12Just as if any one were to place poison and food together before any one who was oppressed with famine, and order him either to abstain from that which would sustain life, or to mix with it that which would cause death. Wherefore, if this state were free, would they not all in full assembly have replied to you, Begone hence with your tribuneships and your propositions? What? if you will not propose that which it is the interest of the people to accept, will there be no one who will propose it?

6.40.13If any patrician, if (what they desire to be still more invidious) any Claudius should say, Either accept all, or I propose nothing; which of you, Romans, would bear it?

6.40.14Will ye never look at facts rather than persons? but always listen with partial ears to every thing which that officer will say, and with prejudiced ears to what may be said by any of us?

6.40.15But, by Jove, their language is by no means becoming members of a republic. What! what sort is the measure, which they are indignant at its having been rejected by you? very like their language, Romans. I ask, he says, that it may not be lawful for you to elect, as consuls, such persons as ye may wish.

6.40.16Does he require any thing else, who orders that one consul at least be elected from the commons; nor does he grant you the power of electing two patricians?

6.40.17If there were wars at the present day, such as the Etrurian for instance, when Porsenna took the Janiculum, such as the Gallic war lately, when, except the Capitol and citadel, all these places were in possession of the enemy; and should Lucius Sextius stand candidate for the consulate with Marcus Furius or any other of the patricians: could ye endure that Sextius should be consul without any risk; that Camillus should run the risk of a repulse?

6.40.18Is this allowing a community of honours, that it should be lawful that two plebeians, and not lawful that two patricians, be made consuls, and that it should be necessary that one be elected from among the commons, and lawful to pass by both of the patricians? what fellowship, what confederacy is that? Is it not sufficient, if you come in for a share of that in which you had no share hitherto, unless whilst suing for a part you seize on the whole?

6.40.19I fear, he says, lest, if it be lawful that two patricians are to be elected, ye will elect no plebeian. What else is this but saying, Because ye will not of your own choice elect unworthy persons, I will impose on you the necessity of electing persons whom you do not wish?

6.40.20What follows, but that if one plebeian stand candidate with two patricians, he owes no obligation to the people, and may say that he was appointed by the law, not by suffrages?

6.41.1How they may extort, not how they may sue for honours, is what they seek: and they are anxious to attain the highest honour, so that they may not owe the obligations incurred even for the lowest; and they prefer to sue for honours rather through favourable conjunctures than by merit.

6.41.2Is there any one who can feel it an affront to have himself inspected and estimated; who thinks it reasonable that to himself alone, amidst struggling competitors, honours should be certain? who would withdraw himself from your judgment? who would make your suffrages necessary instead of voluntary; servile instead of free?

6.41.3I omit mention of Licinius and Sextius, whose years of perpetuated power ye number, as that of the kings in the Capitol; who is there this day in the state so mean, to whom the road to the consulate is not rendered easier through the advantages of that law, than to us and to our children? inasmuch as you will sometimes not be able to elect us even though you may wish it; those persons you must elect, even though you were unwilling.

6.41.4Of the insult offered to merit enough has been said (for merit appertains to human beings); what shall I say respecting religion and the auspices, which is contempt and injustice relating exclusively to the immortal gods? Who is there who does not know that this city was built by auspices, that all things are conducted by auspices during war and peace, at home and abroad?

6.41.5In whom therefore are the auspices vested according to the usage of our forefathers? In the patricians, no doubt; for no plebeian magistrate is ever elected by auspices.

6.41.6So peculiar to us are the auspices, that not only do the people elect in no other manner, save by auspices, the patrician magistrates whom they do elect, but even we ourselves, without the suffrages of the people, appoint the interrex by auspices, and in our private station we hold those auspices, which they do not hold even in office.

6.41.7What else then does he do, than abolish auspices out of the state, who, by creating plebeian consuls, takes them away from the patricians who alone can hold them? They may now mock at religion. For what else is it, if the chickens do not feed?

6.41.8if they come out too slowly from the coop? if a bird chaunt an unfavourable note? These are trifling: but by not despising these trifling matters, our ancestors have raised this state to the highest eminence. Now, as if we had no need of the favour of the gods, we violate all religious ceremonies.

6.41.9Wherefore let pontiffs, augurs, kings of the sacrifices be appointed at random. Let us place the tiara of Jupiter's flamen on any person, provided he be a man. Let us hand over the ancilia, the shrines, the gods, and the charge of the worship of the gods, to those to whom it is impious to commit them.

6.41.10Let not la s be enacted, nor magistrates elected under auspices. Let not the senate give their approbation, either to the assemblies of the centuries or of the Curiae. Let Sextius and Licinius, like Romulus and Tatius, reign in the city of Rome, because they give away as donations other persons' money and lands.

6.41.11So great is the charm of plundering the possessions of other persons: nor does it occur to you that by the one law vast wilds are produced throughout the lands by expelling the proprietors from their territories; by the other credit is destroyed, along with which all human society ceases to exist.

6.41.12For every reason, I consider that those propositions ought to be rejected by you. Whatever ye may do, I pray the gods to render it successful.

6.42.1The speech of Appius merely had this effect, that the time for passing the propositions was deferred.

6.42.2The same tribunes, Sextius and Licinius, being re-elected for the tenth time, succeeded in passing a law, that of the decemvirs for religious matters, one half should be elected from the commons. Five patricians were elected, and five out of the plebeians; and by that step the way appeared opened to the consulship.

6.42.3The commons, content with this victory, yielded to the patricians, that, all mention of consuls being omitted for the present, military tribunes should be elected. Those elected were, Aulus and Marcus Cornelius a second time, Marcus Geganius, Publius Manlius, Lucius Veturius, and Publius Valerius a six h time.

6.42.4When, except the siege of Velitrae, a matter rather of a slow than dubious result, there was no disquiet from foreign concerns among the Romans; the sudden rumour of a Gallic war being brought, influenced the state to appoint Marcus Furius dictator for the fifth time. He named Titus Quinctius Pennus master of the horse.

6.42.5Claudius asserts that a battle was fought that year with the Gauls, on the banks of the Anio; and that then the famous battle was fought on the bridge, in which Titus Manlius, engaging with a Gaul by whom he had been challenged, slew him in the sight of the two armies and despoiled him of his chain.

6.42.6But I am induced by the authority of several writers to believe that those things happened not less than ten years later; but that in this year a pitched battle was fought with the Gauls by the dictator, Marcus Furius, in the territory of Alba.

6.42.7The victory was either doubtful nor difficult to the Romans, though from the recollection of the former defeat the Gauls had diffused great terror. Many thousands of the barbarians were slain in the field, and great numbers in the storming of the camp.

6.42.8The rest dispersing, making chiefly for Apulia, saved themselves from the enemy, both by continuing their flight to a great distance, as also because panic and terror had scattered them very widely. A triumph was decreed to the dictator with the concurrence of the senate and commons.

6.42.9Scarcely had he as yet finished the war, when a more violent disturbance awaited him at home; and by great struggles the dictator and the senate were overpowered, so that the measures of the tribunes were admitted; and the elections of the consuls were held in spite of the resistance of the nobility, at which Lucius Sextius was made consul, the first of plebeian rank.

6.42.10And not even was that an end of the contests. Because the patricians refused to give their approbation, the affair came very near a secession of the people, and other terrible threats of civil contests:

6.42.11when, however, the dissensions were accommodated on certain terms through the interference of the dictator; and concessions to the commons were made by the nobility regarding the plebeian consul; by the commons to the nobility, with respect to one praetor to be elected out of the patricians, to administer justice in the city.

6.42.12The different orders being at length restored to concord after their long-continued animosity, when the senate were of opinion that for the sake of the immortal gods they would readily do a thing deserving, and that justly, if ever on any occasion before, that the most magnificent games should be performed, and that one day should be added to the three;

6.42.13the plebeian aediles refusing the office, the young patricians cried out with one accord, that they, for the purpose of paying honour to the immortal gods, would readily undertake the task, so that they were appointed aediles.

6.42.14And when thanks were returned to them by all, a decree of the senate passed, that the dictator should ask of the people two persons as aediles from among the patricians; that the senate should give their approbation to all the elections of that year.

Book 7, Part 1

7Two magistrates were added, the praetorship and curule aedileship. A pestilence rages in the city, which carries off the celebrated Furius Camillus. Scenic representations first introduced. Curtius leaps on horseback completely armed into a gulf in the forum. Titus Manlius, having slain a Gaul in single combat, who challenged any of the Roman soldiers, takes from him a golden chain, and hence gets the name of Torquatus. Two new tribes are added, called the Pomptine and Publilian. Licinius Stolo is condemned on a law which he himself had carried, for possessing more than five hundred acres of land. Marcus Valerius, surnamed Corvinus, from having with the aid of a crow killed a Gaul, who challenged him, is on the following year elected consul, though but twenty-three years old. A treaty of friendship made with the Carthaginians. The Campanians, overpowered by the Samnites, surrender themselves to the Roman people, who declare war against the Samnites. P. Decius Mus saves the Roman army, when brought into very great danger by the consul A. Cornelius. Conspiracy and revolt of the Roman soldiers in the garrison of Capua. They are brought to a sense of duty, and restored to their country, by Marcus Valerius Corvus, dictator. Successful operations against the Hernicians, Gauls, Tiburtians, Privernians, Tarquinians, Samnites, and Volscians.

7.1.1THIS year will be remarkable for the consulship of a man of mean birth, remarkable for two new magistracies, the praetorship and curule aedileship. These honours the patricians claimed to themselves, in consideration of one consulship having been conceded to the plebeians.

7.1.2The commons gave the consulship to Lucius Sextius, by whose law it had been obtained. The patricians by their popular influence obtained the praetorship for Spurius Furius Camillus, the son of Marcus, the aedileship for Cneius Quinctius Capitolinus and Publius Cornelius Scipio, men of their own rank. To Lucius Sextius, the patrician colleague assigned was Lucius Aemilius Mamercinus.

7.1.3In the beginning of the year mention was made both of the Gauls, who, after having strayed about through Apulia, it was now rumoured were forming into a body; and also concerning a revolt of the Hernicians.

7.1.4When all business was purposely deferred, so that nothing should be transacted through means of the plebeian consul, silence was observed on all matters, and a state of inaction like to a justitium;

7.1.5except that, the tribunes not suffering it to pass unnoticed that the nobility had arrogated to themselves three patrician magistracies as a compensation for one plebeian consul, sitting in curule chairs, clad in the praetexta like consuls;

7.1.6the praetor, too, administering justice, and as if colleague to the consuls, and elected under the same auspices, the senate were in consequence made ashamed to order the curule aediles to be elected from among the patricians. It was at first agreed, that they should be elected from the commons every second year: afterwards the matter was left open.

7.1.7Then, in the consulate of Lucius Genucius and Quintus Servilius, affairs being tranquil both at home and abroad, that they might at no period be exempt from fear and danger, a great pestilence arose.

7.1.8They say that a praetor, a curule aedile, and three plebeian tribunes died of it, and that several other deaths took place in proportion among the populace; and that pestilence was made memorable chiefly by the death of Marcus Furius, which, though occurring at an advanced age, was still much lamented.

7.1.9For he was a truly extraordinary man under every change of fortune; the first man in the state in peace and war, before he went into exile; still more illustrious in exile, whether by the regret felt for him by the state, which, when in captivity, implored his aid when absent; or by the success with which, when restored to his country, he restored that country along with himself.

7.1.10For five and twenty years afterwards (for so many years afterwards did he live) he uniformly preserved his claims to such great glory, and was deemed deserving of their considering him, next after Romulus, a second founder of the city of Rome.

7.2.1The pestilence continued both for this and the following year, Caius Sulpicius Peticus and Caius Licinius Stolo being consuls.

7.2.2During that year nothing worth recording took place, except that for the purpose of imploring the favour of the gods, there was a Lectisternium, the third time since the building of the city.

7.2.3And when the violence of the disease was alleviated neither by human measures nor by divine interference, their minds being broken down by superstition, among other means of appeasing the wrath of heaven, scenic plays also are said to have been instituted, a new thing to a warlike people (for hitherto there had been only the shows of the circus). But the matter was trivial, (as all beginnings generally are,) and even that itself from a foreign source.

7.2.4Without any poetry, or gesticulating in imitation of such poetry, actors were sent for from Etruria, dancing to the measures of a musician, and exhibited, according to the Tuscan fashion, movements by no means ungraceful.

7.2.5The young men afterwards began to imitate these, throwing out at the same time among each other jocular expressions in uncouth verses; nor were their gestures irrelevant to their language.

7.2.6Wherefore the matter was received with approbation, and by frequent use was much improved. To the native performers the name of histriones was given, because hister, in the Tuscan vocabulary, was the name of an actor,

7.2.7who did not, as formerly, throw out alternately artless and unpolished verses like the Fescennine at random, but represented medleys complete with metre, the music being regularly adjusted for the musician, and with appropriate gesticulation.

7.2.8Livius, who several years after, giving up medleys, was the first who ventured to digest a story with a regular plot, (the same being, forsooth, as all were at that time, the actor of his own pieces,) after having broken his

7.2.9voice from having been too repeatedly called on, and after having sought permission, is said to have placed a boy before the musician to chaunt, and to have performed the gesticulations with considerably freer movement, because the employment of his voice was no impediment to him.

7.2.10Thence commenced the practice of chaunting to the actors according to their manual gesticulations, and the dialogues only were left to their voice.

7.2.11When by this arrangement the business of the scenic performances was called away from laughter and intemperate mirth, and the amusement became gradually converted into an art, the young men, leaving to regular actors the performance of plays, began themselves, according to the ancient usage, to throw out ludicrous jests comprised in verses, which from that time were called exodia, and were collected chiefly from the Atellan farces.

7.2.12Which kind of amusement, received from the Osci, the young kept to themselves, nor did they suffer it to be debased by regular players. Hence it remains an established usage that the actors of the Atellan farces are neither degraded from their tribe, and may serve in the army, as if having no connexion with the profession of the stage.

7.2.13Among the trifling beginnings of other matters, it seemed to me that the first origin of plays also should be noticed; that it might appear how from a moderate commencement it has reached its present extravagance, scarcely to be supported by opulent kingdoms.

7.3.1However, the first introduction of plays, intended as a religious expiation, neither relieved their minds from religious awe, nor their bodies from disease.

7.3.2Nay more, when the circus being inundated by the overflowing of the Tiber happened to interrupt the middle of the performance, that indeed, as if the gods were now turned from them, and despised their efforts to soothe their wrath, excited great terror.

7.3.3Accordingly, Cneius Genucius and Lucius Aemilius Mamercinus being a second time consuls, when the searching for expiations harassed their minds, more than the diseases did their bodies, it is said to have been collected from the memory of the more aged, that a pestilence had formerly been relieved, on the nail being driven by a dictator.

7.3.4Induced by this superstitious circumstance, the senate ordered a dictator to be appointed for the purpose of driving the nail. Lucius Manlius Imperiosus being appointed, named Lucius Pinarius master of the horse.

7.3.5There is an ancient law written in antique letters and words, that whoever is supreme officer should drive a nail on the ides of September. It was driven into the right side of the temple of Jupiter supremely good and great, on that part where the temple of Minerva is.

7.3.6They say that the nail was a mark of the number of years elapsed, because letters were rare in those times, and that the law was referred to the temple of Minerva, because number is the invention of that goddess.

7.3.7Cincius, a careful writer on such monuments, asserts that there were seen at Volsinii also nails fixed in the temple of Nortia, a Tuscan goddess, as indices of the number of years.

7.3.8Marcus Horatius, being consul, according to law dedicated the temple of Jupiter the best and greatest the year after the expulsion of kings; the solemnity of fixing the nail was afterwards transferred from the consuls to the dictators, because theirs was a superior office. The custom being afterwards dropped, it seemed a matter of sufficient importance in itself, on account of which a dictator should be appointed.

7.3.9For which reason Lucius Manlius being appoint- ed, just as if he had been appointed for the purpose of managing the business of the state in general, and not to acquit it of a religious obligation, being ambitious to manage the Hernician war, harassed the youth by a severe levy, and at length, all the plebeian tribunes having risen up against him, whether overcome by force or shame, he resigned the dictatorship.

7.4.1Notwithstanding this, in the commencement of the ensuing year, Quintus Servilius Ahala, Lucius Genucius being consuls, a day of trial is appointed for Manlius, by Marcus Pomponius, tribune of the commons.

7.4.2His severity in the levies, carried not only to the fining of the citizens, but even to the laceration of their bodies, those who had not answered to their names being some beaten with rods, others thrown into prison, was hateful;

7.4.3and more hateful than all was his violent temper, and the surname of Imperiosus, offensive to a free state, adopted by him from an ostentation of severity, which he exercised not more against strangers than his nearest friends, and even those of his own blood.

7.4.4And among other things, the tribune alleged as a charge against him that he had banished his son, a youth convicted of no improper conduct, from the city, home, household gods, forum, light, from the society of his equals, and consigned him in a manner to a prison or workhouse;

7.4.5where a youth of dictatorian rank, born of a very high family, should learn by his daily suffering that he was descended of a truly imperious father. And for what offence?

7.4.6because he was not eloquent, nor ready in discourse. Which defect of nature, whether ought it to be treated with leniency if there were a particle of humanity in him, or ought it to be punished, and rendered more remarkable by harsh treatment? The dumb beasts even, if any of their offspring happen to be badly formed, are not the less careful in nourishing and cherishing them.

7.4.7But Lucius Manlius aggravated the misfortune of his son by severity, and further clogged the slowness of his intellects; and if there were in him even the least spark of natural ability he extinguished it by a rustic life and a clownish education, and keeping him among cattle.

7.5.1By these charges the minds of all were exasperated against him more than that of the young man himself:

7.5.2nay, on the contrary, being grieved that he was even the cause of public odium and accusations to his father, that all the gods and men might know that he would rather afford aid to his father than to his enemies, he forms the design, characteristic of a rude and rustic mind no doubt, and though of a precedent not conformable to the rules of civil life, yet commendable for its filial piety.

7.5.3Having furnished himself with a knife, without the knowledge of any one he proceeds early in the morning into the city, and from the gate straightway to the house of Marcus Pomponius the tribune: he tells the porter, that he wanted to see his master immediately, and bid him to announce that he was Titus Manlius, son of Lucius.

7.5.4Being introduced immediately, (for he had hopes that the youth, incensed against his father, brought either some new charge, or some advice to accomplish the project,) after mutual greeting, he says that there were some matters which he wished to transact with him in private.

7.5.5Then, all persons being ordered to withdraw to a distance, he draws his dagger; and standing over the couch with his dagger ready to strike, he threatens that he would immediately stab him, unless he would swear in the words which he would dictate, that he never would hold a meeting of the commons for the purpose of prosecuting his father.

7.5.6The tribune alarmed, (for he saw the steel glittering before his eyes, himself alone and unarmed; the other a young man, and very powerful, and what was no less terrifying, savagely ferocious in his bodily strength,) swears in the terms in which he was obliged; and afterwards acknowledged that forced by this proceeding he gave up his undertaking.

7.5.7Nor though the commons would have preferred that an opportunity was afforded them of passing sentence on so cruel and tyrannical a culprit, they were not much displeased that the son had dared to act so in behalf of his father; and that was the more commendable in this, that such great severity on the part of the father had not weaned his mind from his filial affection.

7.5.8Wherefore the pleading of his cause was not only dispensed with for the father, but the matter even became a source of honour to the young man;

7.5.9and when it had been determined on that year for the first time that tribunes of the soldiers for the legions should be appointed by suffrage, (for before that the commanders themselves used to appoint them, as they now do those whom they call Rufuli,) he obtained the second place among six, without any merit of a civil or military nature to conciliate public favour; as he had spent his youth in the country and at a distance from all intercourse with the world.

7.6.1On the same year the middle of the forum is said to have fallen in to an immense depth, forming a sort of vast cave, either by reason of an earthquake, or some other violent cause;

7.6.2nor could that gulf be filled up by throwing earth into it, every one exerting himself to the utmost, until by the admonition of the gods an inquiry began to be instituted, as to what constituted the chief strength of the Roman people?

7.6.3for the soothsayers declare that must be devoted to that place, if they desired the Roman state to be perpetual. Then they tell us that Marcus Curtius, a youth distinguished in war, reproved them for hesitating, whether there was any greater Roman good than arms and valour.

7.6.4Silence being made, looking to the temples of the immortal gods, which command a view of the forum, and towards the Capitol, and extending his hands at one time towards heaven, at another towards the infernal gods, through the gaping aperture of the earth, he devoted himself:

7.6.5then, mounted on a horse accoutred in the most gorgeous style possible, he plunged in full armour into the opening, and offerings and the fruits of the earth were thrown in over him by the multitude of men and women, and the lake was called Curtian not from Curtius Mettus, the ancient soldier of Titus Tatius, but from this circumstance.

7.6.6If any way would lead one's inquiry to the truth, industry would not be wanting: now, when length of time precludes all certainty of evidence, we must stand by the rumour of tradition; and the name of the lake must be accounted for from this more recent story.

7.6.7After due attention being paid to so great a prodigy, the senate, during the same year, being consulted regarding the Hernicians, (after having sent heralds to demand restitution in vain,) voted, that a motion be submitted on the earliest day to the people on the subject of declaring war against the Hernicians, and the people, in full assembly, ordered it.

7.6.8That province fell by lot to the consul Lucius Genucius. The state was in anxious suspense, because he was the first plebeian consul that was about to conduct a war under his own auspices, being sure to judge of the good or bad policy of establishing a community of honours, according as the matter should turn out.

7.6.9Chance so arranged it, that Genucius, marching against the enemy with a considerable force, fell into an ambush; the legions being routed by reason of a sudden panic, the consul was slain after being surrounded by persons who knew not whom they had slain.

7.6.10When this news was brought to Rome, the patricians, by no means so grieved for the public disaster, as elated at the unsuccessful guidance of the plebeian consul, every where exclaim, They might now go, and elect consuls from the commons, they might transfer the auspices where it was impious to do so.

7.6.11The patricians might by a vote of the people be driven from their own exclusive honour: whether had this inauspicious law availed also against the immortal gods? They had vindicated their authority, their auspices; which as soon as ever they were defiled by one by whom it was contrary to human and divine law that they should have been, the destruction of the army with its leader was a warning, that elections should hereafter be conducted in utter violation of the rights of birth.

7.6.12The senate-house and the forum resound with expressions such as these. Appius Claudius, because he had dissuaded the law, and now with greater authority blamed the issue of a measure which had been found fault with by himself, the consul Servilius appoints dictator by the general wish of the patricians, and a levy and cessation of business are procaimed.

7.7.1Before the dictator and the new legions could arrive among the Hernicians, matters were conducted with great success under the direction of Caius Sulpicius the lieutenant-general, making use of a favourable opportunity.

7.7.2On the Hernicians, who after the death of the consul came up contemptuously to the Roman camp with the certainty of taking it, a sally was made by the exhortations of the consul, the minds of the soldiers also being full of rage and indignation. The Hernicians were much disappointed in their hopes of approaching the rampart; in such complete confusion did they retire from thence.

7.7.3Then on the arrival of the dictator the new army is joined to the old, the forces are doubled; and the dictator in a public assembly, by bestowing praises on the lieutenant-general and the soldiers by whose valour the camp had been defended, at the same time raises the spirits of those who heard their own deserved praises, and at the same time stimulates the others to rival such valour.

7.7.4With no less vigour are the military preparations made on the part of the enemy, who, mindful of the honour previously acquired, and not ignorant that the enemy had increased their strength, augment their forces also. The entire Hernician race, all of military age, are called out. Eight cohorts, each consisting of four hundred men, the chosen strength of their people, are levied.

7.7.5This, the select flower of their youth, they filled with hope and courage by their having decreed that they should receive double pay. They were exempt also from military work, that, being reserved for the single labour of fighting, they might feel that they should make exertions more than are made by ordinary men.

7.7.6They are placed in an extraordinary position in the field, that their valour might be the more conspicuous. A plain two miles in breadth separated the Roman camp from the Hernicians; in the middle of this, the spaces being about equal on both sides, they came to an engagement.

7.7.7At first the fight was kept up with doubtful hope; the Roman cavalry having repeatedly essayed to no purpose to break the enemy's line by their charge.

7.7.8When their fighting as cavalry was less marked by success than by great efforts, the cavalry, having first consulted the dictator, and then obtained his permission, leaving their horse behind, rush forward in front of the line, with a loud shout, and recommence the battle after a new style;

7.7.9nor could they be resisted, had not the extraordinary cohorts, possessing equal vigour both of body and spirit, thrown themselves in their way.

7.8.1Then the contest is carried on between the leading men of the two states. Whatever the common fortune of war carried off from either side, the loss was many times greater than can be estimated by the numbers: the rest, an armed populace, as if they had delegated the fight to the leading men, rest the issue of their own success on the bravery of others.

7.8.2Many fall on both sides; more are wounded. At length the horsemen, chiding each other, asking, what now remained, if neither when mounted they had made an impression on the enemy, nor as infantry did they achieve any thing of moment; what third mode of fighting did they wait for?

7.8.3Why had they so fiercely rushed forward before the line, and fought in a post not belonging to them? Aroused by these mutual chidings, they raise the shout anew, and press forward; and first they made the enemy shrink, then made them give way, and at length fairly made them turn their backs.

7.8.4Nor is it easy to say what circumstance obtained the advantage against strength so well matched; except that the constant fortune of both people might have raised or depressed their spirits.

7.8.5The Romans pursued the Hernicians in their flight to their camp; they refrained from attacking the camp, because it was late. The fact of not having finished the sacrifices with success detained the dictator, so that he could not give the signal before noon, and hence the contest was protracted till night.

7.8.6Next day the camp of the Hernicians was deserted, and some wounded men were found left behind, and the main body of the fugitives was routed by the Signians, as their standards were seen passing by their walls but thinly attended, and dispersed over the country in precipitate flight.

7.8.7Nor was the victory an unbloody one to the Romans; a fourth part of the soldiers perished; and, where there was no less of loss, several Roman horsemen fell.

7.9.1On the following year, when the consuls Caius Sulpicius and Caius Licinius Calvus led an army against the Hernicians, and finding no enemy in the country took their city Ferentinum by storm, as they were returning thence, the Tiburtians shut their gates against them.

7.9.2Though many complaints had been made on both sides before this, this was the determining cause why war was declared against the Tiburtian people, restitution having been demanded through heralds.

7.9.3It is sufficiently ascertained that Titus Quinctius Pennus was dictator that year, and that Servius Cornelius Maluginensis was his master of the horse. Macer Licinius writes, that he was named by the consul for the purpose

7.9.4of holding the elections, because his colleague hastening to have the elections over before undertaking the war, that he might continue the consulship, he thought it right to thwart his ambitious designs. This being designed as a compliment to his own family, renders the authority of Licinius of the less weight.

7.9.5As I find no mention of that circumstance in the more ancient annals, my mind inclines me to consider that the dictator was appointed on account of the Gallic war.

Book 7, Part 2

7.9.6On that year, certainly, the Gauls pitched their camp at the third stone on the Salarian road, at the further side of the bridge of the Anio. The dictator, after he had proclaimed a cessation of civil business on account of the Gallic tumult, bound all the younger citizens by the military oath; and having set forth from the city with a great army, pitched his camp on the hither bark of the Anio..

7.9.7The bridge lay between both armies, neither side attempting to break it down, lest it should be an indication of fear. There were frequent skirmishes for the possession of the bridge; nor could it be clearly determined who were masters of it, the superiority being so indecisive.

7.9.8A Gaul of very large stature advanced on the bridge, then unoccupied, and says with as loud a voice as he could exert, Let the bravest man that Rome now possesses come forward here to battle, that the event of an engagement between us both may show which nation is superior in war.

7.10.1There was for a long time silence among the young Roman nobility, as they were both ashamed to decline the contest, and unwilling to claim the principal post of danger.

7.10.2Then Titus Manlius, son of Lucius, the same who had freed his father from the vexatious persecution of the tribune, proceeds from his station to the dictator: Without your commands, general, I would never fight out of the ordinary course, not though I should see certain victory before me.

7.10.3If you permit me, I wish to show that brute, who insolently makes such a parade before the enemy's line, that I am sprung from that family which dislodged a body of Gauls from the Tarpeian rock. Then the dictator says, Titus Manlius, may you prosper for your valour and dutiful affection to your father and your country.

7.10.4Go on, and make good the invincibility of the Roman name with the aid of the gods. His companions then arm the youth; he takes a footman's shield, girds himself with a Spanish sword, fit for a close fight.

7.10.5When armed and equipped, they lead him out against the Gaul, who exhibited stolid exultation, and (for the ancients thought that also worthy of mention) thrust out his tongue in derision.

7.10.6They then retire to their station; and the two being armed, are left in the middle space, lore after the manner of a spectacle, than according to the law of combat, by no means well matched, according to those who judged by sight and appearance.

7.10.7The one had a body enormous in size, glittering in a vest of various colours, and in armour painted and inlaid with gold; the other had a middle stature, as is seen among soldiers, and a mien unostentatious, in arms fit for ready use rather than adapted for show. He had no song, no capering, nor idle flourishing of arms, but his breast, teeming with courage and silent rage, had reserved all its ferocity for the decision of the contest.

7.10.8When they took their stand between the two armies, the minds of so many individuals around them suspended between hope and

7.10.9fear, the Gaul, like a huge mass threatening to fall on that which was beneath it, stretching forward his shield with his left hand, discharged an ineffectual cut of his sword with a great noise on the armour of his foe as he advanced towards him.

7.10.10The Roman, raising the point of his sword, after he had pushed aside the lower part of the enemy's shield with his own, and closing on him so as to be exempt from the danger of a wound, insinuated himself with his entire body between the body and arms of the foe, with one and immediately with another thrust pierced his belly and groin, and stretched his enemy now prostrate over a vast extent of ground.

7.10.11Without offering the body of the prostrate foe any other indignity, he despoiled it of one chain; which, though smeared with blood, he threw around his neck.

7.10.12Dismay with astonishment now held the Gauls motionless. The Romans, elated with joy, advancing from their post to meet their champion, with congratulations and praises conduct him to the dictator.

7.10.13Among them uttering some uncouth jests in military fashion somewhat resembling verses, the name of Torquatus was heard: this name, being kept up, became afterwards an honour to the descendants even of the family.

7.10.14The dictator added a present of a golden crown, and before a public assembly extolled that action with the highest praises.

7.11.1And, indeed, of so great moment was the contest with respect to the issue of the war in general, that on the night following the army of the Gauls, having abandoned their camp in confusion, passed over into the territory of Tibur, and from thence soon after into Campania, having concluded an alliance for the purpose of war, and being abundantly supplied with provision by the Tiburtians.

7.11.2That was the reason why, on the next year, Caius Paetelius Balbus, consul, though the province of the Hernicians had fallen to the lot of his colleague, Marcus Fabius Ambustus, led an army, by order of the people, against the Tiburtians.

7.11.3To whose assistance when the Gauls came back from Campania, dreadful devastations were com- mitted in the Lavican, Tusculan, and Alban territories.

7.11.4And though the state was satisfied with a consul as leader against the Tiburtian enemy, the alarm created by the Gauls rendered it necessary that a dictator should be appointed. Quintus Servilius Ahala having been appointed, named Titus Quinctius master of the horse; and with the sanction of the senate, vowed the great games, should that war turn out successfully.

7.11.5The dictator then, having ordered the consular army to remain to confine the Tiburtians to their own war, bound all the younger citizens by the military oath, none declining the service.

7.11.6A battle was fought not far from the Colline gate with the strength of the entire city, in the sight of their parents, wives, and children: which being great incitements to courage, even when these relatives are absent, being now placed before their eyes, fired the soldiers at once with feelings of shame and compassion.

7.11.7Great havoc being made on both sides, the Gallic army is at length worsted. In their flight they make for Tibur, as being the main stay of the war; and being intercepted whilst straggling by the consul Paetelius not far from Tibur, and the Tiburtians having come out to bring them aid, they are with the latter driven within the gates.

7.11.8Matters were managed with distinguished success both by the dictator and the consul. And the other consul, Fabius, at first in slight skirmishes, and at length in one single battle, defeated the Hernicians, when they attacked him with all their forces.

7.11.9The dictator, after passing the highest encomiums on the consuls in the senate and before the people, and yielding up the honour of his own exploits to them, resigned his dictatorship. Paetelius enjoyed a double triumph, over the Gauls and the Tiburtians. Fabius was satisfied with entering the city in ovation.

7.11.10The Tiburtians derided the triumph of Paetelius; for where, they said, had he encountered them in the field? that a few of their people having gone outside the gates to witness the flight and confusion of the Gauls, on seeing an attack made on themselves, and that those who came in the way were slaughtered without distinction, had retired within the city.

7.11.11Did that seem to the Romans worthy of a triumph? They should not consider it an extraordinary and wondrous feat to raise a tumult at the enemy's gates, as they should soon see greater confusion before their own walls.

7.12.1Accordingly in the year following, Marcus Popilius Laenas and Cneius Manlius being consuls, during the first silence of the night having set out from Tibur with an army prepared for action, they came to the city of Rome.

7.12.2The suddenness of the thing, and the panic occurring at night, occasioned some terror among them on being suddenly aroused from sleep; further, the ignorance of many as to who the enemy were or whence they had come.

7.12.3However they quickly ran to arms, and guards were posted at the gates, and the walls were secured with troops; and when daylight showed but an inconsiderable force before the walls, and that the enemy were none other than the Tiburtines, the consuls, having gone forth from the two gates, attack on either side the army of these now advancing up to the walls;

7.12.4and it became obvious that they had come relying rather on the opportunity than on their valour, for they hardly sustained the first charge of the Romans.

7.12.5Nay more, it was evident that their coming proved an advantage to the Romans, and that a disturbance just arising between the patricians and commons was checked by the dread of a war so near them.

7.12.6In the next war there was another irruption of the enemy, more terrible to the country than to the city. The Tarquinians overran the Roman frontiers, committing depredations on that side more especially where they are contiguous to Etruria; and restitution being demanded in vain, the new consuls, Cneius Fabius and Caius Plautius, proclaimed war on them by order of the people; and that province fell to the lot of Fabius, the Hernicians to Plautius.

7.12.7A rumour of a Gallic war also was gaining ground.

7.12.8But amid their many terrors, they had some consolation from a peace granted to the Latins at their own request, as also from a considerable reinforcement of soldiers received from them in conformity with an old treaty, which they had for several years ceased to observe.

7.12.9When the Roman cause was supported by this aid, the tidings that the Gauls had come to Praeneste and were encamped near to Pedum, were less heeded. It was determined that Caius Sulpicius should be appointed dictator. Caius Plautius the consul, being sent for for the purpose, nominated him; Marcus Valerius was assigned as master of the horse to the dictator.

7.12.10These having selected the best of the soldiers out of the two consular armies, led them against the Gauls. This war was more tedious than was satisfactory to either party.

7.12.11When at first the Gauls only were desirous of fighting, afterwards the Roman soldiers considerably surpassed the ferocity of the Gauls in their ardour for arms and battle; it by no means met the approbation of the dictator when no urgent necessity existed to run any hazard against an enemy, whose strength time and inconvenient situation would daily impair, in total inactivity, without provisions previously laid up or any fortified situation; besides, being persons of such minds and bodies, that all their force lay in brisk exertion, whilst the same flagged by short delay.

7.12.12On these considerations the dictator protracted the war, and denounced a severe penalty against any one who should fight against the enemy without orders. The soldiers, being much dissatisfied with this, first censured the dictator, in their conversation, when on guard and on the watches; sometimes they found fault with the patricians in general, for not having commanded the war to be conducted by the consuls.

7.12.13That an excellent general, an extraordinary commander, had been selected, who thinks that whilst he does nothing victory will fly down from heaven into his lap. Afterwards they gave expression to these same sentiments openly during the day, and to others still more outrageous; that they would either fight without the general's orders, or would proceed in a body to Rome.

7.12.14The centurions, too, began to mix with the soldiers; and they murmured not only in their own quarters, but now their observations began to be confounded together at head-quarters and at the general's tent, and the crowd increased to the magnitude of an assembly, and they now shouted from all quarters that they should go forthwith to the dictator; that Sextus Tullius should speak in behalf of the army, so as became his courage.

7.13.1Tullius was now for the seventh time first centurion of a legion, nor was there in the army, at least among those who served in the infantry, a man more distinguished by his conduct.

7.13.2He, at the head of a body of the soldiers, proceeds to the tribunal, and to Sulpicius, not more surprised at the crowd than at Tullius, the leader of the crowd, a soldier most obedient to command, he says:

7.13.3Dictator, the whole army, conceiving that they have been condemned by you of cowardice, and kept without their arms by way of disgrace, has entreated me to plead their cause before you.

7.13.4In truth, if having deserted our post any where, if turning our backs to the enemy, if the disgraceful loss of our standards could be laid to our charge, I would still think it but just that we should obtain this from you, that you would suffer us to redeem our fault by our bravery, and to blot out the memory of our disgrace by newly acquired glory.

7.13.5Even the legions defeated at the Allia, when they afterwards set out from Veii, recovered by their valour the same country which they had lost through a panic. We, by the bounty of the gods, your good fortune, and that of the Roman people, have both our cause and our glory uninjured.

7.13.6Though of glory I would scarcely venture to say any thing; since both the enemy scoff at us with every kind of insult, as women hiding ourselves behind a rampart; and you, our general, what we grieve at still more, judge your army to be without spirit, without arms, without hands; and before you had made trial of us, you have so despaired of us, as to consider yourself to be the leader of a set of maimed and disabled men.

7.13.7For what else shall we believe to be the reason why you, a veteran general, most valiant in war, sit down with hands folded, as they say. But however it may be, it is fitter that you should seem to doubt of our courage than we of yours.

7.13.8If however this plan of proceeding be not your own, but a public one, if some concerted scheme of the patricians, and not the Gallic war, keeps us exiled from the city, from our homes, I beg that you consider what I may say here, as addressed not by soldiers to their general, but to the patricians by the commons, who tell you that as ye have your separate plans, so will they have theirs. Who in the name of goodness can be angry that we (consider ourselves) your soldiers, not your slaves?

7.13.9as men who have been sent to war, not into exile? as men who, if any one give the signal, and lead them out into the field, will fight as becomes men and Romans? as men who, if there be no need of arms, would spend their idle time in Rome rather than in a camp?

7.13.10Consider these observations as addressed to the patricians. As your soldiers, we entreat you, general, to afford us an opportunity of fighting. We both desire to conquer, and also to conquer with you for our leader; to confer on you the distinguished laurel, with you to enter the city in triumph; following your car with congratulations and rejoicings, to approach the temple of Jupiter supremely great and good.

7.13.11The entreaties of the multitude followed the speech of Tullius; and from every side they cried out, that he would give the signal, that he would order them to take arms.

7.14.1The dictator, though he saw that a good result was brought about by a precedent not to be approved of, yet took on himself to do what the soldiers wished, an inquires of Tullius privately, what the nature of this transaction was, or on what precedent it was done?

7.14.2Tullius earnestly entreated the dictator not to believe him forgetful of military discipline, of himself, nor of the respect due to his general; that he had not declined to put himself at the head of the excited multitude, who generally were like to their instigators, lest any other person might step forward, such an excited multitude were wont to elect.

7.14.3That for his own part he would do nothing without the orders of his general; that he also however must carefully see, that he keep the army in obedience. That minds so excited could not be put off: that they would choose for themselves time and place, if they were not granted by the general.

7.14.4While they are conversing in this way, it so happened, that as a Gaul was driving away some cattle feeding on the outside of the rampart two Roman soldiers took them from him. Stones were throw at them by the Gauls, then a shout was raised at the next Roman post, and several ran forward on both sides.

7.14.5And now matters were not far from a regular engagement, had no the contest been quickly stopped by the centurions. By this event the testimony of Tullius was certainly confirmed with the dictator; and the matter not admitting of further delay, a proclamation is issued that they were to fight on the day following.

7.14.6The dictator however, as one who went into the field relying more on the courage of his men than on their numerical strength, began to look about and consider how he might by some artifice strike terror into the enemy. With a sagacious mind he devises a new project, which many generals both of our own and of foreign countries have since adopted, some indeed in our own times.

7.14.7He orders the panniers to be taken from the mules, and two side-cloths only being left, he mounts the muleteers on them, equipped with arms partly belonging to the prisoners, and some to the sick.

7.14.8About a thousand of these being equipped, he mixes with them one hundred horsemen, and orders them to go up during the night into the mountains over the camp and to conceal themselves in the woods, and not to stir from thence, till they should receive a signal from him.

7.14.9As soon as day dawned, he himself began to extend his line along the bottom of the mountain, for the express purpose that the enemy should face the mountains.

7.14.10The measures for infusing groundless terror being now completed, which terror indeed proved almost more serviceable than real strength, the leaders of the Gauls first believed that the Romans would not come down to the plain: then when they saw them begin on a sudden to descend, they also, on their part eager for the fight, rush forward to the encounter; and the battle commenced before the signal could be given by the leaders.

7.15.1The Gauls attacked the right wing with greater fierceness, nor could they have been withstood, had not the dictator happened to be on the spot, rebuking Sextus Tullius by name, and asking him, Was it in this way he had engaged that the soldiers would fight?

7.15.2Where now were the shouts of those demanding their arms? where the threats that they would commence the fight without the orders of their general? Behold the general himself calling them with a loud voice to battle, and advancing in arms before the front of the line.

7.15.3Would any of those now follow him, who were just now to have led the way; fierce in the camp, but cowards in the field? What they heard was all true; wherefore shame applied such strong incentives, that they rushed upon the weapons of the enemy, their attention being turned away from the thought of danger.

7.15.4This onset, which was almost frantic at first, threw the enemy into disorder; then the cavalry charging them whilst thus disordered, made them turn their backs. The dictator himself, when he saw their line wavering in one direction, carries round some troops to the left wing, where he saw a crowd of the enemy collected, and gave to those who were on the mountain the signal which had been agreed on.

7.15.5When a new shout arose from that quarter also, and they seemed to make their way in an oblique direction, down the mountain to the camp of the Gauls; then through fear lest they should be cut off from it, the fight was given up, and they were carried towards the camp with precipitate speed.

7.15.6Where when Marcus Valerius, master of the horse, who, after having routed their left wing, was riding towards the enemies' entrenchment, met them, they turn their flight to the mountains and woods:

7.15.7and the greater part of them were there intercepted by the fallacious show of horsemen, and the muleteers, and of those whom panic had carried into the woods, a dreadful slaughter took place after the battle was ended.

7.15.8Nor did any one since Camillus obtain a more complete triumph over the Gauls than Caius Sulpicius. A considerable weight of gold taken from the Gallic spoils, which he enclosed in hewn stone, he consecrated in the Capitol.

7.15.9The same year the consuls also were engaged in fighting with various success. For the Hernicians were vanquished and subdued by Cneius Plautius.

7.15.10His colleague Fabius fought against the Tarquinians without caution or prudence; nor was the loss sustained in the field so much [a subject of regret] as that the Tarquinians put to death three hundred and seven Roman soldiers, their prisoners, by which barbarous mode of punishment the disgrace of the Roman people was rendered considerably more remarkable.

7.15.11To this disaster moreover was added, the laying waste of the Roman territory, which the Privernatians, and afterwards the people of Velitrae, committed by a sudden incursion. The same year two tribes, the Pomptine and Publilian, were added.

7.15.12The votive games, which Marcus Furius in his dictatorship had vowed, were performed; and a proposition was then for the first time made to the people regarding bribery at elections by Caius Paetilius, tribune of the commons, with the approbation of the senate;

7.15.13and by that bill they thought that the ambition of new men in particular, who had been accustomed to go around the markets and places of meeting, was checked.

7.16.1Not equally pleasing to the patricians on the following year was a law passed in the consulship of Caius Marcius and Cneius Manlius, by Marcus Duilius and Lucius Maenius, tribunes of the commons, regarding the interest of money at twelve per cent., and the people received and passed it with much more eagerness.

7.16.2In addition to the new wars determined on the preceding year, a new enemy arose in the Faliscians, in consequence of a double charge; both that their youth had taken up arms in conjunction with the Tarquinians, and because they had refused to restore to the demand of the Roman heralds those who had fled to Falerii, after the unsuccessful battle.

7.16.3That province fell to the lot of Cneius Manlius, Marcius led the army into the Privernatian territory, which, from the long continuance of peace, was in a flourishing condition; and he enriched the soldiers with abundance of spoil. To the great quantity of effects he added an act of munificence; for, by setting aside nothing for public use, he favoured the soldier in his endeavours to accumulate private property.

7.16.4When the Privernatians had taken their post in a well-fortified camp under their own walls, having summoned the soldiers to an assembly, he says to them, I now give to you the camp and city of the enemy for plunder, if you promise me that you will exert yourselves bravely in the field, and that you are not better prepared for plunder than for fighting.

7.16.5With loud shouts they call for the signal, and elated and buoyed up with certain confidence, they proceed to the battle. Then, in front of the line, Sextus Tullius, whom we have already mentioned, exclaims, Behold, general, says he, how your army are performing their promises to you; and laying aside his javelin, he attacks the enemy sword in hand.

7.16.6The whole van follow Tullius, and at the first onset put the enemy to flight; then pursuing them, when routed, to the town, when they were just applying the scaling ladders to the walls, they received the city on a surrender. A triumph was had over the Privernatians.

Book 7, Part 3

7.16.7Nothing worth mentioning was achieved by the other consul, except that he, by an unusual precedent, holding an assembly of the tribes in the camp at Sutrium, he passed a law regarding the twentieth part of the value of those set free by manumission. As by this law no small revenue was added to the treasury, now low, the senate gave it their sanction.

7.16.8But the tribunes of the commons, influenced not so much by the law as by the precedent, passed a law, making it a capital offence for any one in future to summon an assembly of the people at a distance from the city; for if that were allowed, there was nothing, no matter how destructive to the people, that might not be done by soldiers, who had sworn allegiance to their consul.

7.16.9The same year Caius Licinius Stolo was condemned in a fine of ten thousand asses, on his own law, by Marcus Popillius Laenas, because he possessed in conjunction with his son a thousand acres of land, and because he had attempted to evade the law by emancipating his son.

7.17.1The next two consuls, Marcus Fabius Ambustus a second time, and Marcus Popillius Laenas a second time, had two wars on their hands.

7.17.2The one with the Tiburtians was easy, which Licinius managed, who drove the enemy into their city, and laid waste their lands. The Faliscians and Tarquinians routed the other consul in the commencement of the fight.

7.17.3From these parties the utmost terror was raised, in consequence of their priests, who, by carrying before them lighted torches and the figures of serpents, and advancing with the gait of furies, disconcerted the Roman soldiers by their extraordinary appearance;

7.17.4and then indeed they ran back to their entrenchments, in all the hurry of trepidation, as if frenzied or thunderstruck; and then when the consul, and lieutenant-generals, and tribunes began to ridicule and chide them for being frightened like children at mere sights, shame suddenly changed their minds; and they rushed, as if blindfold, on those very objects from which they had fled.

7.17.5Having, therefore, dissipated the idle contrivance of the enemy having attacked those who were in arms, they drove their whole line before them, and having got possession of the camp also on that day, and obtained great booty, they returned victorious, uttering military jests, both on the stratagem of the enemy as also on their own panic.

7.17.6Then the whole Etruscan nation is aroused, and under the conduct of the Tarquinians and Faliscians, they come to Salinae. To meet this alarm, Caius Marcius Rutilus, being appointed dictator, the first plebeian who was so, named Caius Plautius, also a plebeian, master of the horse.

7.17.7This was deemed an indignity by the patricians, that the dictatorship also was now become common, and with all their exertions they prevented any thing from either being decreed or prepared for the dictator, for the prosecution of that war.

7.17.8With the more promptitude, on that account, did the people order things, as proposed by the dictator. Having set out from the city, along both sides of the Tiber, and transporting his army on rafts

7.17.9whithersoever his intelligence of the enemy led him, he surprised many of them straggling about in scattered parties, laying waste the lands. Moreover, he suddenly attacked their camp and took it; and eight thousand of the enemy being made.

7.17.10prisoners, all the rest being either slain or driven out of the Roman territory, he triumphed by order of the people, without the sanction of the senate.

7.17.11Because they neither wished that the consular elections should be held by a plebeian dictator or consul, and the other consul, Fabius, was detained by the war, matters came to an interregnum. There were then interreges in succession, Quintus Servilius Ahala, Marcus Fabius, Cneius Manlius, Caius Fabius, Caius Sulpicius, Lucius Aemilius, Quintus Servilius, Marcus Fabius Ambustas.

7.17.12In the second interregnum a dispute arose, because two patrician consuls were elected: and the tribunes protesting, Fabius the interrex said, that it was a law in the twelve tables, that whatever the people ordered last should be law and in force; that the suffrages of the people were their orders.

7.17.13When the tribunes by their protest had been able to effect nothing else than to put off the elections, two patricians were chosen consuls, Caius Sulpicius Peticus a third time, Marcus Valerius Publicola; and on the same day they entered into office.

7.18.1On the four hundredth year after the building of the city of Rome, and the thirty-fifth after its recovery from the Gauls, the consulship being taken away from the commons after eleven years, consuls, both patricians, entered into office after the interregnum, Caius Sulpicius Peticus a third time, and Marcus Valerius Publicola.

7.18.2During this year Empulum was taken from the Tiburtians with a struggle not worth mentioning; whether the war was waged there under the auspices of the two consuls, as some have stated; or whether the lands of the Tarquinians were laid waste by the consul Sulpicius about the same time that Valerius led the troops against the Tiburtians.

7.18.3The consuls had a more arduous contest at home with the commons and tribunes. As two patricians had received the consulship, they considered that not only their resolution, but their honour also, was involved in their consigning it to two patricians.

7.18.4For if the consulship were made a plebeian magistracy, they must either yield it up entirely, or possess it entire, which possession they had received from their fathers unimpaired.

7.18.5The commons on the other hand loudly remonstrate; Why did they live; why were they reckoned in the number of citizens; if they collectively cannot maintain that which was acquired by the firmness of two men, Lucius Sextius and Caius Licinius?

7.18.6That either kings, or decemvirs, or, if there be any denomination of power more offensive, would be submitted to rather than see both the consuls patricians, or rather than not obey and rule in turn;

7.18.7but the one half, located in perpetual power, thinks the commons born for no other purpose than to be subservient. The tribunes are not remiss in encouraging the disturbances; but amid the excited state of all scarcely any are distinguished as leaders.

7.18.8When they had several times gone down to the Campus Martius to no purpose, and when many days of meeting had been spent in seditious movements;

7.18.9at length the resentment of the commons, overcome by the perseverance of the consuls, broke out to such a degree, that the commons followed in sorrow the tribunes, exclaiming, that there was an end of liberty; that not only the Campus should be relinquished, but the city also as being held captive and oppressed by the tyranny of the patricians.

7.18.10The consuls, deserted by a part of the people, finish the election nevertheless with the small number [who attended]. Both the consuls elected were patricians, Marcus Fabius Ambustus a third time, Titus Quinctius. In some annals I find Marcus Popilius mentioned as consul instead of Titus Quinctius.

7.19.1Two wars were conducted with success on that year: and they forced the Tiburtians by force of arms to a surrender. The city of Sassula was taken from them; and the other towns would have shared the same fate, had not the entire nation laid down their arms, and put themselves under the protection of the consul.

7.19.2A triumph was obtained by him over the Tiburtians: in other respects the victory was a mild one. Rigorous severity was practised against the Tarquinians. A great many being slaughtered in the field, out of a great number of prisoners three hundred and fifty-eight were selected, all of the highest rank, to be sent to Rome; the rest of the multitude were put to the sword.

7.19.3Nor were the people more merciful towards those who had been sent to Rome. They were all beaten with rods and beheaded in the middle of the forum. That was the punishment retaliated on the enemy for their butchering the Romans in the forum of Tarquinii.

7.19.4The successes in war induced the Samnites to seek their friendship. A courteous answer was returned to their ambassadors by the senate: they were received into an alliance by a treaty.

7.19.5The Roman commons had not the same success at home as in war. For though the burden of interest money had been relieved by fixing the rate at one to the hundred, the poor were overwhelmed by the principal alone, and submitted to confinement. On this account, the commons took little heed either of the two consuls being patricians, or the management of the elections, by reason of their private distresses. Both consulships therefore remained with the patricians.

7.19.6The consuls appointed were Caius Sulpicius Paeticus a fourth time, Marcus Valerius Publicola a second time. Whilst the state was occupied with the Etrurian war, [entered into] because a report prevailed that the people of Caere had joined the Tarquinians through compassion for them from their relationship, ambassadors from the Latins drew their attention to the Volscians, bringing tidings that an army enlisted and fully armed was now on the point of attacking their frontiers; from thence that they were to enter the Roman territory in order to commit depredations.

7.19.7The senate therefore determined that neither affair should be neglected; they ordered that troops should be raised for both purposes, and that the consuls should cast lots for the provinces.

7.19.8The greater share of their anxiety afterwards inclined to the Etrurian war; after it was ascertained, from a letter of the consul Sulpicius, to whom the province of Tarquinii had fallen, that the land around the Roman Salinae had been depopulated, and that part of the plunder had been carried away into the country of the people of Caere, and that the young men of that people were certainly among the depredators.

7.19.9The senate therefore, having recalled the consul Valerius, who was opposed to the Volscians, and who had his camp on the frontiers of Tusculum, ordered him to nominate a dictator.

7.19.10He nominated Titus Manlius, son of Lucius. He, after he had appointed Aulus Cornelius Cossus his master of the horse, content with the consular army, declared war against the Caeritians by order of the people, with the sanction of the senate.

7.20.1Then for the first time were the Caeritians seized with a real dread of war, as if there was greater power in the words of the enemy to indicate war than in their own acts, who had provoked the Romans by devastation; and they perceived how ill suited the contest was to their strength. They repented of their depredations, and cursed the Tarquinians as the instigators of the revolt.

7.20.2Nor did any one think of preparing arms and hostilities; but each strenuously urged the necessity of sending ambassadors to sue for pardon for their error.

7.20.3When their ambassadors applied to the senate, being referred by the senate to the people, they implored the gods, whose sacred utensils they had received in the Gallic war and treated with all due ceremony, that the same compassion for them might influence the Romans now in a flourishing condition, which had formerly influenced themselves when the state of the Roman people was distressed; and turning to the temple of Vesta, they invoked the bonds of hospitality subsisting [between themselves] and the flamens and vestals entered into by them with holy and religious zeal:

7.20.4Would any one believe that persons, who possessed such merits, had suddenly become enemies without cause?

7.20.5or if they had committed any act in a hostile manner, that they had, through design rather than under the influence of error from frenzy, so acted, as to cancel their former acts of kindness by recent injuries, more especially when conferred on persons so grateful, and that they would choose to themselves as enemies the Roman people, now in the most flourishing state and most successful in war, whose friendship they had cultivated when they were distressed? That they should not call it design, which should rather be called force and necessity. That the Tarquinians, passing through their territory with a hostile army, after they had asked for nothing but a passage, forced with them some of their peasants, to accompany them in that depredation, which was charged on them as a crime.

7.20.6That they were prepared to deliver them up, if it pleased them that they should be delivered up; or that they should be subjected to punishment, if [they desired] that they should be punished.

7.20.7That Caere, the sanctuary of the Roman people, the harbourer of its priests, the receptacle of the sacred utensils of Rome, they should suffer to escape, in regard to the ties of hospitality contracted with the vestals, and in regard to the religious devotion paid to their gods, intact and unstained with the charge of hostilities committed.

7.20.8The people were influenced not so much by [the merits of] the present case, as by their former deserts, so as to be unmindful rather of the injury than of the kindness. Peace was therefore granted to the people of Caere, and it was resolved that the making of a truce for one hundred years should be referred to a decree of the senate.

7.20.9Against the Faliscians, implicated in the same charge, the force of the war was turned; but the enemy was no where found. Though their territories were visited in all directions with devastation, they refrained from besieging the towns; and the legions being brought back to Rome, the remainder of the year was spent in repairing the walls and the towers, and the temple of Apollo was dedicated.

7.21.1At the close of the year a dispute between the patricians and commons suspended the consular elections, the tribunes refusing to allow the elections to be held, unless they were held conformably to the Licinian law; the dictator being determined to do away with the consulate altogether from the state, rather than to make it common to the patricians and the commons.

7.21.2Accordingly when, the elections being repeatedly adjourned, the dictator resigned his office, matters came to an interregnum. Upon this, when the interreges found the commons incensed against the fathers, the contest was carried on by various disturbances to the eleventh interrex.

7.21.3The tribunes held out as their plea, the protection of the Licinian law.

7.21.4The people had the painful sense of the increasing weight of interest nearer to their hearts; and their private troubles became predominant amid the public contests. Through the wearisome effects of which the patricians ordered Lucius Cornelius Scipio, the interrex, for peace' sake to observe the Licinian law in the election of consuls.

7.21.5To Publius Valerius Publicola, Caius Marcius Rutilus, a plebeian, was assigned as a colleague. Once their minds were disposed to concord, the new consuls, setting about to relieve the affair of the interest money also, which seemed to prevent perfect unanimity, made the payment of the debts a matter of public concern, five commissioners having been appointed, whom from their management of the money they called bankers.

7.21.6By their justice and diligence they deserved to have their names signalized by the records of every history.

7.21.7They were Caius Duilius, Publius Decius Mus, Marcus Papirius, Quintus Publilius, and Titus Aemilius; who underwent a task most difficult to be managed, and dissatisfactory in general to both parties, certainly always so to one, both with moderation in other respects, as well as at the public expense, rather than with any loss [to the

7.21.8creditors]. For the tardy debts and those which were more troublesome, rather by the inertness of the debtors than by want of means, either the treasury paid off, tables with money being placed in the forum, in such a manner that the public was first secured; or a valuation, at equitable prices, of their property freed them; so that not only without injury, but even without com- plaints on either side, an immense amount of debt was cleared off.

7.21.9After this a groundless alarm of an Etrurian war, as there was a report that the twelve states had conspired, rendered it necessary that a dictator should be appointed. Caius Julius was nominated in the camp, (for the decree of the senate was sent thither to the consuls,) to whom Lucius Aemilius was attached as master of the horse. But all things were quiet abroad.

7.22.1An attempt made at home by the dictator, to have the election of two patrician consuls, brought the government to an interregnum.

7.22.2The two interreges, Caius Sulpicius and Marcus Fabius, succeeded in that which the dictator had in vain attempted, scil. in having both the consuls elected from the patricians, the people being rather more appeased in consequence of the service done them in lightening their debts.

7.22.3The persons elected were, Caius Sulpicius Peticus himself, who first resigned the office of interrex, and Titus Quinctius Pennus. Some attach the name of Kaeso, others that of Caius to Quinctius.

7.22.4They both set out to the war, Quinctius to the Faliscian, Sulpicius to the Tarquinian; and the enemy no where meeting them in the field, they waged war more against the lands than the men, by burning and laying waste every thing, by the

7.22.5debilitating effects of which, as of a slow consumption, the pertinacity of both states was so broken, that they solicited a truce, first from the consuls, then through their permission from the senate. They obtained a truce for forty years.

7.22.6Thus the concern regarding the two wars which were hanging over them being laid aside, whilst there was some repose from arms, it was determined that a census should be instituted, because the payment of the debt had changed the owners of much property.

7.22.7But when the assembly was proclaimed for the appointment of censors, Caius Marcius Rutilus, who had been the first plebeian dictator, having declared himself a candidate for the censorship, disturbed the harmony of the different orders.

7.22.8This step he seemed to have taken at an unseasonable time; because both the consuls then happened to be patricians, who declared that they would take no account of him.

7.22.9But he both succeeded in his undertaking by his own perseverance, and the tribunes aided him by recovering a right lost in the election of the consuls; and both the worth of the man brought him to the level of the highest honour, and also the commons were anxious that the censorship also should be brought within their participation through the medium of the same person who had opened a way to the dictatorship.

7.22.10Nor was any dissent [from this feeling] evinced at the election, so that Marcius was elected censor along with Cneius Manlius. This year also had Marcus Fabius as dictator, not by reason of any terror of war, but in order that the Licinian law should not be observed at the consular elections.

7.22.11Quintus Servilius was attached to the dictator as master of the horse. Nor yet did the dictatorship render that combination of the senators more effectual at the consular elections, than it had proved at that of the censors.

7.23.1Marcus Popillius Laenas was chosen consul on the part of the commons, Lucius Cornelius Scipio on that of the patricians.

7.23.2Fortune even rendered the plebeian consul more distinguished; for when news was brought that a vast army of the Gauls had pitched their camp in the Latin territory, Scipio being attacked with a serious fit of illness, the Gallic war was intrusted out of course to Popillius.

7.23.3He having raised an army with great energy, after he had ordered the younger citizens to assemble in arms outside the Capuan gate, and the quaestors to carry the standards from the treasury to the same place, having completed four legions, he gave the surplus of the men to the praetor Publius Valerius Publicola, recommending to the senate to raise

7.23.4another army, which might be a reserve to the state against the sudden contingencies of war.

7.23.5He himself, after sufficiently preparing and arranging every thing, proceeds towards the enemy; and in order to ascertain their strength before he should hazard a decisive action, he commenced drawing an intrenchment on a hill, the nearest he could select to the camp of the Gauls.

7.23.6They being a fierce race and of an eager turn for fighting, when, on descrying the standards of the Romans at a distance, they drew out their forces, as expecting to commence the battle forthwith, when they perceived that neither the opposite army descended into the plain, and that the Romans were protected both by the height of the ground and also by the entrenchments, supposing that they were dismayed with fear, and also more exposed to attack, because they were intent on the work, they advance with a furious shout.

7.23.7On the side of the Romans neither the works were interrupted, (it was the triarii who were employed at them,) but the battle was commenced by the hastati and the principes, who stood in front of the workmen armed and prepared for the fight.

7.23.8Besides their own valour, the higher ground aided them, so that all the spears and javelins did not fall ineffectual, as when thrown on the same level, (as is generally the case,) but being steadied by their own weight they took effect;

7.23.9and the Gauls weighed down by the weapons, with which they had their bodies transfixed, or their shields rendered too cumbrous by those sticking in them.

7.23.10When they advanced almost up the steep at a run, becoming irresolute, they at first halted; then when the very delay shook the courage of the one party, and raised that of the enemy, being then pushed backwards they fell one upon the other, and produced a carnage among themselves more shocking than the carnage [caused by the enemy]. For more were crushed by the precipitate rout, than there were slain by the sword.

7.24.1Nor as yet was the victory decided in favour of the Romans;

7.24.2another difficulty still was remaining for them after they had descended into the plain; for the great numbers of the Gauls being such as to prevent all feeling of such a disaster, raised up fresh troops against the victorious enemy, as if a new army rose up once more.

7.24.3And the Romans stood still, suppressing their ardour; both because the struggle had to be undergone a second time by them wearied as they were, and the consul, having his left arm well nigh transfixed with a javelin, whilst he exposed himself incautiously in the van, had retired for a short time from the field.

7.24.4And now, by the delay, the victory was on the point of being relinquished, when the consul, having had his wound tied up, riding back to the van, cries out, Soldiers, why do you stand?

7.24.5You have not to do with a Latin or Sabine enemy, whom, when you have vanquished by your arms, from an enemy you may make an ally; against brutes we have drawn our swords. Their blood must be drawn or ours given to them. You have repulsed them from your camp, you have driven them headlong down the valley, you stand on the prostrated bodies of your foes.

7.24.6Fill the plains with the same carnage as you have filled the mountains; do not wait till they fly, you standing still;

7.24.7your standards must be advanced, you must proceed against the enemy.

Book 7, Part 4

7.24.8Roused again by these exhortations, they drive back from their ground the foremost companies of the Gauls, and by forming wedges, they break through the centre of their body. By these means, the enemy being disunited, as being now without regular command, or subordination of officers, they turn their violence against their own; and being dispersed through the plains, and carried beyond their own camp in their precipitate flight, they make for the citadel of Alba, which met their eyes as the most elevated among hills of equal altitude.

7.24.9The consul, not pursuing them beyond the camp, because the wound weakened him, and he was unwilling to expose his wearied army to hills occupied by the enemy, bestowed the entire plunder of the camp on the soldiers, and led back his army, victorious and enriched with the Gallic spoils, to Rome.

7.24.10The consul's wound occasioned a delay of the triumph, and the same cause made the senate wish for a dictator, that there might be some one who, the consuls being both sick, should hold the elections.

7.24.11Lucius Furius Camillus being nominated dictator, Publius Cornelius Scipio being attached as master of the horse, restored to the patricians their former possession of the consulship. He himself being, for that service, elected consul, had Appius Claudius Crassus named as his colleague.

7.25.1Before the new consuls entered on their office, a triumph was celebrated by Popillius over the Gauls amid the great applause of the commons; and they, in a low voice, frequently asked one another, whether any one was dissatisfied with a plebeian consul.

7.25.2At the same time they found fault with the dictator, who had obtained the consulship as a bribe for having infringed the Licinian law, more dishonourable for the private ambition [evinced] thereby than for the injury inflicted on the public, so that, when dictator, he might have himself appointed consul.

7.25.3The year was remarkable for many and various commotions. The Gauls [descending] from the Alban mountains, because they were unable to endure the severity of the winter, straggling through the plains and the parts adjoining the sea, committed devastations.

7.25.4The sea was infested by fleets of the Greeks; and the borders of the Antian shore, and the mouth of the Tiber; so that the maritime plunderers, encountering those on land, fought on one occasion an obstinate fight, and separated, the Gauls to their camp, the Greeks back to their ships, doubting whether they should consider themselves as vanquished or victors.

7.25.5Among these the greatest alarm arose at the circumstance, that assemblies of the Latin states were held at the grove of Ferentina;

7.25.6and an unequivocal answer was given to the Romans on their ordering soldiers from them, that they should cease to issue their orders to those of whose assistance they stood in need: that the Latins would take up arms in defence of their own liberty, rather than for the dominion of others.

7.25.7The senate becoming uneasy at the defection of their allies, whilst two foreign wars existed at the same time, when they perceived that those whom fidelity had not restrained, should be restrained by fear, ordered the consuls to exert to the utmost the energies of their authority in holding a levy.

7.25.8For that they should depend on an army of their countrymen, since their allies were deserting them. Ten legions are said to have been levied, consisting each of four thousand two hundred infantry and three hundred horse.

7.25.9Such a newly-raised army, if any foreign force should assail, the present power of the Roman people, which is scarcely confined within the whole world, could not easily raise now, if concentrated upon one point: so true it is, we have improved in those particulars only about which we are solicitous, riches and luxury.

7.25.10Among the other distressing events of this year, Appius Claudius, one of the consuls, dies in the midst of the preparations for the war; and the whole direction of affairs devolved on Camillus;

7.25.11over whom, the only consul, it did not appear seemly that a dictator should be appointed, either in consideration of his high character, which should not be made subordinate to the dictatorship, or on account of the auspicious omen of his surname with respect to a Gallic war.

7.25.12The consul, then, having stationed two legions to protect the city, and divided the remaining eight with the praetor Lucius Pinarius, mindful of his father's valour, selects the Gallic war for himself without any appeal to lots: the praetor he commanded to protect the sea-coast, and to drive the Greeks from the shore.

7.25.13And after he had marched down into the Pomptine territory, because he neither wished to engage on the level ground, no circumstance rendering it necessary, and he considered that the enemy were sufficiently subdued, by preventing from plunder persons whom necessity obliged to live on what was so obtained, he selected a suitable place for a fixed encampment.

7.26.1Where when they were spending the time in quiet in their quarters, a Gaul, remarkable for his size and the appearance of his arms, came forward; and striking his shield with his spear, after he had procured silence, through an interpreter he challenged any one of the Romans to contend with him with the sword.

7.26.2There was a tribune of the soldiers, a young man, Marcus Valerius, who considering himself not less worthy of that distinction than Titus Manlius, having first ascertained the consul's pleasure, advanced fully armed into the middle space.

7.26.3The human contest was rendered less remarkable by reason of the interposition of the divine power.

7.26.4For just as the Roman was commencing the encounter, a crow settled suddenly on his helmet, facing the enemy, which, as an augury sent from heaven, the tribune at first received with pleasure. Then he prayed that whatever god or goddess had sent him the auspicious bird, would willingly and kindly aid him.

7.26.5Wondrous to relate, the bird not only kept the place it had once taken, but as often as the encounter was renewed, raising itself on its wings, it attacked the face and eyes of the foe with its beak and talons, until Valerius slays him, terrified at the sight of such a prodigy, and confounded both in his vision and understanding. The crow soaring out of sight makes towards the east.

7.26.6Hitherto the advanced guards on both sides remained quiet. When the tribune began to strip the body of the slain enemy, neither the Gauls any longer confined themselves to their post, and the Romans began to run to their successful champion with still greater speed. There a scuffle taking place around the body of the prostrate Gaul, a desperate fight is stirred up.

7.26.7And now the contest is carried on not by the companies of the nearest posts, but by the legions pouring out from both sides. The soldiers exulting in the victory of the tribune, and also at such favour and attention from the gods, are commanded by Camillus to advance against the enemy: and he, pointing to the tribune distinguished by the spoils, Soldiers, said he, imitate this man; and around their fallen leader strew heaps of Gauls.

7.26.8Gods and men assisted at that fight; and the struggle was carried on against the Gauls with a fury by no means equivocal in its result, so thoroughly were both armies impressed with the respective success of the two soldiers, between whom the single combat had taken place.

7.26.9Among the first party, whose encounter had called out the others, there was a desperate encounter: the rest of the soldiery, before they came within throw of a weapon, turned their backs. At first they were dispersed through the Volscians and the Falernian territory; thence they made for Apulia and the upper sea.

7.26.10The consul, calling an assembly, after heaping praises on the tribune, bestows on him ten oxen and a golden crown.

7.26.11He himself, being commanded by the senate to take charge of the maritime war, joined his camp to that of the praetor. There because matters seemed to be delayed by the dastardly conduct of the Greeks, who did not venture into the field, with the approbation of the senate, he nominated Titus Manlius Torquatus dictator.

7.26.12The dictator, after appointing Aulus Cornelius Cossus his master of the horse, held the consular elections, and with the greatest applause of the people he returned Marcus Valerius Corvus (for that was his surname from thenceforth) as consul though absent, the rival of his own glory, then three and twenty years of age.

7.26.13As colleague to Corvus, Marcus Popillius Laenas, a plebeian, was assigned to be consul for the fourth time. Nothing memorable occurred between Camillus and the Greeks; neither the one were warriors by land, nor the Romans by sea.

7.26.14At length, when they were repelled from the shore, among other things necessary for use, water also failing, they abandoned Italy.

7.26.15To what state or what nation that fleet belonged, there is nothing certain. I would be most inclined to think that they belonged to the tyrants of Sicily; for the farther Greece, being at that time wearied by intestine war, was now in dread of the power of the Macedonians.

7.27.1The armies being disbanded, whilst there was both peace abroad, and tranquillity at home by reason of the concord of the different orders, lest matters might be too happy, a pestilence having attacked the state, compelled the senate to order the decemvirs to inspect the Sibylline books, and by their suggestion a lectisternium took place.

7.27.2The same year a colony was led to Satricum by the Antians, and the city, which the Latins had demolished, was rebuilt. And a treaty was concluded at Rome with the Carthaginian ambassadors, they having come to request friendship and an alliance.

7.27.3The same tranquillity continued at home and abroad, during the consulate of Titus Manlius Torquatus and Caius Plautius. Only the interest of money from twelve was reduced to six per cent; and the payment of the debts was adjusted into equal portions of three years, on condition that the fourth payment should be made at the present time.

7.27.4And then also, though a portion of the commons were distressed, still public credit engrossed the attention of the senate in preference to the difficulties of private individuals. Their circumstances were relieved most effectually, because a cessation was introduced of the taxes and levy.

7.27.5On the third year after Satricum was rebuilt by the Volscians, Marcus Valerius Corvus having been elected consul for the second time with Caius Poetelius, when news had been brought from Latium, that ambassadors from Antium were going round the states of the Latins to excite a war, being ordered to attack the Volscians, before greater numbers of the enemy should be assembled, proceeds to Satricum with his army ready for action.

7.27.6And when the Antians and other Volscians met him, their forces being previously prepared, in case any movement should be made on the part of Rome, no delay of engaging took place between the two parties incensed with long pent-up hate.

7.27.7The Volscians, a nation more spirited to renew hostilities than to carry on war, being defeated in the fight, make for the walls of Satricum in a precipitate flight; and their reliance in their walls not being sufficiently strong, when the city, encompassed by a continuous line of troops, was now on the point of being taken by scalade, they surrendered to the number of four thousand soldiers, besides the unarmed multitude.

7.27.8The town was demolished and burnt; only they kept the fire from the temple of Mother Matuta. The entire plunder was given up to the soldiers. The four thousand who had surrendered were considered exclusive of the spoil; these the consul when triumphing drove before his chariot in chains; afterwards by selling them he brought a great sum of money into the treasury.

7.27.9There are some who state that this body of captives consisted of slaves; and this is more probable than that persons who had surrendered were exposed to sale.

7.28.1Marcus Fabius Dorso and Servius Sulpicius Camerinus succeeded these consuls. After this the Auruncan war commenced in consequence of a sudden attempt at depredation:

7.28.2and through fear lest this act of one state might be the concerted scheme of the whole Latin nation, Lucius Furius being created dictator, as if against all Latium already in arms, nominated Cneius Manlius Capitolinus his master of the horse.

7.28.3And when, a suspension of public business being proclaimed, (a measure usually adopted during great alarms,) the levy was held without exemptions, the legions were led against the Auruncans with all possible expedition. The spirit of freebooters rather than of enemies was found there. They were vanquished therefore in the first encounter.

7.28.4However the dictator, both because they had commenced hostilities without provocation, and presented themselves to the contest without reluctance, considering that the aid of the gods should also be engaged, vowed a temple to Juno Moneta in the heat of the battle, and when he returned victorious to Rome, obliged by his vow, he resigned his dictatorship.

7.28.5The senate ordered duumvirs to be appointed to have the temple built suitably to the grandeur of the Roman people; the site destined for it was in the citadel, where the ground was on which the house of Marcus Manlius Capitolinus had stood.

7.28.6The consuls, having employed the dictator's army for the Volscian war, took Sora from the enemy, having attacked them by surprise. The temple of Moneta is dedicated the year after it had been vowed, Caius Marcius Rutilus being consul for the third time, and Titus Manlius Torquatus for the second time.

7.28.7A prodigy immediately followed the dedication, similar to the ancient one of the Alban mount. For it both rained stones, and during the day night seemed to be spread [over the sky]; and on the books being inspected, the state being filled with religious scruples, it was resolved by the senate that a dictator should be nominated for the purpose of regulating the ceremonies.

7.28.8Publius Valerius Publicola was nominated; Quintus Fabius Ambustus was assigned to him as master of the horse. It was determined that not only the tribes, but the neighbouring states also should offer supplications: and a certain order was appointed for them on what day each should offer supplication.

7.28.9Severe sentences of the people are said to have been passed on that year against usurers, for whom a day of trial had been appointed by the aediles. Matters came to an interregnum, there being no particular reason on record.

7.28.10After the interregnum, both the consuls were elected from the patricians, Marcus Valerius Corvus a third time, and Aulus Cornelius Cossus, so that it would seem that such was the end aimed at.

7.29.1Henceforward shall be recorded wars of greater importance, both by the strength of the belligerent powers, by the distance of the countries, or the length of time during which they were carried on. For in that year arms were taken up against the Samnites, a nation powerful both in wealth and in arms.

7.29.2Pyrrhus followed as an enemy the war of the Samnites carried on with various success, the Carthaginians followed Pyrrhus. How great a mass of events! How often have extreme dangers been encountered, that the empire might be raised to its present magnitude, which is now scarcely sustained!

7.29.3But the cause of the war between the Samnites and Romans, as they had been joined in alliance and friendship, came from without; it originated not among themselves.

7.29.4After the Samnites had unjustly taken up arms, because they had the advantage in strength, against the Sidicinians, the weaker party being obliged to have recourse to the aid of the more powerful, unite themselves to the Campanians.

7.29.5As the Campanians brought to the relief of their allies rather a name than strength, enervated as they were by luxury, they were beaten in the Sidicinian territory by men who were inured to the use of arms, and then brought on themselves the entire burthen of the war.

7.29.6For the Samnites, taking no further notice of the Sidicinians, having attacked the Campanians as being the chief of the neighbouring states, from whom the victory might be equally easy, and a greater share of spoil and glory, after they had secured Tifata, a ridge of hills hanging over Capua, with a strong garrison, they march down from thence with their army formed in a square into the plain which lies between Capua and Tifata.

7.29.7There a second battle was fought; and the Campanians, after an unsuccessful fight, being driven within their walls, when the flower of their youth being cut down, no hope was nigh at hand, they were obliged to sue for aid from the Romans.

7.30.1Their ambassadors, being introduced into the senate, spoke as near as possible to this purport: Conscript fathers, the Campanian state has sent us to you, to solicit from you friendship for ever, and present aid, which if we had solicited whilst our affairs were prosperous, as it would have commenced more readily, so would it have been bound by a weaker tie.

7.30.2For then, as we should have recollected that we entered into friendship on equal terms, we might be equally friendly as now, but less submissive and compliant with your wishes Now, won over by your compassion

7.30.3for us, and defended by your aid in our critical circumstances, it is incumbent on us that we show our sense also of the kindness received; lest we should seem ungrateful, and undeserving of aid from either god or man.

7.30.4Nor, indeed, do I think that because the Samnites first became your allies and friends, such a circumstance is sufficient to prevent our being admitted into friendship; but merely shows that they excel us in priority and in the degree of honour; for no provision has been made in your treaty with the Samnites that you should not form any new treaties.

7.30.5It has ever been with you a sufficient title to your friendship, that he who sought it desired to be a friend of yours.

7.30.6We, Campanians, though our present state forbids us to speak in high terms, not yielding to any state save you in the extent of our city, or in the fertility of our land, come into friendship with you, no inconsiderable accession in my opinion to your flourishing condition.

7.30.7We shall be in the rear of the Aequans and Volscians, the eternal enemies of this city, whenever they may stir; and whatever ye shall be the first to perform in defence of our safety, the same shall we ever do in defence of your empire and glory.

7.30.8Those nations which lie between us and you being reduced, which both your bravery and good fortune makes it certain will soon be the case, you will then have an uninterrupted empire extending even to us.

7.30.9It is distressing and painful, what our condition obliges us to confess. Conscript fathers, matters are come to this, that we Campanians must be the property either of friends or enemies. If you defend us, yours; if you desert us, we shall be the property of the Samnites.

7.30.10Consider, then, whether you would rather that Capua and all Campania should be added to your power or to that of the Samnites.

7.30.11Romans, it is surely but just, that your compassion and your aid should lie open to all men; to those, however, chiefly, who, whilst they afford it beyond their means to others imploring aid, have themselves been involved in this distress.

7.30.12Although we fought nominally for the Sidicinians, in reality for ourselves, when we saw a neighbouring state assailed by the nefarious plunder of the Samnites; and after the Sidicinians had been consumed, we saw that the conflagration would pass over to ourselves. For the Samnites do not come to attack us, because they resent an injury received, but because they are glad that a pretext has been presented to them.

7.30.13If this were the gratification of their resentment, and not an occasion for satiating their ambition,

7.30.14was it not sufficient that they cut down our legions once in the Sidicinian territory, a second time in Campania itself? What sort of resentment must that be, which the blood shed in two pitched battles cannot satiate?

7.30.15To this add the laying waste of our lands; the spoil of men and cattle driven away, the burning and ruin of our country-houses, every thing destroyed by fire and sword. Could not resentment be satisfied with this? But ambition must be satiated. That hurries them on to besiege Capua.

7.30.16They either wish to destroy that most beautiful city, or to possess it themselves. But, Romans, do you take possession of it in your kindness, rather than suffer them to hold it by injustice.

7.30.17I am not addressing a people who decline just wars; but still, if you make but a show of your aid, I do not think that you will have occasion for war. The contempt of the Samnites has just reached to us; it soars not higher. Accordingly, Romans, we may be protected even by the shadow of your aid: whatever after this we shall possess, whatever we ourselves shall be, determined to consider all that as yours.

7.30.18For you the Campanian field shall be ploughed; for you the city of Capua shall be made populous; you shall be to us in the light of founders, parents, ay, even immortal gods.

7.30.19There shall be no colony of your own which shall surpass us in attachment and loyalty to you. Grant to the Campanians, conscript fathers, your nod, and your irresistible favour, and bid us hope that Capua will be safe.

7.30.20With what crowds of persons of all classes attending us do you suppose that we set out from thence —how, think you, did we leave every place full of vows and tears?

7.30.21In what a state of expectation do you suppose that the senate are, the Campanian nation, our wives and our children?

7.30.22I am certain that the entire multitude are standing at the gates, looking forward to the road that leads from hence, anxious as to what answer you may order us, conscript fathers, to bring back to them, in their solicitude and suspense of mind.

7.30.23One kind of answer may bring them safety, victory, light, and liberty —what the other may, I feel horror to think. Determine there- fore about us, as about persons who will be your future friends and allies, or as persons who are to have no existence any where.

7.31.1The ambassadors then withdrawing, after the senate had been consulted, though to a great many, their city the greatest and wealthiest in Italy, their land the most fertile, and situated near the sea, seemed likely to prove a granary to the Roman people for all varieties of provision; still the faith of their engagements was more regarded than such great advantages, and the consul, by the direction of the senate, answered as follows: Campanians, the senate considers you deserving of aid.

Book 7, Part 5

7.31.2But it is meet that friendship be so established with you, that no prior friendship and alliance be violated. The Samnites are united in a treaty with us. Therefore we refuse you arms against the Samnites, which would be a violation of duty to the gods first, and then to men. We will as divine and human law requires, send ambassadors to our allies and friends to entreat that no violence be committed against you?

7.31.3To this the chief of the embassy replied, (for such were the instructions they had brought from home,) Since you are not willing to defend by just force our possessions against violence and injustice, at least you will defend your own.

7.31.4Wherefore, conscript fathers, we surrender the Campanian people, and the city of Capua, their lands, the temples of the gods, all things divine and human, into your jurisdiction and that of the Roman people; whatever we shall suffer henceforth, being determined to suffer as men who have surrendered to you.

7.31.5On these words, all extending their hands towards the consuls, bathed in tears they fell prostrate in the porch of the senate-house.

7.31.6The fathers, affected at the vicissitude of human greatness, seeing that a nation abounding in wealth, noted for luxury and pride, from which a little time since their neighbours had solicited assistance, was now so broken in spirit, as to give up themselves and all they possessed into the power of others;

7.31.7moreover, their honour also seemed to be involved in not betraying those who had surrendered, nor did they consider that the people of the Samnites would act fairly, if they should attack a territory and a city which had become the property of the Roman people by a surrender.

7.31.8It was resolved therefore, that ambassadors should be sent forthwith to the Samnites; instructions were given that they should lay before the Samnites the entreaties of the Campanians, the answer of the senate duly mindful of the friendship of the Samnites, and finally the surrender that had been concluded.

7.31.9That they requested, in consideration of the friendship and alliance subsisting between them, that they would spare their subjects; and that they would not carry hostilities into that territory which had become the property of the Roman people.

7.31.10If by gentle measures they did not succeed, that they should denounce to the Samnites in the name of the senate and Roman people, to withhold their arms from the city of Capua and the Campanian territory.

7.31.11When the ambassadors urged these matters in the assembly of the Samnites, so fierce an answer was returned, that they not only said that they would prosecute that war, but their magistrates, having gone out of the senate-house, in the very presence of the ambassadors, summoned the prefects of the cohorts;

7.31.12and with a distinct voice commanded them, to proceed forthwith into the Campanian territory, in order to plunder it.

7.32.1The result of this embassy being reported at Rome, the care of all other concerns being laid aside, the senate, having despatched heralds to demand satisfaction, and, because this was not complied with, war being proclaimed in the usual way, they decreed that the matter should be submitted to the people at the very earliest opportunity;

7.32.2and both the consuls having set out from the city by order of the people with two armies, Valerius into Campania, Cornelius into Samnium, the former pitches his camp at Mount Gaurus, the latter at Saticula.

7.32.3The legions of the Samnites met with Valerius first; for they thought that the whole weight of the war would incline to that side. At the same time resentment stimulated them against the Campanians, that they should be so ready at one time to lend aid, at another to call in aid against them.

7.32.4But as soon as they beheld the Roman camp, they fiercely demanded the signal each from his leader; they maintained that the Roman would bring aid to the Campanian with the same fate with which the Campanian had done to the Sidicinian.

7.32.5Valerius, having delayed for a few days in slight skirmishes for the purpose of making trial of the enemy, displayed the signal

7.32.6for battle, exhorting his men in few words not to let the new war or the new enemy terrify them.

7.32.7In proportion as they should carry their arms to a greater distance from the city, the more and more unwarlike should the nation prove to be against whom they should proceed That they should not estimate the valour of the Samnites by the defeats of the Sidicinians and Campanians. Let the combatants be of what kind they may be, that it was necessary that one side should be vanquished.

7.32.8That as for the Campanians indeed, they were undoubtedly vanquished more by circumstances flowing from excessive luxury and by their own want of energy than by the bravery of the enemy.

7.32.9What were the two successful wars of the Samnites, during so many ages, against so many glorious exploits of the Roman people, who counted almost more triumphs than years since the building of their city? who held subdued by their arms all the states around them, the Sabines, Etruria, the Latins, Hernicians, Aequans, Volscians, Auruncans?

7.32.10who eventually drove by flight into the sea, and into their ships, the Gauls, after slaughtering them in so many engagements? That soldiers ought both to enter the field relying on their national military renown, and on their own valour, and also to consider under whose command and auspices the battle is to be fought;

7.32.11whether he be one which is to be listened to as a pompous exhorter, bold merely in words, unacquainted with military labours, or one who knows how to wield arms himself also, to advance before the standards, and to show himself in the midst of the danger.

7.32.12My acts, not my words merely, I wish you to follow; and to seek from me not military orders only, but example also. It was not by intrigues merely, nor by cabals usual among the nobles, but by this right hand, I procured for myself three consulships, and the highest eulogies.

7.32.13There was a time when this could be said; [no wonder,] for you were a patrician, and sprung from the liberators of your country; and that family of yours had the consulship the same year that the city had consuls.

7.32.14Now the consulship lies open in common to us patricians and to you plebeians; nor is it, as formerly, the prize of birth, but of valour. Look forward, therefore, soldiers, to even the highest honour.

7.32.15Though you, as men, have, with the approbation of the gods, given me this new surname of Corvus, the ancient surname of our family, Publicolae, has not been erased from my memory.

7.32.16I ever do and ever have cultivated the good will of the Roman commons abroad and at home, as a private man and in public offices, high and low, as tribune equally as when consul, with the same undeviating line of conduct through all my successive consulships.

7.32.17Now, with respect to that which is at hand, with the aid of the gods, join with me in seeking a new and complete triumph over the Samnites.

7.33.1Never was a general on a more familiar footing with his soldiers, by his performing all the duties among the lowest of the soldiers without reluctance.

7.33.2Moreover in the military sports, wherein equals vie with their equals in contests of swiftness and strength, affable and condescending, he conquered and was conquered with the same countenance; nor did he spurn any competitor who should offer; in his acts kind according to the occasion;

7.33.3in his conversation no less mindful of the ease of others than of his own dignity; and, a thing than which nothing is more agreeable to the people, he administered his offices by the same line of

7.33.4conduct by which he had gained them. The whole army therefore, cheering the exhortation of their leader with the utmost alacrity, march forth from the camp.

7.33.5The battle commenced with equal hopes and equal strength on both sides, as much as any battle ever did, with confidence in themselves, and without contempt of their enemies.

7.33.6Their recent exploits and their double victory a few days before, increased the spirits of the Samnites on the other side; the glories of four hundred years and victory coeval with the building of their city [had the same effect] on the Romans;

7.33.7to both sides, however, the circumstance of the enemy being a new one gave additional anxiety.

7.33.8The battle was a proof what spirits they possessed; for they maintained the conflict in such a manner, that, for a considerable time, the armies inclined to neither side.

7.33.9Then the consul, thinking that some confusion should be caused among them, since they could not be overpowered by force, endeavours to disorder their foremost battalions by a charge of cavalry. And when he saw them wheel their troops within a narrow compass in fruitless disorder, and that they could not open a passage to the enemy, riding back to the van of the legions, after leaping from his horse, he says, Soldiers, this is the task for us infantry;

7.33.10come on, as ye shall see me making way with my sword, in whatever direction I shall advance into the enemy's line, so let each man, with all his might, beat down those who oppose him.

7.33.11All those places, where their erected spears now glitter, you shall see cleared by widely-extended slaughter. He had uttered these words, when the cavalry by order of the consul turn to the wings, and open a passage for the legions to the centre of the line.

7.33.12First of all, the consul attacks the enemy, and slays him whom he happened to engage. Those on the right and left, fired at this sight, commence a dreadful fight, each with the foe opposite him.

7.33.13The Samnites obstinately stand their ground, though they receive more wounds than they inflict. The battle had now lasted for a considerable time, great slaughter occurred around the standards of the Samnites; in no part was there a flight, so firmly had they made up their minds to be vanquished by death alone.

7.33.14Wherefore the Romans, when they perceived their strength to relax by fatigue, and but a small part of the day still remained, fired with fury, rush upon the enemy.

7.33.15Then for the first time it appeared that they were giving ground, and that the matter was inclining to a flight; then the Samnites were taken, some slain; nor would many have survived, had not night terminated the victory rather than the battle.

7.33.16Both the Romans confessed, that they had never fought with a more determined enemy;

7.33.17and the Samnites, on being asked what cause first drove them to fly after being so determined, said, that it was the eyes of the Romans which seemed to them to flash fire, and their distracted looks, and furious aspect; that more of terror arose from thence, than from any thing else. Which terror they confessed not only in the issue of the battle, but in their departure by night.

7.33.18Next day the Romans take possession of the deserted camp of the enemy, whither all the Campanians flocked to congratulate them.

7.34.1But this joy was well nigh alloyed by a great loss sustained in Samnium. For the consul Cornelius, having set out from Saticula, incautiously led his army into a mountainous tract, passable through a deep defile, and beset on all sides by the enemy;

7.34.2nor did he perceive the enemy stationed over his head, until a retreat could no longer be made with safety.

7.34.3Whilst the Samnites delayed only till he should bring down his entire army into the valley; Publius Decius, a tribune of the soldiers, espies in the tract a hill higher than the rest, hanging over the enemies' camp, rather steep to be ascended by an encumbered army, not difficult for such as were lightly armed.

7.34.4He says therefore to the consul, greatly alarmed in mind, "Aulus Cor- nelius, do you perceive that elevated point above the enemy? That is the bulwark of our hope and safety, if we briskly gain possession of it, which the Samnites in their blindness have given up.

7.34.5Only give me the first rank and spearmen of one legion; when with these I shall have gained the summit, do you proceed hence free from all apprehension, and save yourself and the army. For the enemy, lying beneath us and [exposed thereby] to all our weapons, will not be able to stir without destruction to themselves. After that either the good fortune of the Roman people or our own bravery will extricate us.

7.34.6Being commanded by the consul, he received the body of men [required] and proceeds by

7.34.7secret paths through the mountain, nor was he observed by the enemy until he approached the place which he was making for.

7.34.8Then, whilst all were struck with astonishment, after he had attracted the eyes of all to himself, he both afforded the consul time to draw off his army to more advantageous ground, and he himself was posted on the top of the hill.

7.34.9The Samnites, whilst they march their forces now in this direction, now in that, having lost the opportunity of effecting either object, can neither pursue the consul, unless through the same defile in which they had him a little before exposed to their weapons, nor march up the rising ground over themselves, which had been seized on by Decius.

7.34.10But both their resentment stimulated them more against the latter, who had taken from them the favourable opportunity of achieving their object, and also the proximity of the place, and the paucity of the enemy; and one time they would fain surround the hill on all sides with armed men, so as to cut off Decius from the consul;

7.34.11at another time they wished to open a passage, so that they may fall on them when they had descended into the defile. Before they had determined on what they should do, night came on them.

7.34.12Decius at first entertained a hope, that he would have to engage them from the higher ground, as they ascended against the steep; then surprise took possession of him, that they neither commenced the fight, nor if they were deterred from that by the unevenness of the ground, that they did not surround him with works and a circumvallation.

7.34.13Then summoning the centurions to him, he said, What ignorance of war and indolence is that? or how did such men obtain a victory over the Sidicinians and Campanians? You see that their battalions move to and fro, that sometimes they are collected to one spot, at other times they are drawn out. As for work, no one attempts it, when we might by this time have been surrounded with a rampart.

7.34.14Then indeed should we be like to them, if we delay longer here than is expedient. Come on, accompany me; that whilst some day light remains, we may ascertain in what places they put their guards, in what direction an escape may lie open from hence.

7.34.15All these points he carefully observed, clad in a soldier's vest, the centurions whom he took with him being also in the attire of common soldiers, lest the enemy might notice the general going the round.

7.35.1Then having placed watch-guards, he commands the ticket to be issued to all the rest, that when the signal had been given by the trumpet of the second watch, they should assemble to him in silence fully armed.

7.35.2Whither when they had assembled in silence according to the orders issued, Soldiers, says he, this silence is to be observed in listening to me, waving the military mode of expressing assent. When I shall have thoroughly explained my sentiments to you, then such of you as shall approve the same, will pass over; we will follow that line of conduct which shall meet the judgment of the majority.

7.35.3Now hear what I meditate in mind. The enemy have surrounded you, not brought hither in flight, nor left behind through cowardice. By valour you seized this ground; by valour you must make your way from it.

7.35.4By coming hither you have saved a valuable army of the Roman people; by forcing your way hence, save yourselves. You have proved yourselves worthy, though few in number, of affording aid to multitudes, whilst you yourselves stand in need of aid from no one.

7.35.5You have to do with that enemy, who on yesterday, through their supineness, availed themselves not of the fortunate opportunity of destroying our whole army, who did not see this hill so advantageously situate hanging over their heads, until it was seized on by us;

7.35.6who with so many thousand men did not prevent us so few from the ascent, and did not surround us with a rampart when in possession of the ground, though so much of the day still remained.

7.35.7That enemy which with their eyes open and awake you so baffled, it is incumbent on you now to beguile, buried, as they are, in sleep; nay, it is absolutely necessary. For our affairs are in that situation, that I am rather to point out to you your necessity than to propose advice.

7.35.8For whether you are to remain or to depart hence, can no longer be matter of deliberation, since, with the exception of your arms, and courage mindful of those arms, fortune has left you nothing, and we must die of famine and thirst, if we are more afraid of the sword than becomes men and Romans.

7.35.9Therefore our only safety is to sally forth from this and to depart. That we must do either by day or by night.

7.35.10But lo! another point which admits of less doubt; for if daylight be waited for, what hope is there, that the enemy, who have now encompassed the hill on every side, as you perceive, with their bodies exposed at disadvantage, will not hem us in with a continued rampart and ditch? If night then be favourable for a sally, as it is, this is undoubtedly the most suitable hour of night.

7.35.11You assembled here on the signal of the second watch, a time which buries mortals in the profoundest sleep. You will pass through their bodies lulled to sleep, either in silence unnoticed by them, or ready to strike terror into them, should they perceive you, by a sudden shout.

7.35.12Only follow me, whom you have followed. The same fortune which conducted us hither, will I follow. Those of you to whom these measures seem salutary, come on, pass over to the right.

7.36.1They all passed over, and followed Decius as he proceeded through the intervals which lay between the guards.

7.36.2They had now passed the middle of the camp, when a soldier, striding over the bodies of the watchmen as they lay asleep, occasioned a noise by striking one of their shields.

7.36.3When the watchman, being aroused by this, stirred the next one to him, and those who were awake stirred up others, not knowing whether they were friends or foes, whether it was the garrison that sallied forth or the consul had taken their camp; Decius, having ordered the soldiers to raise a shout, as they were no longer unobserved, disheartens them by panic whilst still heavy from sleep, by which being

7.36.4perplexed, they were neither able to take arms briskly, nor make resistance, nor to pursue them.

7.36.5During the trepidation and confusion of the Samnites, the Roman guard, slaying such of the guards as came in their way, reached the consul's camp. A considerable portion of night still remained, and things now appeared to be in safety; when Decius says, Roman soldiers, be honoured for your bravery.

7.36.6Your journey and return ages shall extol. But to behold such bravery light and day are necessary; nor do you deserve that silence and night should cover you, whilst you return to the camp with such distinguished glory. Here let us wait in quiet for the daylight.

7.36.7His words they obeyed. And as soon as it was day, a messenger being despatched to the camp to the consul, they were aroused from sleep with great joy; and the signal being given by ticket, that those persons returned safe who had exposed their persons to evident danger for the preservation of all, rushing out each most anxiously to meet them, they applaud them, congratulate them, they call them singly and collectively their preservers, they give praises and thanks to the gods, they raise Decius to heaven.

7.36.8This was a sort of camp triumph for Decius, who proceeded through the middle of the camp, with his guard fully armed, the eyes of all being fixed on him, and all giving him equal honour with the consul.

7.36.9When they came to the general's tent, the consul summons them by sound of trumpet to an assembly; and commencing with the well-earned praises of Decius, he adjourned the assembly on the interposition of Decius himself,

Book 7, Part 6

7.36.10who advising the postponement of every thing else, whilst the occasion was still present, persuaded the consul to attack the enemy, whilst still in consternation from the panic of the night, and dispersing in separate detachments around the hill, [adding] that he believed that some who had been sent out in pursuit of him where straggling through the forest.

7.36.11The legions were ordered to take arms; and having departed from the camp, as the forest was now better known by means of scouts, they are led onwards to the enemy through a more open tract.

7.36.12Having unexpectedly attacked the enemy when off their guard, since the soldiers of the Samnites straggling in every direction, most of them unarmed, were not able either to rally, nor to take arms, nor to betake themselves within the rampart, they first drive them in a panic into the camp: then they take the camp itself, having dislodged the guards.

7.36.13The shout spread around the hill; and puts each to flight from their respective posts. Thus a great part yielded to an enemy they had not seen. Those whom the panic had driven within the rampart (they amounted to thirty thousand) were all slain; the camp was plundered.

7.37.1Matters being thus conducted, the consul, having sum- moned an assembly, pronounces a panegyric on Decius, not only that which had been commenced on a previous occasion, but as now completed by his recent deserts; and besides other military gifts, he presents him with a golden crown and one hundred oxen, and with one white one of distinguished beauty, richly decorated with gilded horns.

7.37.2The soldiers who had been in the guard with him, were presented with a double allowance of corn for ever; for the present, with an ox and two vests each. Immediately after the consuls' donation, the legions place on the head of Decius a crown of grass, indicative of their deliverance from a blockade, expressing their approbation of the present with a shout.

7.37.3Decorated with these emblems, he sacrificed the beautiful ox to Mars; the hundred oxen he bestowed on the soldiers, who had been with him in the expedition. On the same soldiers the legions conferred, each a pound of corn and a pint of wine; and all these things were performed with great alacrity, with a military shout, a token of the approbation of all.

7.37.4The third battle was fought near Suessula, in which the army of the Samnites, having been routed by Marcus Valerius, having summoned from home the flower of their youth, determined on trying their strength by a final contest. From Suessula messengers came in great haste to Capua, and from thence horsemen in full speed to the consul Valerius, to implore aid.

7.37.5The troops were immediately put in motion; and the baggage in the camp being left with a strong guard, the army moves on with rapidity;

7.37.6and they select at no great distance from the enemy a very narrow spot (as, with the exception of their horses, they were unaccompanied by a crowd of cattle and servants). The army of the Samnites, as if there was to be no delay in coming to an engagement, draw up in order of battle;

7.37.7then, when no one came to meet them, they advance to the enemy's camp in readiness for action.

7.37.8There when they saw the soldiers on the rampart, and persons sent out to reconnoitre in every direction, brought back word into how narrow a compass the camp had been contracted, inferring thence the scanty number of the enemy.

7.37.9The whole army began to exclaim, that the trenches ought to be filled up, the rampart to be torn down, and that they should force their way into the camp; and by that temerity the war would have been soon over, had not the generals restrained the impetuosity of the soldiers.

7.37.10However, as their own numbers bore heavily on their supplies, and in consequence, first of their sitting down so long at Suessula, and then by the delay of the contest, they were not far from a want of provisions, it was determined, whilst the enemy remained shut up as if through fear, that the soldiers should be led through the country to forage;

7.37.11[supposing] in the mean time, that all supplies would fail the Romans also, who having marched in haste, had brought with him only as much corn as could be carried on his shoulders amid his arms.

7.37.12The consul, after he had observed the enemy scattered through the country, that the posts were left but insufficiently attended, having in a few words encouraged his men, leads them on to besiege the camp.

7.37.13After he had taken this on the first shout and contest, more of the enemy being slain in their tents than at the gates and rampart, he ordered the captive standards to be collected into one place, and having left behind two legions as a guard and protection, after giving them strict order that they should abstain from the booty, until he himself should return;

7.37.14having set out with his troops in regular order, the cavalry who had been sent on driving the dispersed Samnites as it were by hunting toils, he committed great slaughter among them.

7.37.15For in their terror they could neither determine by what signal they should collect themselves into a body, whether they should make for the camp, or continue their flight to a greater distance.

7.37.16And so great was their terror, and so precipitate their flight, that to the number of forty thousand shields, though by no means were so many slain, and one hundred and seventy standards, with those which had been taken in the camp, were brought to the consul.

7.37.17Then they returned to the enemy's camp; and there all the plunder was given up to the soldiers.

7.38.1The result of this contest obliged the Faliscians, who were on terms of a truce, to petition for a treaty of alliance from the senate; and diverted the Latins, who had their armies already prepared, from the Roman to a Pelignian war.

7.38.2Nor did the fame of such success confine itself within the limits of Italy; but the Carthaginians also sent ambassadors to Rome to congratulate them, with an offering of a golden crown, to be placed in Jupiter's shrine in the Capitol. Its weight was twenty-five pounds.

7.38.3Both consuls triumphed over the Samnites, whilst Decius followed distinguished with praises and presents, when amid the rough jesting of the soldiers the name of the tribune was no less celebrated than that of the consuls.

7.38.4The embassies of the Campanians and Suessulans were then heard; and to their entreaties it was granted that a garrison should be sent thither, in order that the incursions of the Samnites might be repelled.

7.38.5Capua, even then by no means favourable to military discipline, alienated from the memory of their country the affections of the soldiers, which were debauched by the supply of pleasures of all kinds; and schemes were being formed in winter-quarters for taking away Capua from the Campanians by the same kind of wickedness as that by which they had taken it from its original possessors: and not undeservedly would they turn their own example against themselves.

7.38.6For why should the Campanians, who were neither able to defend themselves nor their possessions, occupy the most fertile land of Italy, and a city worthy of that land, rather than the victorious army, who had driven the Samnites from thence by their sweat and blood?

7.38.7Was it reasonable that men who had surrendered to them should have the full enjoyment of that fertile and delightful country; that they, wearied by military toil, had to struggle in an insalubrious and arid soil around their city, or within the city to suffer the oppressive and exhausting weight of interest-money daily increasing?

7.38.8These schemes agitated in secret cabals, and as yet communicated only to a few, were encountered by the new consul Caius Marcius Rutilus, to whom the province of Campania had fallen by lot, Quintus Servilius, his colleague, being left behind in the city.

7.38.9Accordingly when he was in possession of all these circumstances just as they had occurred, having ascertained them through the tribunes, matured by years and experience, (for he was consul now for the fourth time, and had been dictator and censor,) thinking it the wisest proceeding to frustrate the violence of the soldiers, by prolonging their hope of executing their project whenever they might wish, he spreads the rumour, that the troops were to winter in the same towns on the year after also.

7.38.10For they had been cantoned throughout the cities of Campania, and their plots had spread from Capua to the entire army. This abatement being given to the eagerness of their projects, the mutiny was set at rest for the present.

7.39.1The consul, having led out his army to the summer campaign, determined, whilst he had the Samnites quiet, to purge the army by sending away the turbulent men; by telling some that their regular time had been served; that others were weighed down by years and debilitated in bodily vigour.

7.39.2Some were sent away on furloughs, at first individuals, then some cohorts also, on the plea that they had wintered far from their home and domestic affairs.

7.39.3When different individuals were sent to different places under pretence of the business of the service, a considerable number were put out of the way; which multitude the other consul detained in Rome under different pretences.

7.39.4And first indeed, not suspecting the artifice, they returned to their homes by no means with reluctance. After they saw that neither those first sent returned to their standards, and that scarcely any others, except those who had wintered in Campania, and chiefly the fomenters of the mutiny, were sent away; at first wonder, and then certain fear entered their minds, that their schemes had been divulged;

7.39.5"that now they would have to suffer trials, discoveries, the secret punishments of individuals, and the tyrannical and cruel despotism of the consuls and the senate.

7.39.6Those who were in the camp, discuss these things in secret conferences, seeing that the sinews of the conspiracy had been got rid of by the artifice of the consul.

7.39.7One cohort, when they were at no great distance from Anxur, posted itself at Lautulae, in a narrow woody pass between the sea and the mountains, to intercept those whom the consul was dismissing under various pretences (as has been already mentioned). Their body was now becoming strong in numbers; nor was any thing wanting to complete the form of a regular army, except a leader.

7.39.8Without order, therefore, they come into the Alban territory committing depredations, and under the hill of Alba Longa, they encompass their camp with a rampart.

7.39.9The work here being completed, during the remainder of the day they discuss their different opinions regarding the choice of a commander, not having sufficient confidence in any of those present. Whom could they invite out from Rome?

7.39.10What individuals of the patricians or of the commons was there, who would either knowingly expose himself to such imminent danger, or to whom could the cause of the army, set mad by ill-treatment, be safely committed?

7.39.11On the following day, when the same subject of deliberation detained them, some of the straggling marauders ascertained and brought an account, that Titus Quinctius cultivated a farm in the Tusculan territory, forgetful of the city and its honours.

7.39.12This was a man of patrician family, whose military career, which was passed with great glory, having been relinquished in consequence of one of his feet being lamed by a wound, he determined on spending his life in the country far from ambition and the forum. His name once heard, they immediately recognised the man; and with wishes for success, ordered him to be sent for.

7.39.13There was, however, but little hope that he would do any thing voluntarily; they resolved on employing force and intimidation.

7.39.14Accordingly those who had been sent for the purpose, having entered the house in the silence of the night, and surprising Quinctius overcome in sleep, threatening that there was no alternative, either authority and honour, or death, in case he resisted, unless he followed, they force him to the camp.

7.39.15Immediately on his arrival he was styled general, and whilst he was startled at the strange nature of the sudden occurrence, they convey to him the ensigns of honour, and bid him lead them to the city.

7.39.16Then having torn up their standard, more under the influence of their own impetuosity than by the command of their general, they arrive in hostile array at the eighth stone on the road, which is now the Appian;

7.39.17and would have proceeded immediately to the city, had they not heard that an army was coming to meet them, and that Marcus Valerius Corvus was nominated dictator against them, and Lucius Aemilius Mamercinus master of the horse.

7.40.1As soon as they came in sight and recognised the arms and standards, instantly the recollection of their country softened the resentment of all.

7.40.2Not yet were they so hardy as to shed the blood of their countrymen, nor had they known any but foreign wars, and secession from their own was deemed the extreme of rage. Accordingly now the generals, now the soldiers sought a meeting for a negotiation.

7.40.3Quinctius, who was satiated with arms [taken up] even in defence of his country, much more so against it; Corvus, who entertained a warm affection for all his countrymen, chiefly the soldiers, and above others, for his own army, advanced to a conference.

7.40.4To him, being immediately recognised, silence was granted with no less respect by his adversaries, than by his own party: he says, Soldiers, at my departure from the city, I prayed to the immortal gods, your public deities as well as mine, and earnestly implored their goodness so, that they would grant me the glory of establishing concord among you, not victory over you.

7.40.5There have been and there will be sufficient opportunities, whence military fame may be obtained: on this occasion peace should be the object of our wishes.

7.40.6What I earnestly called for from the immortal gods when offering up my prayers, you have it in your power to grant to me, if you will remember, that you have your camp not in Samnium, nor among the Volscians, but on Roman ground; that those hills which you behold are those of your country, that this is the army of your countrymen; that I am your own consul, under whose guidance and auspices ye last year twice defeated the legions of the Samnites, twice took their camp by storm.

7.40.7Soldiers, I am Marcus Valerius Corvus, whose nobility ye have felt by acts of kindness towards you, not by ill-treatment; the proposer of no tyrannical law against you, of no harsh decree of the senate; in every post of command more strict on myself than on you.

7.40.8And if birth, if personal merit, if high dignity, if public honours could suggest arrogance to any one, from such ancestors have I been descended, such a specimen had I given of myself, at such an age did I attain the consulship, that when but twenty-three years old I might have been a proud consul, even to the patricians, not to the commons only.

7.40.9What act or saying of mine, when consul, have ye heard of more severe than when only tribune? With the same tenor did I administer two successive consulships; with the same shall this uncontrollable office, the dictatorship, be administered. So that I shall be found not more indulgent to these my own soldiers and the soldiers of my country, than to you, I shudder to call you so, its enemies.

7.40.10Ye shall therefore draw the sword against me, before I draw it against you.

7.40.11On that side the signal shall be sounded, on that the shout and onset shall begin, if a battle must take place. Determine in your minds, on that which neither your fathers nor grandfathers could; neither those who seceded to the Sacred Mount, nor yet those who afterwards posted themselves on the Aventine.

7.40.12Wait till your mothers and wives come out to meet you from the city with dishevelled hair, as they did formerly to Coriolanus. At that time the legions of the Volscians, because they had a Roman for their leader, ceased from hostilities; will not ye, a Roman army, desist from an unnatural war?

7.40.13Titus Quinctius, under whatever circumstances you stand on that side, whether voluntarily or reluctantly, if there must be fighting, do you then retire to the rear. With more honour even will you fly, and turn your back to your countryman, than fight against your country.

7.40.14Now you will stand with propriety and honour among the foremost to promote peace; and may you be a salutary agent in this conference.

7.40.15Require and offer that which is just; though we should admit even unjust terms, rather than engage in an impious combat with each other. Titus Quinctius, turning to his party with his eyes full of tears, said, In me too, soldiers, if there is any use of me, ye have a better leader for peace than for war.

7.40.16For that speech just now delivered, not a Volscian, nor a Samnite expressed, but a Roman: your own consul, your own general, soldiers: whose auspices having already experienced for you, do not wish to experience them against you.

7.40.17The senate had other generals also, who would engage you with more animosity; they have selected the one who would be most indulgent to you, his own soldiers, in whom as your general you would have most confidence.

7.40.18Even those who can conquer, desire peace: what ought we to desire?

7.40.19Why do we not, renouncing resentment and hope, those fallacious advisers, resign ourselves and all our interests to his tried honour?

7.41.1All approving with a shout, Titus Quinctius, advancing before the standards, declared that the soldiers would be obedient to the dictator; he entreated that he would espouse the cause of his unfortunate countrymen, and having espoused it, he would maintain it with the same fidelity with which he had wont to administer public affairs.

7.41.2That for himself individually he made no terms: that he would found his hope in nothing else but in his innocence. That provision should be made for the soldiers, as provision had been made by the senate, once for the commons, a second time for the legions, so that the secession should not be visited with punishment.

7.41.3The dictator, having lauded Quinctius, and having bid the others to hope for the best, returned back to the city with all speed, and, with the approbation of the senate, proposed to the people in the Peteline grove, that the secession should not be visited with chastisement on any of the soldiers.

7.41.4He also en- treated, with their permission, that no one should either in jest or earnest upbraid any one with that proceeding. A military devoting law was also passed, that the name of any soldier once enrolled, should not be erased unless with his own consent;

7.41.5and to the law [a clause] was added that no one, after he had been a tribune of the soldiers, should afterwards be a centurion. That demand was made by the conspirators on account of Publius Salonius; who in alternate years was both tribune of the soldiers and first centurion, which they now call primi pili.

7.41.6The soldiers were incensed against him, because he had always been opposed to their recent measures, and had fled from Lantulae, that he might have no share in them.

7.41.7Accordingly when this alone was not obtained from the senate through their regard for Salonius, then Salonius, conjuring the conscript fathers, that they would not value his promotion more highly than the concord of the state, prevailed in having that also carried.

7.41.8Equally ineffectual was the demand, that some deductions should be made from the pay of the cavalry, (they then received triple,) because they had opposed the conspiracy.

7.42.1Besides these, I find in some writers that Lucius Genucius, tribune of the commons, proposed to the people, that no one should be allowed to practise usury;

7.42.2likewise provision was made by other enactments, that no one should fill the same office within ten years; nor hold two offices on the same year; and that it should be allowed that both the consuls should be plebeians. If all these concessions were made to the people, it is evident that the revolt possessed no little strength.

7.42.3In other annals it is recorded, that Valerius was not appointed dictator, but that the entire business was managed by the consuls; and also that that bang of conspirators were driven to arms not before they came to Rome, but at Rome;

7.42.4and that it was not on the country-house of Titus Quinctius, but on the residence of Caius Manlius the assault was made by night, and that he was seized by the conspirators to become their leader: that having proceeded thence to the fourth mile-stone, they posted themselves in a well-defended place;

7.42.5and that it was not with the leaders mention of a reconciliation originated; but that suddenly, when the armies marched out to battle fully armed, a mutual saluta- tion took place;

7.42.6that mixing together the soldiers began to join hands, and to embrace each other with tears; and that the consuls, on seeing the minds of the soldiers averse from fighting, made a proposition to the senate concerning the re-establishment of concord.

7.42.7So that among ancient writers nothing is agreed on, except that there was a mutiny, and that it was composed.

Book 7, Part 7

7.42.8Both the report of this disturbance, and the heavy war entered into with the Samnites, alienated some states from the Roman alliance: and besides the treaty of the Latins, which now for a long time was not to be depended on, the Privernians also by a sudden incursion laid waste Norba and Setia, Roman colonies in their neighbourhood.

Book 8, Part 1

8The Latins with the Campanians revolt; and ambassadors having been sent to the senate, they propose that, if they wished for peace, they should elect one of the consuls from among the Latins. Titus Manlius, the consul, put his son to death, because he had fought, though successfully, against the Latins, contrary to orders. The Romans being hard pressed in the battle, Publius Decius, then consul with Manlius, devoted himself for the army. The Latins surrender. None of the young men came out to meet Manlius on his return to the city. Minucia, a vestal virgin was con- demned for incest. Several matrons convicted of poisoning. Laws then first made against that crime. The Ausonians, Privernian, and Pa- laepolitans subdued. Quintus Publilius the first instance of a person con- tinuing in command after the expiration of his office, and of triumph decreed to any person not a consul. Law against confinement for debt. Quintus Fabius, master of the horse, fights the Samnites with success, contrary to the orders of Lucius Papirius, dictator; and, with difficulty, obtains pardon, through the intercession of the people. Successful expe- dition against the Samnites.

8.1.1THE consuls now were Caius Plautius a second time, and Lucius Aemilius Mamercinus; when the people of Setia and Norba came to Rome to announce the revolt of he Privernians, with complaints of the damages received by them.

8.1.2News were brought that the army of the Volscians, under the guidance of the people of Antium, had taken post at Satricum. Both wars fell by lot to Plautius.

8.1.3He, marching first to Privernum, immediately came to an engagement. The enemy were defeated after a slight resistance: the town was taken, and given back to the Privernians, a strong garrison being placed in it: two thirds of their land were taken front them.

8.1.4The victorious army was marched thence to Satricum against the Antians; there a desperate battle was fought with great slaughter on both sides; and when a storm separated the combatants, hope inclining to neither side, the Romans, nowise disheartened by this so indecisive an engagement, pre- pare for battle against the following day.

8.1.5The Volscians, reckoning up what men they had lost in battle, had by no means the same spirits to repeat the risk. They went off in the night to Antium as a vanquished army in the utmost confusion, leaving behind their wounded and a part of their baggage.

8.1.6A vast quantity of arms was found, both among the dead bodies of the enemy, and also in the camp. These, the consul declared, that he offered up to Mother Lua; and he laid waste the enemy's country as far as the sea-coast.

8.1.7The other consul, Aemilius, on entering the Sabellan territory, found neither a camp of the Samnites nor legions opposed to him. Whilst he laid waste their territories with fire and sword, the ambassadors of the Samnites came to him, suing for peace;

8.1.8by whom being referred to the senate, after leave to address them was granted, laying aside their ferocious spirits, they sued for peace for themselves from the Romans, and the right of waging war against the Sidicinians.

8.1.9Which requests, [they alleged,] that they were the more justified in making, because they had both united in friendship with the Roman people, when their affairs were flourishing, not under circumstances of distress, as the Campanians had done, and they were taking up arms against the Sidicinians, ever their enemies, never the friends of the Roman people;

8.1.10who had neither, as the Samnites, sought their friendship in time of peace, nor, as the Campanians, their assistance in time of war, and were neither in alliance with, nor under subjection to the Roman people.

8.2.1After the praetor Tiberius Aemilius had consulted the senate respecting the demands of the Samnites, and the senate voted that the treaty should be renewed with them, the praetor returned this answer to the Samnites:

8.2.2"That it neither had been the fault of the Roman people that their friendship with them was not perpetual; nor was any objection made to that friendship being once more re-established, since they themselves were now become tired of a war entered into through their own fault.

8.2.3With respect to what regarded the Sidicinians, they did not interfere with the Samnite nation having the free decision of peace and war.

8.2.4The treaty being concluded, on their return home, the Roman army was immediately withdrawn after they had received a year's pay, and corn for three months: for which the consul had stipulated, to grant time for a truce, until the ambassadors should return.

8.2.5The Samnites having marched against the Sidicinians with the same force which they had employed in their war against the Romans, enter- tained rather sanguine hopes of becoming masters of the ene- mies' citadel.

8.2.6Then the Sidicinians first began to surrender to the Romans. Afterwards, when the senate rejected that offer as too late, and as being wrung from them by extreme necessity, it was made to the Latins, who were already taking up arms on their own account.

8.2.7Nor did even the Campanians (so much stronger was their recollection of the injuries done them by the Samnites than of the kindness of the Romans) keep themselves from this quarrel.

8.2.8Out of these so many states, one vast army, entering the territories of the Samnites under the direction of the Latins, committed more damage by depredations than by battles; and though the Latins had the advantage in the field, they retired out of the enemies' territory without reluctance, that they might not be obliged to fight too frequently. This opportunity was afforded to the Samnites to send ambassadors to Rome.

8.2.9When they appeared before the senate, having complained that they, though now confederates, were subjected to the same hardships as those they had suffered as enemies, solicited, with the humblest entreaties, that the Romans would think it enough

8.2.10the victory, of which they had deprived the Samnites, over their Campanian and Sidicinian enemy; that they would not besides suffer them to be vanquished by these most dastardly states.

8.2.11That they could by their sovereign authority keep the Latins and the Campanians out of the Samnite territory, if they really were under the dominion of the Roman people; but if they rejected their authority, that they might compel them by arms.

8.2.12To this an equivocal answer was returned, because it was mortifying to acknowledge, that the Latins were not now in their power, and they were afraid lest by finding fault they might estrange them from their side:

8.2.13that the case of the Campanians was different, they having come under their protection, not by treaty but by surrender: accordingly, that the Campanians, whether they wished or not, should remain quiet: that in the Latin treaty there was no clause by which they were prevented from going to war with whomsoever they pleased.

8.3.1Which answer, whilst it sent away the Samnites uncertain as to what conduct they were to think that the Romans would pursue, it further estranged the Campanians through fear; it rendered the Samnites more presuming, they considering that there was nothing which the Romans would now refuse them.

8.3.2Wherefore, proclaiming frequent meetings under the pretext of preparing for war against the Samnites, their leading men, in their several deliberations among themselves, secretly fomented the plan of a war with Rome. In this war the Campanians too joined against their preservers.

8.3.3But though all their schemes were carefully concealed, and they were anxious that their Samnite enemy should be got rid of in their rear before the Romans should be aroused, yet through the agency of some who were attached [to the latter] by private

8.3.4friendships and other ties, information of their conspiracy made its way to Rome, and the consuls being ordered to resign their office before the usual time, in order that the new consuls might be elected the sooner to meet so important a war, a religious scruple entered their minds at the idea of the elections being held by persons whose time of office had been cut short.

8.3.5Accordingly an interregnum took place. There were two interreges, Marcus Valerius and Marcus Fabius.

8.3.6The consuls elected were Titus Manlius Torquatus a third time, and Publius Decius Mus. It is agreed on that, in this year, Alexander, king of Epirus, made a descent on Italy with a fleet. Which war, if the first commencement had been sufficiently successful, would unquestionably have extended to the Romans.

8.3.7The same was the era of the exploits of Alexander the Great, whom, being son to the other's sister, in another region of the world, having shown himself invincible in war, fortune cut short in his youth by disease.

8.3.8But the Romans, although the revolt of their allies and of the Latin nation was now no matter of doubt, yet as if they felt solicitude regarding the Samnites, not for themselves, summoned ten of the leading men of the Latins to Rome, to whom they wished to issue such orders as they might wish.

8.3.9Latium had at that time two praetors, Lucius Annius, a native of Setia, and Lucius Numisius of Circeii, both from the Roman colonists; through whose means, be- sides Signia and Velitrae, also Roman colonies, the Volscians too had been stirred up to arms.

8.3.10It was determined that these two should be summoned specially; it was a matter of doubt to no one, on what matter they were sent for. Accordingly the praetors, having held an assembly, before they set out for Rome, inform them, that they were summoned by the Roman senate, and consult them as to what answer it was their wish should be given on those subjects which they thought would be discussed with them.

8.4.1When different persons advanced different opinions, then Annius says: Though I myself put the question, as to what answer it might be your pleasure should be given, yet I think it more concerns our general interest how we should act than how we should speak.

8.4.2Your plans being once unfolded, it will be easy to suit words to the subject; for if even now we are capable of submitting to slavery under the shadow of a confederacy on equal terms, what is wanting but to betray the Sidicinians, be obedient to the orders not only of the Romans, but of the Samnites, and tell the Romans, that we will lay down our arms whenever they intimate it to be their wish?

8.4.3But if at length a desire of liberty stimulates your minds, if a confederacy does subsist, if alliance be equalization of rights, if there be reason now to boast that we are of the same blood as the Romans, of which they were formerly ashamed, if they have such an army of allies, by the junction of which they may double their strength, such a one as their consuls would be unwilling to separate from themselves either in concluding or commencing their own wars; why are not all things equalized?

8.4.4why is not one of the consuls chosen from the Latins?

8.4.5Where there is an equal share of strength, is there also an equal share in the government? This indeed in itself reflects no extraordinary degree of honour on us, as still acknowledging Rome to be the metropolis of Latium; but that it may possibly appear to do so, has been effected by our long-continued forbearance.

8.4.6But if ye ever wished for an opportunity of sharing in the government, and enjoying freedom, lo!

8.4.7this opportunity is now at hand, presented both by your own valour and the bounty of the gods. Ye have tried their patience by refusing them soldiers.

8.4.8Who doubts that they were fired with rage, when we broke through a custom of more than two hundred years? Still they submitted to this feeling of resentment. We waged war with the Pelignians in our own name.

8.4.9They who formerly did not even concede to us the right of defending our own territories through our- selves, interfered not. They heard that the Sidicinians were received under our protection, that the Campanians had revolted from themselves to us, that we were preparing armies against their confederates, the Samnites; yet they stirred not from the city.

8.4.10Whence this so great forbearance on their part, except from a knowledge of our strength and their own? I have it from competent authority, that when the Samnites complained of us, such an answer was given them by the Roman senate, as plainly showed that not even themselves insisted that Latium was under the Roman jurisdiction. Only assume your rights in demanding that which they tacitly concede to you.

8.4.11If fear prevents any one from saying this, lo! I pledge myself that I will say it, in the hearing not only of the Roman people and senate, but of Jupiter himself, who inhabits the Capitol; that if they wish us to be in confederacy and alliance with them, they are to receive one consul from us, and one half of the senate.

8.4.12When he not only recommended these measures boldly, but promised also his aid, they all, with acclamations of assent, permitted him to do and say whatever might appear to him conducive to the republic of the Latin nation and his own honour.

8.5.1When they arrived in Rome, an audience of the senate was granted them in the Capitol. There, when Titus Manlius the consul, by direction of the senate, required of them not to make war on their confederates the Samnites, Annius, as if

8.5.2he had taken the Capitol by arms as a victor, and were not addressing them as an ambassador protected by the law of nations, says:

8.5.3It were time, Titus Manlius, and you, conscript fathers, to cease at length treating with us on a footing of superiority, when you see Latium in a most flourishing state by the bounty of the gods in arms and men, the Samnites being vanquished in war, the Sidicinians and Campanians our allies, the Volscians now united to us in alliance, and that your own colonies even prefer the government of Latium to that of Rome.

8.5.4But since ye do not bring your minds to put an end to your arbitrary despotism, we, though able by force of arms to vindicate the independence of Latium, yet will make this concession to the ties of blood between us, as to offer terms of peace on terms

8.5.5of equality for both, since it has pleased the immortal gods that the strength of both is equalized.

8.5.6One of the consuls must be selected out of Rome, the other out of Latium; an equal portion of the senate must be from both nations; we must be one people, one republic; and that the seat of government may be the same, and we all may have the same name, since the concession must be made by the one party or other, let this, and may it be auspicious to both, have the advantage of being the mother country, and let us all be called Romans.

8.5.7It so happened that the Romans also had a consul, a match for this man's high spirit; who, so far from restraining his angry feelings, openly declared, that if such infatuation took possession of the conscript fathers, that they would receive laws from a man of Setia, he would him- self come into the senate armed with a sword, and would slay with his hand any Latin whom he should see in the senate- house.

8.5.8And turning to the statue of Jupiter, Hear thou, Jupiter, says he, hear these impious proposals; hear ye them, Justice and Equity.

8.5.9Jupiter, art thou to behold foreign consuls and a foreign senate in thy consecrated temple, as if thou wert a captive and overpowered? Were these the treaties which Tullus, a Roman king, concluded with the Albans, your forefathers, Latins, and which Lucius Tarquinius subsequently concluded with you?

8.5.10Does not the battle at the Lake Regillus occur to your thoughts? Have you so forgotten your own calamities and our kindnesses towards you?

8.6.1When the indignation of the senate followed these words of the consul, it is recorded that, in reply to the frequent ap- peals to the gods, whom the consuls frequently invoked as witnesses to the treaties, an expression of Annius was heard in contempt of the divinity of the Roman Jupiter.

8.6.2Certainly, when aroused with wrath he was proceeding with rapid steps from the porch of the temple, having fallen down the stairs, his head being severely struck, he was dashed against a stone at the bottom with such force, as to be deprived of sense.

8.6.3As all writers do not say that he was killed, I too shall leave it in doubt; as also the circumstance, that a storm, with a dreadful noise in the heavens, took place during the appeal made in reference to the violated treaties; for they may both be true, and also invented aptly to express in a striking manner the resentment of heaven.

8.6.4Torquatus, being despatched by the senate to dismiss the ambassadors, on seeing Annius lying prostrate, exclaimed, so as that his voice was heard both by the people and the senate, It is well. The gods have excited a just war.

8.6.5There is a deity in heaven. Thou dost exist, great Jove; not without reason have we consecrated thee the father of gods and men in this mansion.

8.6.6Why do ye hesitate, Romans, and you, conscript fathers, to take up arms under the direction of the gods? Thus will I lay low the legions of the Latins, as you now see this man lying prostrate.

8.6.7The words of the consul, received with the approbation of the people, filled their breasts with such ardour, that the ambassadors on their departure were protected from the anger and violence of the people more by the care of the magistrates, who escorted them by order of the consul, than by the law of nations.

8.6.8The senate also voted for the war; and the consuls, after raising two armies, marched into the territories of the Marsians and Pelignians, the army of the Samnites having joined them, and pitched their camp near Capua, where the Latins and their allies had now assembled.

8.6.9There it is said there appeared to both the consuls, during sleep, the same form of a man larger and more majestic than human, who said, Of the one side a general, of the other an army was due to the dii Manes and to Mother Earth;

8.6.10from whichever army a general should devote the legions of the enemy and himself, in addition, that the victory would belong to that nation and that party.

8.6.11When the consuls compared together these visions of the night, it was resolved that victims should be slain for the purpose of averting the anger of the gods; at the same time, that if the same portents were exhibited in the entrails as those which had been seen during sleep, either of the consuls should fulfil the fates.

8.6.12When the answers of the haruspices coincided with the secret religious impression already implanted in their minds;

8.6.13then, having brought together the lieutenant-generals and tribunes, and having openly expounded to them the commands of the gods, they settle among themselves, lest the consul's voluntary death should intimidate the army in the field, that on which side soever the Roman army should commence to give way, the consul in that quarter should devote himself for the Roman people and the Quirites.

8.6.14In this consultation it was also suggested, that if ever on any occasion any war had been conducted with strict discipline, then indeed military discipline should be reduced to the ancient standard.

8.6.15What excited their attention particularly was, that they had to contend against Latins, who coincided with themselves in lan- guage, manners, in the same kind of arms, and more especially in military institutions; soldiers had been mixed with soldiers, centurions with centurions, tribunes with tribunes, as com- rades and colleagues, in the same armies, and often in the same companies.

8.6.16Lest in consequence of this the soldiers should be involved in any mistake, the consuls issue orders that no one should fight against an enemy out of his post.

8.7.1It happened that among the other prefects of the troops, who had been sent out in all directions to reconnoitre, Titus Manlius, the consul's son, came with his troop to the back of the enemy's camp, so near that he was scarcely distant a dart's throw from the next post.

8.7.2In that place were some Tusculan cavalry; they were commanded by Geminus Metius, a man distinguished among his countrymen both by birth and ex- ploits.

8.7.3When he recognised the Roman cavalry, and con- spicuous among them the consul's son marching at their head, (for they were all known

8.7.4to each other, especially the men of note,) Romans, are ye going to wage war with the Latins and allies with a single troop. What in the interim will the con- suls, what will the two consular armies be doing?

8.7.5They will be here in good time, says Manlius, and with them will be Jupiter himself, as a witness of the treaties violated by you, who is stronger and more powerful.

8.7.6If we fought at the lake Regillus until you had quite enough, here also we shall so act, that a line of battle and an encounter with us may afford you no very great gratification.

8.7.7In reply to this, Geminus, advancing some distance from his own party, says, Do you choose then, until that day arrives on which you are to put your armies in motion with such mighty labour, to enter the lists with me, that from the result of a contest between us both, it may be seen how much a Latin excels a Roman horseman?

8.7.8Either resentment, or shame at declining the contest, or the invincible power of fate, arouses the determined spirit of the youth. Forgetful therefore of his father's command, and the consul's edict, he is driven headlong to that contest, in which it made not much difference whether he conquered or was conquered.

8.7.9The other horsemen being removed to a distance as if to witness the sight, in the space of clear ground which lay between them they spurred on their horses against each other; and when they were together in fierce encounter, the spear of Manlius passed over the helmet of his antagonist, that of Me- Metius across the neck of the other's horse.

8.7.10Then wheeling round their horses, when Manlius arose to repeat the blow, he fixed his javelin between the ears of his opponent's horse.

8.7.11When, by the pain of this wound, the horse, having raised his fore-feet on high, tossed his head with great violence, he shook off his rider, whom, when he was raising himself from the severe fall, by leaning on his spear and buckler, Manlius pierced through the throat, so that the steel passed out through the ribs, and pinned him to the earth;

8.7.12and having collected the spoils, he returned to his own party, and with his troop, who were exulting with joy, he proceeds to

8.7.13the camp, and thence to the general's tent to his father, ignorant of what awaited him, whether praise or punishment had been merited. Father, says he, that all may truly represent me as sprung from your blood; when challenged, I slew my adversary, and have taken from him these equestrian spoils.

8.7.14When the consul heard this, immediately turning away from his son, he ordered an assembly to be summoned by sound of trumpet.

8.7.15When these assembled in great numbers, Since you, Titus Manlius, says he, "revering neither the consular

8.7.16power nor a father's majesty, have fought against the enemy out of your post contrary to our orders, and, as far as in you lay, have subverted military discipline, by which the Roman power has stood to this day, and have brought me to this necessity, that I must either forget the republic, or myself and mine;

8.7.17we shall expiate our own transgressions rather than the republic should sustain so serious a loss for our misdeeds. We shall be a melancholy example, but a profitable one, to the youth of future ages.

Book 8, Part 2

8.7.18As for me, both the natural affection for my children, as well as that instance of bravery which has led you astray by the false notion of honour, affects me for you.

8.7.19But since either the authority of consuls is to be established by your death, or by your forgiveness to be for ever annulled; I do not think that even you, if you have any of our blood in you, will refuse to restore, by your punishment, the military discipline which has been subverted by your misconduct.

8.7.20Go, lictor, bind him to the stake. All became motionless, more through fear than discipline, astounded by so cruel an order, each looking on the axe as if drawn against himself.

8.7.21Therefore when they stood in profound silence, suddenly, when the blood spouted from his severed neck, their minds recovering, as it were, from a state of stupefaction, then their voices arose together in free expressions of complaint, so that they spared neither lamentations nor execrations:

8.7.22and the body of the youth, being covered with the spoils, was burned on a pile erected outside the rampart, with all the military zeal with which any funeral could be celebrated: and Manlian orders w re considered with horror, not only for the present, but of the most austere severity for future times.

8.8.1The severity of the punishment however rendered the soldiers more obedient to the general; and besides that the guards and watches and the regulation of the posts w re every where more strictly attended to, such severity was also profitable in the final struggle when they came into the field of battle.

8.8.2But the battle was very like to a civil war; so very similar was every thing among the Romans and Latins, except with respect to courage.

8.8.3The Romans formerly used targets; afterwards, when they began to receive pay, they made shields instead of targets; and what before constituted phalanxes similar to the Macedonian, afterwards became a line drawn up in distinct companies.

8.8.4At length they were divided into several centuries. A century contained sixty soldiers, two centurions, and one standard-bearer.

8.8.5The spearmen (hastati) formed the first line in fifteen companies, with small intervals between them: a company had twenty light-armed soldiers, the rest wearing shields; those were called light who carried only a spear and short iron javelins.

8.8.6This, which constituted the van in the field of battle, contained the youth in early bloom advancing towards the age of service. Next followed men of more robust age, in the same number of companies, who were called principes, all wearing shields, and distinguished by the completest armour.

8.8.7This band of thirty companies they called antepilani, because there were fifteen others placed behind them with the standards; of which each company consisted of three divisions, and the first division of each they called a pilus.

8.8.8Each company consisted of three ensigns, and contained one hundred and eighty-six men. The first ensign was at the head of the Triarii, veteran soldiers of tried bravery; the second, at the head of the Rorarii, men whose ability was less by reason of their age and course of service; the third, at the head of the Accensi, a body in whom very little confidence was reposed. For this reason also they were thrown back to the rear.

8.8.9When the army was marshalled according to this arrangement, the spearmen first commenced the fight. If the spearmen were unable to repulse the enemy, they retreated leisurely, and were received by the principes into the intervals of the ranks.

8.8.10The fight then devolved on the principes; the spearmen followed. The Triarii continued kneeling behind the ensigns, their left leg extended forward, holding their shields resting on their shoulders, and their spears fixed in the ground, with the points erect, so that their line bristled as if enclosed by a rampart.

8.8.11If the principes also did not make sufficient impression in the fight, they retreated slowly from the front to the Triarii. Hence, when a difficulty is felt, Matters have come to the Triarii, became a usual proverb.

8.8.12The Triarii rising up, after receiving the principes and spearmen into the intervals between their ranks, immediately closing their files, shut up as it were the openings;

8.8.13and in one compact body fell upon the enemy, no other hope being now left: that was the most formidable circumstance to the enemy, when having pursued them as vanquished, they beheld a new line suddenly starting up, increased also in strength.

8.8.14In general about four legions were raised, each consisting of five thousand infantry and three hundred horse.

8.8.15As many more were added from the Latin levy, who were at that time enemies to the Romans, and drew up their line after the same manner; and they knew that unless the ranks were disturbed they would have to engage not only standard with standard, spearmen with spearmen, principles with principes, but centurion also with centurion.

8.8.16There were among the veterans two first centurions in either army, the Roman by no means possessing bodily strength, but a brave man, and experienced in the service; the Latin powerful in bodily strength, and a first-rate warrior;

8.8.17they were very well known to each other, because they had always held equal rank.

8.8.18The Roman, somewhat diffident of his strength, had at Rome obtained permission from the consuls, to select any one whom he wished, his own subcenturion, to protect him from the one destined to be his adversary; and this youth being opposed to him in the battle, obtained the victory over the Latin centurion.

8.8.19They came to an engagement not far from the foot of Mount Vesuvius, where the road led to the Veseris.

8.9.1The Roman consuls, before they marched out their armies to the field, offered sacrifices. The aruspex is said to have shown to Decius the head of the liver wounded on the side relating to himself, in other respects the victim was ac- ceptable to the gods; whilst Manlius obtained highly favour- able omens from his sacrifice. But all is well, says Decius, if my colleague has offered an acceptable sacrifice."

8.9.2The ranks being drawn up in the order already described, they marched forth to battle. Manlius commanded the right, Decius the left wing.

8.9.3At first the action was conducted with equal strength on both sides, and with the same ardent courage. Afterwards the Roman spearmen on the left wing, not sus- taining the violent assault of the Latins, betook themselves to the principes.

8.9.4In this state of trepidation the consul Decius cries out with a loud voice to Marcus Valerius, Valerius, we have need of the aid of the gods. Come, as public pontiff of the Roman people, dictate to me the words in which I may devote myself for the legions.

8.9.5The pontiff directed him to take the gown called praetexta, and with his head covered and his hand thrust out under the gown to the chin, standing upon a spear placed under his feet, to say these words:

8.9.6Janus, Jupiter, father Mars, Quirinus, Bellona, ye Lares, ye gods Novensiles, ye gods Indigetes, ye divinities, under whose power we and our enemies are, and ye dii Manes,

8.9.7I pray you, I adore you, I ask your favour, that you would prosperously grant strength and victory

8.9.8to the Roman people, the Quirites; and that ye may affect the enemies of the Roman people, the Quirites, with terror, dismay, and death. In such manner as I have expressed in words, so do I devote the legions and auxiliaries of the enemy, together with myself,

8.9.9to the dii Manes and to Earth for the republic of the Quirites, for the army, legions, auxiliaries of the Roman people, the Quirites. Having uttered this prayer, he orders the lictors to go to Titus Manlius, and without delay to announce to his colleague that he had devoted himself

8.9.10for the army. He, girding himself in a Gabine cincture, and fully armed, mounted his horse, and rushed into the midst of the enemy. He was observed by both armies to present a more majestic appearance than human, as one sent from heaven as an expiation of all the wrath of the gods, to transfer to the enemy destruction turned away from his own side: accordingly,

8.9.11all the terror and panic being carried along with him, at first disturbed the battalions of the Latins, then completely pervaded their entire line. This

8.9.12was most evident, because, in whatever direction he was carried with his horse, there they became panic-stricken, as if struck by some pestilential constellation; but when he fell overwhelmed with darts, instantly the cohorts of the Latins, thrown into manifest consternation, took to flight, leaving a void to a considerable extent. At the same time also the Romans, their minds

8.9.13being freed from religious dread, exerting themselves as if the signal was then given for the first time, commenced to fight with renewed ardour. For the Rorarii also pushed forward among the

8.9.14antepilani, and added strength to the spearmen and principes, and the Triarii resting on the right knee awaited the consul's nod to rise up.

8.10.1Afterwards, as the contest proceeded, when the superior numbers of the Latins had the advantage in some places, the consul, Manlius, on hearing the circumstance of his colleague's death, after he had, as was right and just, honoured his so glorious a death with tears, as well as with praises so well merited, hesitated, for a little time, whether it was yet time for the Triarii to rise;

8.10.2then judging it better that they should be kept fresh for the decisive blow, he ordered the Accensi to advance from the rear before the standards.

8.10.3When they moved forward, the Latins immediately called up their Triarii, as if their opponents had done the same thing: who, when they had by desperate fighting for a considerable time both fatigued themselves, and had either broken or blunted their spears, and were, however, beating back their adversaries, thinking that the battle was now nearly decided, and that they had come to the last line; then the consul.

8.10.4calls to the Triarii, Arise now, fresh as ye are, against men now wearied, mindful of your country and parents, your wives and children; mindful of your consul who has submitted to death to insure your victory.

8.10.5When the Triarii arose, fresh as they were, with their arms glittering, a new line which appeared unexpectedly, receiving the antepilani into the intervals between the ranks, raised a shout, and broke through the first line of the Latins;

8.10.6and goading their faces, after cutting down those who constituted their principal strength, they passed almost intact through the other companies, with such slaughter that they scarcely left one fourth of the enemy. The Samnites also, drawn up at a distance at the foot of the mountain, struck terror into the Latins.

8.10.7But of all, whether citizens or allies, the principal praise for that action was due to the consuls; the one of whom turned on himself alone all the threats and dangers (denounced) by the divinities of heaven and hell; the other evinced such valour and such judgment in the battle, that it was universally agreed among both the Romans and Latins who have transmitted to posterity an account of the battle, that, on whichever side Titus Manlius held the command, the victory must belong to that.

8.10.8The Latins in their flight betook themselves to Minturnae. Immediately after the battle the camp was taken, and great numbers still alive were surprised therein, chiefly Campanians. Night surprised them in their search, and prevented the body of Decius from being discovered on that day.

8.10.9On the day after it was found amid vast heaps of slaughtered enemies, pierced with a great number of darts, and his funeral was solemnized under the direction of his colleague, in a manner suited to his death.

8.10.10It seems right to add here, that it is lawful for a consul, a dictator, and a praetor, when he devotes the legions of the enemy, to devote not himself particularly, but whatever citizen he may choose out of a Roman legion regularly enrolled:

8.10.11if the person who has been devoted die, the matter is duly performed; if he do not perish, then an image, seven feet high or more, must be buried in the ground, and a victim slain, as an expiation.

8.10.12Where that image shall be buried, there it is not lawful that a Roman magistrate should pass. But if he wish to devote himself, as Decius did, unless he who has devoted himself die, he shall not with propriety perform any act of religion regarding either himself or the public. Should he wish to devote his arms to Vulcan or to any other god, he has a right, whether he shall lease, by a victim, or in any other manner.

8.10.13It is not proper that the enemy should get possession of the weapon, on which the consul, standing, pronounced the imprecation: if they should get possession of it, then an expiation must be made to Mars by the sacrifices called the Suove-taurilia.

8.10.14Although the memory of every divine and human custom has been obliter- ated, in consequence of preferring what is modern and foreign to that which is ancient and belonging to our own country, I deemed it not irrelevant to relate the particulars even in the very terms used, as they have been handed down and expressed.

8.11.1I find it stated in some writers, that the Samnites, having awaited the issue of the battle, came at length with support to the Romans after the battle was over. Also aid from Lavinium, whilst they wasted time in deliberating, was at length sent to the Latins after they had been vanquished.

8.11.2And when the first standards and part of the army just issued from the gates, news being

8.11.3brought of the defeat of the Latins, they faced about and returned back to the city; on which occasion they say that their praetor, Milionius, observed, that for so very short a journey a high price must be paid to the Romans.

8.11.4Such of the Latins as survived the battle, after being scattered over many roads, collected themselves into a body, and found refuge in the city of Vescia.

8.11.5There their general, Numisius, insisted in their counsels, that "the truly common fortune of war had prostrated both armies by equal losses, and that only the name of victory rested with the Romans;

8.11.6that in other respects they too shared the lot of defeated persons; the two pavilions of the consuls were polluted; one by the murder committed on a son, the other by the blood of a devoted consul; that their army was cut down in every direction; their spearmen and principes were cut down; great havoc was made before the standards and behind them; the Triarii at length restored their cause.

8.11.7Though the forces of the Latins were cut down in an equal proportion, yet for reinforcements, Latium or the Volscians were nearer than Rome.

8.11.8Wherefore, if they thought well of it, he would speedily call out the youth from the Latin and Volscian states, and would return to Capua with a determined army, and by his unexpected arrival strike dismay among the Romans, who were expecting nothing less than battle.

8.11.9Deceptive letters being sent around Latium and the Volscian nation, a tumultuary army, hastily raised from all quarters, was assembled, for as they had not been present at the battle, they were more disposed to believe on slight grounds.

8.11.10This army the consul Torquatus met at Trisanum, a place between Sinuessa and Minturnae. Before a place was selected for a camp, the baggage on both sides being piled up in a heap, they fought and terminated the war;

8.11.11for so impaired was their strength, that all the Latins surrendered themselves to the consul, who was leading his victorious army to lay waste their lands, and the Campanians followed the example of this surrender.

8.11.12Latium and Capua were fined some land. The Latin with the addition of the Privernian land; and the Falernian land, which had belonged to the people of Campania, as far as the river Vulturnus, is all distributed to the commons of Rome.

8.11.13In the Latin land two acres a man were assigned, so that they should receive an additional three-fourths of an acre from the Privernian land;

8.11.14in the Falernian land three acres were assigned, one fourth of an acre being further added, in consideration of the distance. Of the Latins the Laurentians were exempted from punishment, as also the horsemen of the Campanians, because they had not revolted.

8.11.15An order was issued that the treaty should be renewed with the Laurentians; and it is renewed every year since, on the tenth day after the Latin festival.

8.11.16The rights of citizenship were granted to the Campanian horsemen; and that it might serve as a memorial, they hung up a brazen tablet in the temple of Castor at Rome. The Campanian state was also enjoined to pay them a yearly stipend of four hundred and fifty denarii each; their number amounted to one thousand six hundred.

8.12.1The war being thus concluded, after rewards and punishment were distributed according to the deserts of each, Titus Manlius returned to Rome: on his approach it appears that the aged only went forth to meet him; and that the young men, both then, and all his life after, detested and cursed him.

8.12.2The Antians made incursions on the territories of Ostia, Ardea, and Solonia. The consul Manlius, because he was unable by reason of his health to conduct that war, nominated as dictator Lucius Papirius Crassus, who then happened to be praetor; by him Lucius Papirius Cursor was appointed master of the horse.

8.12.3Nothing worthy of mention was performed against the Antians by the dictator, although he had kept a standing camp for several months in the Antian territory.

8.12.4To a year signalized by a victory over so many and such powerful states, further by the illustrious death of one of the consuls, as well as by the unrelenting, though memorable, severity of command in the other, there succeeded as consuls Titus Aemi- lius Mamercinus and Quintus Publilius Philo; neither to a similar opportunity of exploits, and they themselves being mindful rather of their own interests as well as of those of the parties in the state, than of the interests of their country.

8.12.5They routed on the plains of Ferentinum, and stripped of their camp, the Latins, who, in resentment of the land they had lost, took up arms again.

8.12.6Publilius, under whose guidance and auspices the action had been fought, receiving the submission of the Latin states, who had lost a great many of their young men there, Aemilius marched the army to Pedum.

8.12.7The people of Pedum were supported by the states of Tibur, Praeneste, and Velitrae; auxiliaries had also come from Lanuvium and Antium.

8.12.8Where, though the Romans had the advantage in several engagements, still the entire labour remained at the city of Pedum itself and at the camp of the allied states, which was adjoining the city:

8.12.9suddenly leaving the war unfinished, because he heard that a triumph was decreed to his colleague, he himself also returned to Rome to demand a triumph before a victory had been obtained.

8.12.10The senate displeased by this ambitious conduct, and refusing a triumph unless Pedum was either taken or should surrender, Aemilius, alienated from the senate in consequence of this act, administered the remainder of the consulship like to a seditious tribuneship.

8.12.11For, as long as he was consul, he neither ceased to criminate the patricians to the people, his colleague by no means interfering, because he himself also was a plebeian;

8.12.12(the scanty distribution of the land among the commons in the Latin and Falernian territory afforded the groundwork of the criminations;) and when the senate, wishing to put an end to the administration of the consuls, ordered a dictator to be nominated against the Latins, who were again in arms, Aemilius,

8.12.13to whom the fasces then belonged, nominated his colleague dictator; by him Junius Brutus was constituted master of the horse.

8.12.14The dictatorship was popular, both in consequence of his discourses containing invectives against the patricians, and because he passed three laws, most advantageous to the commons, and injurious to the nobility;

8.12.15one, that the orders of the commons should be binding on all the Romans; another, that the patricians should, before the suffrages commenced, declare their approbation of the laws which should be passed in the assemblies of the centuries;

8.12.16the third, that one at least of the censors should be elected from the commons, as they had already gone so far as that it was lawful that both the consuls should be plebeians.

8.12.17The patricians considered that more of detriment had been sustained on that year from the consuls and dictator than was counterbalanced by their success and achievements abroad.

8.13.1On the following year, Lucius Furius Camillus and Caius Maenius were consuls, in order that the neglect of his duty by Aemilius, the consul of the preceding year, might be rendered more markedly reproachful, the senate loudly urge that Pedum should be assailed with arms, men, and every kind of force, and be demolished; and the new consuls, being forced to give that matter the precedence of all others, set out on that expedition.

8.13.2The state of affairs was now such in Latium, that they could no longer submit to either war or peace.

8.13.3For war they were deficient in resources; they spurned at peace through resentment for the loss of their land. It seemed necessary therefore to steer a middle course, to keep within their towns, so that the Romans by being provoked might have no pretext for hostilities;

8.13.4and that if the siege of any town should be announced to them, aid should be sent from every quarter from all the states. And still the people of Pedum were aided by only a very few stated.

Book 8, Part 3

8.13.5The Tiburtians and Praenestines, whose territory lay nearest, came to Pedum. Maenius suddenly making an attack, defeated the Aricinians, and Lanuvians, and Veliternians, at the river Astura, the Volscians of Antium forming a junction with them.

8.13.6The Tiburtian, far the strongest body, Camillus engages at Pedum, encountering much greater difficulty, though with a result equally successful.

8.13.7A sudden sally of the townsmen during the battle chiefly occasioned confusing: Camillus, turning on these with a part of his army, not only drove them within their walls, but on the very same day, after he had discomfited themselves and their auxiliaries, he took the town by scalade.

8.13.8It was then-resolved to lead round with greater energy and spirit his victorious army from the storming of a single city to the entire conquest of Latium. Nor did they stop until they reduced all Latium, either by storming, or by becoming masters of the cities one after the other by capitulation.

8.13.9Then, disposing garrisons in the towns which they had taken, they departed to Rome to a triumph universally admitted to be due to them. To the triumph was added the honour of having equestrian statues erected to them in the forum, a compliment very unusual at that period.

8.13.10Before they commenced holding the meeting for the election of the consuls for the ensuing year, Camillus moved the senate concerning the Latin states, and spoke thus:

8.13.11Conscript fathers, that which was to be done by war and arms in Latium has now been fully accomplished by the bounty of the gods and the valour of the soldiers. The armies of the enemy have been cut down at Pedum and the Astura.

8.13.12All the Latin towns, and Antium belonging to the Volscians, either taken by storm, or received into surrender, are occupied by your garrisons.

8.13.13It now remains to be considered, since they annoy us by their repeated rebellions, how we may keep them in quiet submission and in the observance of perpetual peace.

8.13.14The immortal gods have put the determination of this matter so completely in your power, that they have placed it at your option whether Latium is to exist henceforward or not. Ye can therefore insure to yourselves perpetual peace, as far as regards the Latins, either by adopting severe or lenient measures. Do ye choose to adopt cruel conduct towards people who have surrendered and have been conquered?

8.13.15Ye may destroy all Latium, make a vast desert of a place whence, in many and serious wars, ye have often made use of an excellent army of allies. Do you wish, according to the example of your ancestors, to augment the Roman state by admitting the vanquished among your citizens?

8.13.16Materials for extending your power by the highest glory are at hand. That government is certainly by far the most secure, which the subjects feel a pleasure in obeying.

8.13.17But whatever determination ye wish to come to, it is necessary that it be speedy. So many states have ye in a state of suspense between hope and fear; and it is necessary that you be discharged as soon as possible of your solicitude about them, and that their minds, whilst they are still in a state of insensibility from uncertainty, be at once impressed either by punishment or clemency.

8.13.18It was our duty to bring matters to such a pass that you may have full power to deliberate on every matter; yours to decide what is most expedient to yourselves and the commonwealth.

8.14.1The principal members of the senate applauded the consul's statement of the business on the whole; but said that "as the states were differently circumstanced, that their plan might be readily adjusted so that it might be determined according to the desert of each, if they should put the question regarding each state specifically. The question was therefore so put regarding each separately and a decree past.

8.14.2To the Lanuvians the right of citizenship was granted, and the exercise of their religious rights was restored to them with this provision, that the temple and grove of Juno Sospita should be common between the Lanuvian burghers and the Roman people.

8.14.3The Aricians, Nomentans, and Pedans were admitted into the number of citizen on the same terms as the Lanuvians.

8.14.4To the Tusculans the rights of citizenship which they already possessed were continued; and the crime of rebellion was turned from disaffection on public grounds against a few instigators.

8.14.5On the Veliternian, Roman citizens of long standing, measures of great severity were inflicted because they had so often rebelled;

8.14.6their walls were razed, and their senate removed from thence, and they were ordered to dwell on the other side of the Tiber, so that the fine of any individual who should be caught on the hither side of that river should amount to one thousand asses; and that the person who had apprehended him, should not discharge his prisoner from confinement, until the money was paid down.

8.14.7Into the land of the senators colonists were sent; from the additions of which Velitrae recovered its appearance of former populousness.

8.14.8A new colony was also sent to Antium, with this provision, that if the Antians desired to be enrolled as colonists, permission to that effect should be granted. Their ships of war were removed from thence, and the people of Antium were interdicted the sea, and the rights of citizenship were granted them.

8.14.9The Tiburtians and Praenestines were amerced in some land, not only on account of the recent guilt of the rebellion, which was common to them with the other Latins; but also because, from their dislike to the Roman government, they had formerly associated in arms with the Gauls, a nation of savages.

8.14.10From the other Latin states they took away the privileges of intermarriage commerce, and of holding meetings. To the Campanians, in compliment to their horsemen, because they had refused to join in rebellion with the Latins, and to the Fundans and Formians, because the passage through their territories had been always secure and peaceful, the freedom of the state was granted with the right of suffrage.

8.14.11It was determined that the people of Cumae and Suessula should have the same rights and be on the same footing as Capua.

8.14.12Of the ships of the Antians some were drawn up to the docks at Rome, some were burned, and with the prows of these a pulpit built in the forum was ordered to be decorated; and that temple was called Rostra.

8.15.1During the consulship of Caius Sulpicius Longus and Publius Aelius Paetus, when the Roman power not more than the kindly feeling engendered by acts of kindness diffused the blessings of peace among all parties, a war broke out between the Sidicinians and Auruncans.

8.15.2The Auruncans having been admitted into alliance on the occasion of their surrendering, had since that period made no disturbance; accordingly they had a juster pretext for seeking aid from the Romans.

8.15.3But before the consuls led forth their army from the city, (for the senate had ordered the Auruncans to be defended,)

8.15.4intelligence is brought that the Auruncans deserted their town through fear, and flying with their wives and children, that they fortified Suessa, which is now called Aurunca; that their ancient walls and city were demolished by the Sidicinians.

8.15.5The senate being in consequence incensed against the consuls, by whose delays the allies had been betrayed, ordered a dictator to be created. Caius Claudius Regillensis was appointed, and he nominated Caius Claudius Hortator as master of the horse.

8.15.6A scruple afterwards arose concerning the dictator; and when the augurs declared that he seemed to have been created under an informality, the dictator and the master of the horse laid down their office.

8.15.7This year Minucia, a vestal, at first suspected on account of her dress being more elegant than was becoming, afterwards being arraigned before the pontiffs on the testimony of a slave,

8.15.8after she had been ordered by their decree to abstain from meddling in sacred rites, and to keep her slaves under her own power, when brought to trial, was buried alive at the Colline gate, on the right of the causeway, in the field of wickedness. I suppose that name was given to the place from her crime.

8.15.9On the same year Quintus Publilius Philo was the first of the plebeians elected praetor, being opposed by Sulpicius the consul, who refused to take any notice of him as a candidate; the senate, as they had not suc- ceeded on that ground in the case of the highest offices, being less earnest with respect to the praetorship.

8.16.1The following year, Lucius Papirius Crassus and Kaeso Duilius being consuls, was distinguished by a war with the Ausonians, as being new rather than important.

8.16.2This people inhabited the city Cales; they had united their arms with their neighbours the Sidicinians;

8.16.3and the army of the two states being defeated in one battle scarcely worthy of record, was induced to take to flight the earlier in consequence of the proximity of the cities, and the more sheltered on their flight. Nor did the senate, however, discontinue their attention to that war, because the Sidicinians had now so often taken up arms either as principals, or had afforded aid to those who did so, or had been the cause of hostilities.

8.16.4Accordingly they exerted themselves with all their might, to raise to the consulship for the fourth time, Marcus Valerius Corvus, the greatest general of that day.

8.16.5To Corvus was added Marcus Atilius Regulus as colleague; and lest any disappointment might by any chance occur, a request was made of the consuls, that, without drawing lots, that province might be assigned to Corvus.

8.16.6Receiving the victorious army from the former consuls, proceeding to Cales, whence the war had originated, after he had, at the first shout and onset, routed the enemy, who were disheartened by the recollection also of the former engagement, he set about attacking the town itself.

8.16.7And such was the ardour of the soldiers, that they wished to advance immediately up to the walls, and strenuously asserted that they would scale them.

8.16.8Corvus, because that was a hazardous undertaking, wished to accomplish his object rather by the labour than the risk of his men. Accordingly he formed a rampart, prepared his vineae and advanced towers up to the walls; but an opportunity which accidentally presented itself, prevented the occasion for them.

8.16.9For Marcius Fabius, a Roman prisoner, when, having broken his chains during the inattention of his guards on a festival day, suspending himself by means of a rope which was fastened to a battlement of the wall, he let himself down by the hands, persuaded the general to make an assault on the enemy whilst stupified by wine and feasting; nor were the Ausonians, together with their city, captured with greater difficulty than they had been routed in the field.

8.16.10A great amount of booty was obtained; and a garrison being stationed at Cales, the legions were marched back to Rome.

8.16.11The consul triumphed in pursuance of a decree of the senate; and that Atilius might not be without a share of glory, both the consuls were ordered to lead the army against the Sidicinians.

8.16.12But first, in conformity with a decree of the senate, they nominated as dictator for the purpose of holding the elections, Lucius Aemilius Mamercinus; he named Quintus Publilius Philo his master of the horse. The dictator presiding at the elections, Titus Veturius and Spurius Postumius were elected consuls.

8.16.13Though a part of the war with the Sidicinians still remained; yet that they might anticipate, by an act of kindness, the wishes of the commons, they proposed about sending a colony to Cales;

8.16.14and a decree of the senate being passed that two thousand five hundred men should be enrolled for that purpose, they appointed Kaeso Duilius, Titus Quinctius, and Marcus Fabius commissioners for conducting the colony and distributing the land.

8.17.1The new consuls then, recovering the army from their predecessors, entered the enemy's territories and carried their depredations up to the walls and the city.

8.17.2There because the Sidicinians, who had raised a numerous army, seemed determined to fight vigorously for their last hope, and a report existed that Samnium also was preparing for hostilities, Publius Cornelius Rufinus was created dictator by the consuls in pursuance of a decree of the senate;

8.17.3Marcus Antonius was nominated master of the horse.

8.17.4A scruple afterwards arose that they were elected under an informality: and they laid down their office; and because a pestilence followed, recourse was had to an interregnum, as if all the auspices had been infected by that irregularity. By Marcus Valerius Corvus, the fifth interrex from the commencement of the interregnum, Aulus Cornelius a second time, and Cneius Domitius were elected consuls.

8.17.5Things being now tranquil, the rumour of a Gallic war had the effect of a real outbreak, so that they were determined that a dictator should be nominated.

8.17.6Marcus Papirius Crassus was nominated, and Publius Valerius Publicola master of the horse. And when the levy was conducted by them with more activity than was deemed necessary in the case of neighbouring wars, scouts were sent out and brought word, that there was perfect quiet with the Gauls in every direction.

8.17.7It was suspected that Samnium also was now for the second year in a state of disturbance in consequence of their entertaining new designs:

8.17.8hence the Roman troops were not wit drawn from the Sidicinian territory.

8.17.9But a hostile attack made by Alexander of Epirus on the Lucanians drew away the attention of the Samnites to another quarter; these two nations fought a pitched battle against the king, as he was making a descent on the district adjoining Paestum.

8.17.10Alexander, having come off victorious in that contest, concluded a peace with the Romans; with what fidelity he would have kept it, if his other projects had been equally successful, is uncertain.

8.17.11The same year the census was performed, and the new citizens were rated; on their account the Maecian and Scaptia tribes were added: the censors who added them were Quintus Publilius Philo and Spurius Postumius.

8.17.12The Acerrans were enrolled as Romans, in conformity with a law introduce by the praetor, Lucius Papirius, by which the right of citizenship with the privilege of suffrage was conferred. These were the transactions at home and abroad during that year.

8.18.1The following year was disastrous, whether by the in- temperature of the air, or by human guilt, Marcus Claudius Marcellus and Caius Valerius being consuls.

8.18.2I find in the annals Flaccus and Potitus variously given as the surname of the consul; but in this it is of little consequence which is the true one. I would heartily wish that this other account were a false one, (nor indeed do all writers mention it,) viz.

8.18.3that those persons, whose death rendered the year signal for the pestilence, were carried off by poison. The circumstance however must be stated as it is handed down to us, that I may not detract from the credit of any writer.

8.18.4When the principal persons of the state were dying of similar diseases, and all generally with the same result, a certain maid-servant undertook, before Quintius Fabius Maximus, curule aedile, to discover the cause of the public malady, provided the public faith would be given to her by him, that the discovery should not be made detrimental to her.

8.18.5Fabius immediately lays the matter before the consuls, and the consuls before the senate, and with the concurrence of that order the public faith was pledged to the informer.

8.18.6It was then disclosed that the state was afflicted by the wickedness of certain women, and that certain matrons were preparing those poisonous drugs;

8.18.7and if they wished to follow her forthwith, they mi ht be de- tected in the very fact.

8.18.8Having followed the informer, they found women preparing certain drugs, and others of the same kind laid up. These being brought into the forum, and several matrons, to the number of twenty, in whose possession they had been detected, being summoned by the beadle, two of them, Cornelia and Sergia, both of patrician rank, maintaining that these drugs were wholesome, were directed by the informer who confronted them to drink some, that they might convict her of having stated what was false;

8.18.9having taken time to confer together, when, the crowd being removed, they referred the matter to the other matrons in the open view of all; they also not refusing to drink, they all drank off the preparation, and perished by their own wicked device.

8.18.10Their attendants being instantly seized, informed against a great number of matrons, of whom to the number of one hundred and seventy were condemned.

8.18.11Nor up to that day was there ever an inquiry made at Rome concerning poisoning. The circumstance was considered a prodigy; and seemed the act rather of insane persons than of persons depraved by guilt.

8.18.12Wherefore mention having been found in the annals, that formerly in the secessions of the commons the nail had been driven by the dictator, and that the minds of the people, distracted by discord, had been restored to a sane state, it was determined that a dictator should be nominated for the purpose of driving the nail.

8.18.13Cneius Quinctilius being nominated, appointed Lucius Valerius master of the horse, who, as soon as the nail was driven, abdicated their offices.

8.19.1Lucius Papirius Crassus a second time, and Lucius Plautius Venno were elected consuls; at the commencement of which year ambassadors came to Rome from the Fabraternians, a Volscian people, and from the Lucanians, soliciting to be admitted into alliance:

8.19.2[promising] that if they were defended from the arms of the Samnites, they would continue in fidelity and obedience under the government of the Roman people.

8.19.3Ambassadors were then sent by the senate; and the Samnites were directed to withhold all violence from the territories of those states; and this embassy proved effectual not so much because the Samnites were desirous of peace, as because they were not prepared for war.

8.19.4The same year a war broke out with the people of Privernum; in which the people of Fundi were their supporters, their leader also being a Fundanian, Vitruvius Vaccus; a man of distinction not only at home, but in Rome also. He had a house on the Palatine hill, which, after the building was razed and the ground thrown open, was called the Vacciprata.

8.19.5Lucius Papirius having set out to oppose him whilst devastating extensively the districts of Setia, Norba, and Cora, posted himself at no great distance from his camp.

8.19.6Vitruvius neither adopted the prudent resolution to enclose himself with his trenches against an en my his superior in strength, nor had he sufficient courage to engage at any great distance from his camp.

8.19.7When his army had scarcely got out of the gate of the camp, and his soldiers were looking backwards to flight rather than to battle or the enemy, he enters on an engagement without judgment or boldness;

8.19.8and as he was conquered by a very slight effort and unequivocally, so did he by the very shortness of the distance, and by the facility of his retreat into the camp so near at hand, protect his soldiers without difficulty from much loss;

8.19.9and scarcely were any slain in the engagement itself, and but few in the confusion of the flight in the rear, whilst they were making their way into the camp; and as soon as it was dark they repaired to Privernum in trepidation, so that they might protect themselves rather by walls than by a rampart. Plautius, the other consul, after laying waste the lands in every direction and driving off the spoil, leads his army into the Fundanian territory.

8.19.10The senate of the Fundanians met him as he was entering their borders; they declare that they had not come to intercede in behalf of Vitruvius or those who followed his faction, but in behalf of the people of Fundi, whose exemption from any blame in the war had been proved by Vitruvius himself, when he made Privernum his place of retreat, and not his native country, Fundi.

8.19.11At Privernum, therefore, the enemies of the Roman people were to be looked for, and punished, who revolted at the same time from the Fundanians and the Romans, unmindful of both countries. That the Fundanians were at peace, that they had Roman feelings and a grateful recollection of the political rights received.

8.19.12They entreated the consul to withhold war from an inoffensive people; their lands, city, heir own bodies and those of their wives and children, were, and ever should be, at the disposal of the Roman people.

8.19.13The consul, having commended the Fundanians, and despatched letters to Rome that the Fundanians had preserved their allegiance, turned his march to Privernum.

8.19.14Claudius states, that the consul first punished those who were at the head of the conspiracy; that three hundred and fifty of the conspirators were sent in chains to Rome; and that such submission was not received by the senate, because they considered that the people of Fundi wished to come off with impunity by the punishment of needy and humble persons.

8.20.1While the siege of Privernum was being conducted by the two consular armies, one of the consuls was recalled to Rome, on account of the elections.

Book 8, Part 4

8.20.2This year gaols were first erected in the circus. While the attention of the public was still occupied by the Privernian war, an alarming report of the Gauls being in arms, a matter scarcely ever slighted by the senate, suddenly came on them.

8.20.3The new consuls, therefore, Lucius Aemilius Mamercinus and Caius Plautius, on the calends of July, the very day on which they entered into office, received orders to settle the provinces immediately between themselves; and Mamercinus, to whom the Gallic war fell, was directed to levy troops, without admitting any plea of immunity: nay, it is said, that even the rabble of handicrafts, and those of sedentary trades, of all the worst qualified for military service, were called out;

8.20.4and a vast army was collected at Veii, in readiness to meet the Gauls.

8.20.5It was thought proper not to proceed to a greater distance, lest the enemy might by some other route arrive at the city without being observed. In the course of a few days it being ascertained, on a careful inquiry, that every thing on that side was quiet at the time; the whole force, which was to have opposed the Gauls, was then turned against Priver- num.

8.20.6Of the issue of the business, there are two different accounts: some say, that the city was taken by storm; and that Vitruvius fell alive into the hands [of the conquerors]: others maintain that the townsmen, to avoid the extremities of a storm, presenting the rod of peace, surrendered to the consul; and that Vitruvius was delivered up by his troops.

8.20.7The senate, being consulted with respect to Vitruvius and the Privernians, sent directions, that the consul Plautius should demolish the walls of Privernum, and, leaving a strong garrison there, come home to enjoy the honour of a triumph; at the same time ordering that Vitruvius should be kept in prison, until the return of the consul, and that he should then be beaten with rods, and put to death.

8.20.8His house, which stood on the Palatine hill, they commanded to be razed to the ground, and his effects to be devoted to Semo Sancus. With the money produced by the sale of them, brazen globes were formed, and placed in the chapel of Sancus, opposite to the temple of Quirinus.

8.20.9As to the senate of Privernum, it was decreed, that every person who had continued to act as a senator of Privernum, after the revolt from the Romans, should reside on the farther side of the Tiber, under the same restrictions as those of Velitrae.

8.20.10After the passing of these decrees, there was no further mention of the Privernians, un- til Plautius had triumphed. After the triumph, Vitruvius, with his accomplices, having been put to death, the consul thought that all being now fully gratified by the sufferings of the guilty, allusion might be safely made to the business of the Privernians, he spoke in the following manner:

8.20.11Con- script fathers, since the authors of the revolt have received, both from the immortal gods and from you, the punishment so well merited, what do ye judge proper to be done with respect to the guiltless multitude?

8.20.12For my part, although my duty consists rather in collecting the opinions of others than in offering my own, yet, when I reflect that the Privernians are situated in the neighbourhood of the Samnites, our peace with whom is exceedingly uncertain, I should wish, that as little ground of animosity as possible may be left between them and us.

8.21.1The affair naturally admitted of a diversity of opinions, each, agreeably to his particular temper, recommending either severity or lenity; matters were still further perplexed by one of the Privernian ambassadors, more mindful of the prospects to which he had been born, than to the exigency of the present juncture: who being asked by one of the advocates for severity, What punishment he thought the Privernians deserved?

8.21.2answered, Such as those deserve who deem themselves worthy of liberty.

8.21.3The consul observing, that, by this stubborn answer, those who were adverse to the cause of the Privernians were the more exasperated against them, and wishing, by a question of favourable import, to draw from him a more conciliating reply, said to him, What if

8.21.4we re- mit the punishment, in what manner may we expect that ye will observe the peace which shall be established between us? He replied, If the peace which ye grant us be a good one, both inviolable and eternal; if bad, of no long continuance.

8.21.5Then indeed some exclaimed, that the Privernian menaced them, and not in ambiguous terms; and that by such expressions peaceable states were incited to rebellion.

8.21.6But the more reasonable part of the senate interpreted his answers more favourably, and said, that the words they had heard were those of a man, and of a free-man. Could it be believed that any people, or even any individual, would remain, longer than necessity constrained, in a situation which he felt painful?

8.21.7That peace was faithfully observed, only when those at peace were voluntarily so; but that fidelity was not to be expected where they wished to establish slavery.

8.21.8In this opinion they were led to concur, principally, by the consul himself, who frequently observed to the consulars, who had proposed the different resolutions, in such a manner as to be heard by several,

8.21.9that surely those men only who thought of nothing but liberty, were worthy of being made Romans.

8.21.10They consequently both carried their cause in the senate; and, moreover, by direction of that body, a proposal was laid before the people, that the freedom of the state should be granted to the Privernians.

8.21.11The same year a colony of three hundred was sent to Anxur, and received two acres of land each.

8.22.1The year following, in which the consuls were Publius Plautius Proculus and Publius Cornelius Scapula, was re- markable for no one transaction, civil or military, except the sending of a colony to Fregellae, a district which had belonged to the Sidicinians, and afterwards to the Volscians;

8.22.2and a distribution of meat to the people, made by Marcus Flavius, on occasion of the funeral of his mother.

8.22.3There were many who represented, that, under the appearance of doing honour to his parent, a deserved recompence was made to the people, for having acquitted him, when prosecuted by the aediles on a charge of having debauched a married woman.

8.22.4This distribution of meat intended as a return for favours shown on the trial, proved also the means of procuring him the honour of a public office; for, at the next election, though absent, he was preferred before the candidates who solicited in person the tribuneship of the commons.

8.22.5The city of Palaepolis was situated at no great distance from the spot where Neapolis now stands.

8.22.6The two cities were inhabited by one people: these came from Cumae, and the Cumans derive their origin from Chalcis in Eubœa. By means of the fleet in which they had been conveyed hither, they possessed great power on the coast of the sea, near which they dwelt. Having first landed on the islands of Aenaria, and the Pithecusae, they afterwards ventured to transfer their settlement to the continent.

8.22.7This state, relying both on their own strength, as well as on the treacherous nature of the alliance of the Samnites with the Romans; or, encouraged by the report of a pestilence having attacked the city of Rome, committed various acts of hostility against the Romans settled in the Campanian and Falernian territories.

8.22.8Wherefore, in the succeeding consulate of Lucius Cornelius, and Quintus Publilius Philo a second time, heralds being sent to Palaepolis to demand satisfaction, when a haughty answer was returned by these Greeks, a race more mag- nanimous in words than in action, the people, in pursuance of the direction of the senate, ordered war to be declared against the Palaepolitans.

8.22.9On settling the provinces between the consuls, the war against the Greeks fell to Publilius. Cor- nelius, with another army, was appointed to watch the Sam- nites if they should attempt any movement;

8.22.10but a report pre- vailed that they, anxiously expecting a revolt in Campania, intended to march their troops thither; that was judged by Cornelius the properest station for him.

8.23.1The senate received information, from both the con- suls, that there was very little hope of peace with the Sam- nites. Publilius informed them, that two thousand soldiers from Nolae, and four thousand of the Samnites, had been received into Palaepolis, a measure rather forced on the Greeks by the Nolans than agreeable to their inclination.

8.23.2Cor- nelius wrote, that a levy of troops had been ordered, that all Samnium was in motion, and that the neighbouring states of Privernum, Fundi, and Formiae, were openly solicited to join them.

8.23.3When in consequence it was thought proper, that, before hostilities were commenced, ambassadors should be sent to the Samnites, an insolent answer is returned by them;

8.23.4they even went so far as to accuse the Romans of behaving injuriously towards them;

8.23.5but, nevertheless, they took pains to clear themselves of the charges made against them, assert- ing, that the Greeks were not assisted with either counsel or aid by their state, nor were the Fundanians or Formians tampered with by them; for, if they were disposed to war, they had not the least reason to be diffident of their own strength.

8.23.6However, they could not dissemble, that it gave great offence to the state of the Samnites, that Fregellae, by them taken from the Volscians and demolished, should have been rebuilt by the Romans;

8.23.7and that they should have established a colony within the territory of the Samnites, to which their colonists gave the name of Fregellae.

8.23.8This injury and affront, if not done away by the authors, they were determined themselves to remove, by every means in their power. When one of the Roman ambassadors proposed to discuss the matter before their common allies and friends, their magistrate said, Why do we disguise our sentiments? Romans, no conferences of ambassadors, nor arbitration of any person whatever, can terminate our differences; but the plains of Campania, in which we must meet; our arms and the common fortune of war will settle the point.

8.23.9Let our armies, therefore, meet between Capua and Suessula; and there let us decide, whether the Samnite or the Roman shall hold the sovereignty of Italy.

8.23.10To this the ambassadors of the Romans replied, that they would go, not whither their enemy called, but whither their commanders should lead." In the mean time, Publilius, by seizing an advantageous post between Palaepolis and Neapolis, had cut off that interchange of mutual aid, which they had hitherto afforded each other, according as either place was hard pressed.

8.23.11Accordingly, when both the day of the elections approached, and as it was highly inexpedient for the public interest that Publilius should be called away when on the point of assailing the enemy's walls, and in daily expectation of gaining possession of their city, application was made to the tribunes, to

8.23.12recommend to the people the passing of an order, that Publilius Philo, when his year of office should expire, might continue in command, as pro-consul, until the war with the Greeks should be finished.

8.23.13A letter was despatched to Lucius Cornelius, with orders to name a dictator; for it was not thought proper that the consul should be recalled from the vigorous prosecution of the war now that he had entered into Samnium.

8.23.14He nominated Marcus Claudius Marcellus, who appointed Spurius Postumius master of the horse. The elections, however, were not held by the dictator, because it became a question whether he had been appointed under an irregularity; and the augurs being consulted, pronounced that it appeared that the dictator's appointment was defective.

8.23.15The tribunes inveighed against this proceeding as dangerous and dishonourable; for it was not probable, they said, that suc defect could have been discovered, as the consul, rising in the night, had nominated the dictator while every thing was still; nor had the said consul in any of his letters, either public or private, made any mention of such a thing to any

8.23.16one; nor did any person whatever come forward who said that he saw or heard any thing which could vitiate the auspices. Neither could the augurs sitting at Rome divine what inauspicious circumstance had occurred to the consul

8.23.17in the camp. Who did not plainly perceive, that the dictator's being a plebeian, was the defect which the augurs had discovered? These and other arguments were urged in vain by the tribunes: the affair however ended in an interregnum. At last, after the elections had been adjourned repeatedly on one pretext or another, the fourteenth interrex, Lucius Aemilius, elected consuls Caius Paetelius, and Lucius Papirius Mugillanius, or Cursor, as I find him named in some annals.

8.24.1It has been recorded, that in this year Alexandria in Egypt was founded; and that Alexander, king of Epirus, being slain by a Lucanian exile, verified in the circumstances of his death the prediction of Jupiter of Dodona.

8.24.2At the time when he was invited into Italy by the Tarentines, a caution had been given him, to beware of the Acherusian waters and the city Pandosia, for there were fixed the limits of his destiny.

8.24.3For that reason he made the greater haste to pass over to Italy, in order to be at as great a distance as possible from the city Pandosia in Epirus, and the river Acheron, which, after flowing through Molossis, runs into the lakes called Infernal, and is received into the Thesprotian gulf.

8.24.4But, (as it frequently happens, that men, by endeavouring to shun their fate, run directly upon it,) after having often defeated the armies of Bruttium and Lucania, and taken Heraclea, a colony of the Tarentines, Consentia and Metapontum from the Lucanians, Terina from the Bruttians, and several other cities of the Messapians and Lucanians;

8.24.5and having sent into Epirus three hundred illustrious families, whom he in- tended to keep as hostages, he posted his troops on three hills, which stood at a small distance from each other, not far from the city Pandosia, and close to the frontiers of the Bruttians and Lucanians, in order that he might thence make incursions into every part of the enemy's country.

8.24.6At that time he kept about his person two hundred Lucanian exiles, as faithful attendants, but whose fidelity, according to the general disposition of people of that description, was ever ready to follow the changes of fortune.

8.24.7When continual rains spread such an inundation over all the plains, as cut off from the three separate divisions of the army all means of mutual aid, the two parties, in neither of which the king was present, were suddenly attacked and overpowered by the enemy, who, after putting them to the sword, employed their whole force in blockading the king himself.

8.24.8From this place the Lucanian exiles sent emissaries to their countrymen, and stipulating a safe return for themselves, promised to deliver the king, either alive or dead, into their power. But he, bravely resolving to make an extraordinary effort, at the head of a chosen band, broke through the midst of their forces;

8.24.9engaged singly, and slew the general of the Lucanians, and collecting together his men, who had been scattered in the retreat, arrived at a river which pointed out his road

8.24.10by the ruins of a bridge which had been recently broken by the violence of the flood. Here, while the party was fording the river on a very uneven bottom, a soldier, almost spent with fatigue and apprehension, cried out as a reflection on the odious name of it, — You

8.24.11are justly named Acheros (dismal): which expression reaching the king's ears, and instantly recalling to his mind the fate denounced on him, he halted, hesitating whether he should cross over or not.

8.24.12Then Sotimus, one of the royal band of youths which attended him, asking why he delayed in such a critical moment, showed him that the Lucanians were watching an opportunity to perpetrate some act of treachery: whereupon the king, looking back, and seeing them coming towards him in a body, drew his sword, and pushed on his horse through the middle of the river.

8.24.13When he had now reached the shallow, a Lucanian exile from a distance transfixed him with a javelin: after his fall, the current carried down his lifeless body, with the weapon sticking in it, to the posts of the enemy:

8.24.14there a shocking mangling of it took place; for dividing it in the middle, they sent one half to Consentia, and kept the other, as a subject of mockery, to themselves. While they were throwing darts and stones at it, a woman mixing with the crowd, who were enraged to a degree beyond the credible extent of human resentment, prevailed on them to stop for a moment.

8.24.15She then told them with tears in her eyes that she had a husband and children, prisoners among the enemy; and that she hoped to be able with the king's body, however disfigured, to ransom her friends: this put an end to their outrages.

8.24.16The remnants of his limbs were buried at Consentia, entirely through the care of the woman; and his bones were sent to Metapontum to the enemy, from whence they were conveyed to Epirus to his wife Cleopatra and his sister Olympias; the latter of whom was the mother, the former the sister, of Alexander the Great.

8.24.17Such was the melancholy end of Alexander of Epirus; of which, although fortune did not allow him to engage in hostilities with the Romans, yet, as he waged war in Italy, I have thought it proper to give this brief account.

8.24.18This year, the fifth time since the building of the city, the lectisternium was performed at Rome for procuring the favour of the same deities to whom it was addressed before.

8.25.1When the new consuls had, by order of the people, sent persons to declare war against the Samnites, and they themselves were making all preparations with greater energy than against the Greeks, a new accession of strength also came to them when expecting no such thing.

8.25.2The Lucanians and Apulians, nations who, until that time, had no kind of intercourse with the Roman people, proposed an alliance with them, promising a supply of men and arms for the war: a treaty of friendship was accordingly concluded.

8.25.3At the same time, their affairs went on successfully in Samnium.

8.25.4Three owns fell into their hands, Allifae, Callifae, and Ruffrium; and the adjoining country to a great extent was, on the first arrival of the consuls, laid entirely waste. Whilst the war on this side was commenced with so much success, so the war in the other quarter where the Greeks were held besieged, now drew towards a conclusion.

8.25.5For, besides the communication between the two posts of the enemy being cut off, by the besiegers having possession of part of the works through which it had been carried on, they now suffered within the walls hardships far more grievous than those with which the enemy threatened them, and as if made prisoners by their own garrison, they were now subjected to

8.25.6the greatest indignities in the persons of their wives and children, and to such extremities as are generally felt on the sacking of cities.

8.25.7When, therefore, intelligence arrived that reinforcements were to come from Tarentum and from the Samnites, all agreed that there were more of the latter already within the walls than they wished;

8.25.8but the young men of Tarentum, who were Greeks as well as themselves, they earnestly longed for, as they hoped to be enabled by their means to oppose the Samnites and Nolans, no less than to resist their Roman enemies. At last a surrender to the Romans appeared to be the lightest evil.

8.25.9Charilaus and Nymphius, the two principal men in the state, consulting together on the subject, settled the part which each was to act; it was, that one should desert to the Roman general, and the other stay behind to manage affairs in the city, so as to facilitate the execution of their plan.

8.25.10Charilaus was the person who came to Publilius Philo; he told him that he had taken a resolution, which he hoped would prove advantageous, fortunate, and happy to the Palaepolitans and to the Roman people, of delivering the fortifications into his hands.

8.25.11Whether he should appear by that deed to have betrayed or preserved his country, depended on the honour of the Romans.

8.25.12That for himself in particular, he neither stipulated nor requested any thing; but, in behalf of the state, he requested rather than stipulated, that in case the design should succeed, the Roman people would consider more especially the zeal and hazard with which it sought a renewal of their friendship, than its folly and rashness in deviating from its duty.

8.25.13He was commended by the general, and received a body of three thousand soldiers, with which he was to seize on that part of the city which was possessed by the Samnites; this detachment was commanded by Lucius Quinctius, military tribune.

8.26.1At the same time also, Nymphius, on his part, artfully addressing himself to the commander of the Samnites, prevailed upon him, as all the troops of the Romans were employed either about Palaepolis or in Samnium, to allow him to sail round with the fleet to the territory of Rome, where he undertook to ravage, not only the sea-coast, but the country adjoining the very city.

8.26.2But, in order to avoid observation, it was necessary, he told him, to set out by night, and to launch the ships imme- diately. That this might be effected with the greater despatch, all the young Samnites, except the necessary guards of the city, were sent to the shore.

8.26.3While Nymphius wasted the time there, giving contradictory orders, designedly, to create confu- sion, which was increased by the darkness, and by the crowd, which was so numerous as to obstruct each other's operations, Charilaus, according to the plan concerted, was admitted by his associates into the city; and have filled the higher parts of it with Roman soldiers, he ordered them to raise a shout; on which the Greeks, who had received previous directions from their leaders, kept themselves quiet.

8.26.4The Nolans fled through the opposite part of the town, by the road leading to Nola. The flight of the Samnites, who were shut out from the city, was easier, but had a more disgraceful appearance; for they re- turned to their homes without arms, stripped, and destitute of every thing; all, in short, belonging to them being left with their enemies;

8.26.5so that they were objects of ridicule, not only to foreigners, but even to their own countrymen.

8.26.6I know that there is another account of this matter, according to which the town is represented to have been betrayed by the Samnites; but I have this account on the authority most worthy of credit; besides, the treaty of Neapolis, for to that place the seat of government of the Greeks was then transferred, renders it more probable that the renewal of friendship was voluntary on their side.

8.26.7A triumph was decreed to Publilius, because people were well convinced that the enemy, reduced by the siege, had adopted terms of submission. These two extraordi- nary incidents, which never before occurred in any case, befell this man: a prolongation of command never before granted to any one; and a triumph after the expiration of his office.

8.27.1Another war soon after arose with the Greeks of the other coast.

8.27.2For the Tarentines having, for a considerable time, buoyed up the state of Palaepolis with delusive hopes of assistance, when they understood that the Romans had gotten possession of that city, as if they were the persons who had suffered the disappointment, and not the authors of it, they inveighed against the Palaepolitans, and became furious in their anger and malice towards the Romans; on this account also, because information was brought that the Lucanians and Apulians had submitted to the Roman people; for a treaty of alliance had been this year concluded with both these nations.

Book 8, Part 5

8.27.3The business, they observed, was now brought almost to their doors;

8.27.4and that the matter would soon come to this, that the Romans must either be dealt with as enemies, or received as masters: that, in fact, their interests were involved in the war of the Samnites, and in its issue.

8.27.5That that was the only nation which continued to make opposition; and that with power very inadequate, since the Lucanians left them: these however might yet be brought back, and induced to renounce the Roman alliance, if proper skill were used in sowing dissension between them.

8.27.6These reasonings being readily adopted, by people who wished for a change, some young Lucanians of considerable note among their countrymen, but devoid of honour, were procured for money;

8.27.7these having lacerated each other's persons with stripes, after they had come naked into a public meeting of their countrymen, exclaimed that, because they had ventured to go into the Roman camp, they had been thus beaten with rods, by order of the consul, and had hardly escaped the loss of their heads.

8.27.8A circumstance, so shocking in its nature, carrying strong proofs of the ill-treatment, none of artifice, the people were so irritated, that, by their clamours, they compelled the magistrates to call together the senate; and some standing round that assembly, insisted on a declaration of war against the Romans, others ran different ways to rouse to arms the multitude residing in the country.

8.27.9Thus the tumult hurrying into imprudence the minds even of rational men, a decree was passed, that the alliance with the Samnites should be renewed, and ambassadors sent for that purpose.

8.27.10Because this so sudden a proceeding was totally devoid of any obvious cause for its adoption, and consequently was little relied on for its sincerity; they were, however, obliged both to give hostages, and also to receive garrisons into their fortified places; and they, blinded by fraud and resentment, refused no terms.

8.27.11In a little time after, on the authors of the false charges removing to Tarentum, the whole imposition came to light. But as they had given all power out of their own hands, nothing was left them but unavailing repentance.

8.28.1This year there arose, as it were, a new era of liberty to the Roman commons; in this that a stop was put to the practice of confining debtors. This alteration of the law was effected in consequence of the lust and signal cruelty of one usurer.

8.28.2His name was Lucius Papirius. To him one Caius Publilius having surrendered his person to be confined for a debt due by his father, his youth and beauty, which ought to have excited commiseration, operated on the other's mind as incentives to lust and insult.

8.28.3He first attempted to seduce the young man by impure discourses, considering the bloom of his youth his own adventitious gain; but finding that his ears were shocked at their infamous tendency, he then endeavoured to terrify him by threats, and reminded him frequently of his situation.

8.28.4At last, convinced of his resolution to act conformably to his honour- able birth, rather than to his present condition, he ordered him to be stripped and scourged.

8.28.5When with the marks of the rods imprinted in his flesh the youth rushed out into the public street, loudly complaining of the depravedness and inhumanity of the usurer;

8.28.6a vast number of people, moved by compassion for his early age, and indignation at his barbarous treatment, reflecting at the same time on their own lot and that of their children, flocked together into the forum, and from thence in a body to the senate-house.

8.28.7When the consuls were obliged by the sudden tumult to call a meeting of the senate, the people, falling at the feet of each of the senators, as they were going into the senate-house, presented to their view the lace- rated back of the youth.

8.28.8On that day, in consequence of the outrageous conduct of an individual, the strongest bonds of credit were broken; and the consuls were commanded to propose to the people, that no person should be held in fetters or stocks, except convicted of a crime, and in order to punish- ment; but that, for money due, the goods of the debtor, not his person, should be answerable.

8.28.9Thus the confined debtors were released; and provision made, for the time to come, that they should not be liable to confinement.

8.29.1In the course of this year, while the war with the Samnites was sufficient in itself to give full employment to the senate, besides the sudden defection of the Lucanians, and the Tarentines, the promoters of the defection, [another source of uneasiness] was added in a union formed by the state of the Vestinians with the Samnites.

8.29.2Which event, though it con- tinued, during the present year, to be the general subject of con- versation, without coming under any public discussion, appeared so important to the consuls of the year following, Lucius Fu- rius Camillus a second time, and Junius Brutus Scaeva, that it was the first business which they proposed to the consideration of the state.

8.29.3And though the matter was still recent, still great perplexity seized the senate, as they dreaded equally the consequences, either of passing it over, or of taking it up; lest, on the one hand, impunity might stir up the neighbouring states with wantonness and arrogance; and, on the other, punishment inflicted on them by force of arms, and dread of immediate danger, might produce the same effect by exciting resentment.

8.29.4And the whole body, too, was in every way equal in strength to the Samnites, being composed of the Marsians, the Pelignians, and the Marrusinians;

8.29.5all of whom would have to be encountered as enemies, if the Vestinians were to be interfered with.

8.29.6However, that side prevailed which might, at the time, seem to have more spirit than prudence; but the event proved that fortune assists the brave.

8.29.7The people, in pursuance of the direction of the senate, ordered war against the Vestinians; that province fell by lot to Junius, Samnium to Camillus.

8.29.8Armies were led to both places, and by carefully guarding the frontiers, the enemy were prevented from joining their forces.

8.29.9But the other consul, Lucius Furius, on whom the principal weight of the business rested, was withdrawn by chance from the war, being seized with a severe sickness. Being therefore ordered to nominate a dictator to conduct the business, he nominated Lucius Papirius Cursor, the most celebrated general, by far, of any in that age, who appointed Quintus Fabius Maximus Rullianus master of the horse:

8.29.10a pair of commanders distinguished for their exploits in war; more so, however, for a quarrel between themselves, and which proceeded almost to violence.

8.29.11The other consul, in the territory of the Vestinians, carried on operations of various kinds; and, in all, was uniformly successful. For he both utterly laid waste their lands, and, by spoiling and burning their houses and corn, compelled them to come to an engagement;

8.29.12and, in one battle, he reduced the strength of the Vestinians to such a degree, though not without loss on his own side, that the enemy not only fled to their camp, but, fearing even to trust to the rampart and trench, dispersed from thence into the several towns, in hopes of finding security in the situation and fortifications of their cities.

8.29.13At last, having undertaken to reduce their towns by force, amid the great ardour of the soldiers, and their resentment for the wounds which they had received, (hardly one of them having come out of the battle unhurt,) he took Cutina by scalade, and afterwards Cingilia.

8.29.14The spoil of both cities he gave to the soldiers, in consideration of their having bravely surmounted the obstruction both of gates and walls.

8.30.1The commanders entered Samnium under uncertain auspices; an informality which pointed, not at the event of war, for that was prosperous, but at the furious passions and the quarrels which broke out between the leaders.

8.30.2For Papirius the dictator, returning to Rome in order to take the auspices anew, in consequence of a caution received from the aruspex, left strict orders with the master of the horse to remain in his post, and not to engage in battle during his absence.

8.30.3After the departure of the dictator, Fabius having discovered by his scouts that the enemy were in as unguarded a state as if there was not a single Roman in Samnium, the high-spirited youth, (either conceiving

8.30.4indignation at the sole authority in every point appearing to be lodged in the hands of the dictator, or induced by the opportunity of striking an important blow,) having made the necessary preparations and dispositions, marched to a place called Imbrinium, and there fought a battle with the Samnites.

8.30.5His success in the fight was such, that there was no one circumstance which could have been improved to more advantage, if the dictator had been present. The leader was not wanting to the soldiers, nor the soldier to their leader.

8.30.6The cavalry too, (finding, after repeated charges, that they could not break the ranks,) by the advice of Lucius Co- minius, a military tribune, pulled off the bridles from their horses and spurred them on so furiously, that no power could withstand them; forcing their way through the thickest of the enemy, they bore down every thing before them; and the in- fantry seconding the charge, the whole body was thrown into confusion.

8.30.7Twenty thousand of the enemy are said to have fallen on that day. I have authority for saying that there were two battles fought during the dictator's absence, and two vic- tories obtained; but, according to the most ancient writers, only this one is found, and in some histories the whole trans- action is omitted.

8.30.8The master of the horse getting possession of abundance of spoils, in consequence of the great numbers slain, collected the arms into a huge heap, and burned them;

8.30.9either in pursuance of a vow to some of the gods, or, if we choose to credit the authority of Fabius, it was done on this account, that the dictator might not reap the fruits of his glory, inscribe his name on them, or carry the spoils in triumph.

8.30.10His letters also, containing an account of the success, being sent to the senate, not to the dictator, showed plainly that he wished not to impart to him any share of the honour; who certainly viewed the proceeding in this light, for while others rejoiced at the victory obtained, he showed only surliness and anger;

8.30.11insomuch that, immediately dismissing the senate, he hastened out of the senate-house, and frequently repeated with warmth, that the legions of the Samnites were not more effectually vanquished and overthrown by the master of the horse, than were the dictatorial dignity and military discipline, if such contempt of orders escaped with impunity.

8.30.12Thus, breathing resentment and menaces, he set out for the camp; but, though he travelled with all possible expedition, he was unable, however, to outstrip the report of his coming.

8.30.13For messengers had started from the city before him, who brought intelligence that the dictator was coming, eager for vengeance, and in almost every second sentence applauding the conduct of Titus Manlius.

8.31.1Fabius instantly called an assembly, and entreated the soldiers to show the same courage in protecting him, under whose conduct and auspices they had conquered, from the outrageous cruelty of the dictator, which they had so lately displayed in defending the commonwealth from its most inveterate enemies.

8.31.2He was now coming, he told them, frantic with envy; enraged at another's bravery and success, he was mad, because, in his absence, the business of the public had been executed with remarkable success; and if he could change the fortune of the engagement, would wish the Samnites in possession of victory rather than the Romans.

8.31.3He talked much of contempt of orders; as if his prohibition of fighting were not dictated by the same motive, which caused his vexation at the fight having taken place.

8.31.4He wished to shackle the valour of others through envy, and meant to take away the soldiers' arms when they were most eager for action, and that no use might be made of them in his absence: he was further enraged too, because without Lucius Papirius the soldiers were not without hands or arms, and because Quintus Fabius considered himself as master of the horse, not as a beadle to the dictator.

8.31.5How would he have behaved, had the issue of the fight been unfortunate; which, through the chances of war and the uncertainty of military operations, might have been the case; since now, when the enemy has been vanquished, (as completely, indeed, as if that leader's own singular talents had been employed in the matter,) he yet threatens the master of the horse with punishment?

8.31.6Nor is he more incensed against the master of the horse, than against the military tribunes, the centurions, and the soldiers. On all, he would vent his rage if he could; and because that is not in his power, he vents it on one.

8.31.7Envy, like flame, soars upwards; aims at the summit; that he makes his attack on the head of the business, on the leader. If he could put him out of the way, together with the glory of the service performed, he would then lord it, like a conqueror over vanquished troops; and, without scruple, practise against the soldiers what he had been allowed to act against their commander.

8.31.8That they should, therefore, in his cause; support the general liberty of all. If the dictator perceived among the troops the same unanimity in justifying their victory that they had displayed in the battle, and that all interested themselves in the safety of one, it would bend his temper to milder counsels.

8.31.9In fine, he told them, that he committed his life, and all his interests, to their honour and to their cou age.

8.32.1His speech was received with the loudest acclamations from every part of the assembly, bidding him have courage; for while the Roman legions were in being, no man should offer him violence.

8.32.2Not long after, the dictator arrived, and instantly summoned an assembly by sound of trumpet Then silence being made, a crier cited Quintus Fabius, master of the horse, and as soon as, on the lower ground, he had approached the tribunal, the dictator said, Quintus Fabius, I demand of you, when the authority of dictator is acknowledged to be supreme, and is submitted to by the consuls, officers endowed with regal power;

8.32.3and likewise by the praetors, created under the same auspices with consuls; whether or no you think it reasonable that it should not meet obedience from a master of the horse?

8.32.4I also ask you whether, when I knew that I set out from home under uncertain auspices, the safety of the commonwealth ought to have been endangered by me, whilst the omens were confused, or whether the auspices ought to be newly taken, so that nothing might be done while the will of the gods remained doubtful?

8.32.5And further, when a religious scruple was of such a nature as to hinder the dictator from acting, whether the master of the horse could be exempt from it and at liberty? But why do I ask these questions, when, though I had gone without leaving any orders, your own judgment ought to have been regulated according to what you could discover of my intention? Why do you not answer?

8.32.6Did I not forbid you to act, in any respect, during my absence? Did I not forbid you to engage the enemy?

8.32.7Yet, in contempt of these my orders, while the auspices were uncertain, while the omens were confused, contrary to the practice of war, contrary to the discipline of our ancestors, and contrary to the authority of the gods, you dared to enter on the fight.

8.32.8Answer to these questions proposed to you. On any other matter utter not a word. Lictor, draw near him.

8.32.9To each of these particulars, Fabius, finding it no easy matter to answer, at one time remonstrated against the same person acting as accuser and judge, in a cause which affected his very existence; at another, he asserted that his life should sooner be forced from him, than the glory of his past services;

8.32.10clearing himself and accusing the other by turns; so then Papirius' anger blazing out with fresh fury, he ordered the master of the horse to be stripped, and the rods and axes to be got ready.

8.32.11Fabius, imploring the protection of the soldiers, while the lictors were tearing his garments, betook himself to the quarters of the veterans, who were already raising a commotion in the assembly: from them the uproar spread through the whole body; in one place the voice of supplication was heard; in another, menaces.

8.32.12Those who happened to stand nearest to the tribunal, because, being under the eyes of the general, they could easily be known, entreated him to spare the master of the horse, and not in him to condemn the whole army.

8.32.13The remoter parts of the assembly, and the crowd collected round Fabius, railed at the unrelenting spirit of the dictator, and were not far from mutiny; nor was even the tribunal perfectly quiet.

8.32.14The lieutenants-general standing round the general's seat besought him to adjourn the business to the next day, and to allow time to his anger, and room for consideration; representing that the indiscretion of Fabius had been sufficiently rebuked;

8.32.15his victory sufficiently disgraced; and they begged him not to proceed to the extreme of severity; not to brand with ignominy a youth of extraordinary merit, or his father, a man of most illustrious character, together with the whole family of the Fabii.

8.32.16When they made but little impression either by their prayers or arguments, they desired him to observe the violent ferment of the assembly, and told him that while the soldiers' tempers were heated to such a degree, it became not either his age or his wisdom to kindle them into a flame, and afford matter for a mutiny;

8.32.17that no one would lay the blame of such an event on Quintus Fabius, who only deprecated punishment; but on the dictator, if, blinded by resent- ment, he should, by an ill-judged contest, draw on himself the fury of the multitude:

8.32.18and lest he should think that they acted from motives of regard to Quintus Fabius, they were ready to make oath that, in their judgment, it was not for the interest of the commonwealth that Quintus Fabius should be punished at that time.

8.33.1When by these expostulations they rather irritated the dictator against themselves, than appeased his anger against the master of the horse, the lieutenants-general were ordered to go down from the tribunal;

8.33.2and after several vain attempts were made to procure silence by means of a crier, the noise and tumult being so great that neither the voice of the dictator himself, nor that of his apparitors, could be heard; night, as in the case of a battle, put an end to the contest.

8.33.3The master of the horse was ordered to attend on the day following;

8.33.4but when all assured him that Papirius, being agitated and exasperated in the course of the present contention, would proceed against him with greater violence, he fled privately from the camp to Rome; where, by the advice of his father, Marcus Fabius, who had been three times consul, and likewise dictator, he immediately called a meeting of the senate.

8.33.5While he was strenuously complaining before the fathers of the rage and injustice of the dictator, on a sudden was heard the noise of lictors before the senate-house, clearing the way, and Papirius himself arrived, full of resentment, having followed, with a guard of light horse, as soon as he heard that the other had quitted the camp.

8.33.6The contention then began anew, and the dictator ordered Fabius to be seized.

8.33.7Where, when his unrelenting spirit persisted in its purpose, notwith- standing the united intercessions of the principal patricians, and of the whole senate, Fabius, the father, then said, Since neither the authority of the senate has any weight with you; nor my age, which you wish to render childless; nor the noble birth and merit of a master of the horse, nominated by yourself;

8.33.8nor prayers which have often mitigated the rage of an enemy, and which appease the wrath of the gods; I call upon the tribunes of the commons for support, and appeal to the people; and since you decline the judgment of your own army, as well as of the senate, I call you before a judge who must certainly be allowed, though no other should, to possess more power and authority than yourself, though dictator.

8.33.9I shall see whether you will submit to an appeal, to which Tullus Hostilius, a Roman king, submitted. They proceeded directly from the senate-house to the assembly;

8.33.10where, being arrived, the dictator attended by few, the master of the horse by all the people of the first rank in a body, Papirius commanded him to be taken from the rostrum to the lower ground; his father, following him, said, You do well in ordering us to be brought down to a place where even as private persons we have liberty of speech.

8.33.11At first, instead of regular speeches, nothing but altercation was heard; at length, the indignation of old Fabius, and the strength

8.33.12of his voice, got the better of noise, while he reproached Papirius with arrogance and cruelty. He himself, he said, had been dictator at Rome; and no man, not even the lowest plebeian, or centurion, or soldier, had been outraged by him.

8.33.13But Papirius sought for victory and triumph over a Roman commander, as over the generals of the enemy. What an immense difference between the moderation of the ancients, and modern oppression and cruelty.

8.33.14Quinctius Cincinnatus when dictator exercised no further severity on Lucius Minucius the consul, although rescued by him from a siege, than leaving him at the head of the army, in the quality of lieutenant-general, instead of consul.

8.33.15Marcus Furius Camillus, in the case of Lucius Furius, who, in contempt of his great age and authority, had fought a battle with a most disgraceful result, not only restrained his anger at the time so as to write no unfavourable representation of his conduct to the people or the senate;

8.33.16but after returning home, when the patricians gave him a power of electing from among his colleagues whoever he might approve as an associ- ate with himself in the command, chose that very man in pre- ference to all the other consular tribunes.

8.33.17Nay, that not even the resentment of the people, with whom lay the supreme power in all cases, was ever exercised with greater severity towards those who, through rashness and ignorance, had occasioned the loss of armies, than the fining them in a sum of money.

Book 8, Part 6

8.33.18Until that day, a capital prosecution for ill conduct in war had never been instituted against any commander, but now generals of the Roman people when victorious, and meriting the most honourable triumphs, are threatened with rods and axes; a treatment which would not have been deemed allow- able, even towards those who had been defeated by an enemy.

8.33.19What would his son have to suffer, if he had occasioned the loss of the army? if he had been routed, put to flight, and driven out of his camp? To what greater length could his re- sentment and violence be stretched, than to scourge him, and put him to death?

8.33.20How was it consistent with reason, that through the means of Quintus Fabius, the state should be filled with joy, exulting in victory, and occupied in thanks- givings and congratulations; while at the same time, he who had given occasion to the temples of the gods being thrown open, their altars yet smoking with sacrifices, and

8.33.21loaded with honours and offerings, should be stripped naked, and torn with stripes in the sight of the Roman people; within view of the Capitol and citadel, and of those gods not in vain invoked in two different battles?

8.33.22With what temper would the army which had conquered under his conduct and auspices have borne it? What mourning would there be in the Roman camp! what joy among their enemies!

8.33.23This speech he ac- companied with an abundant flow of tears; uniting reproaches and complaints, imploring the aid both of gods and men, and warmly embracing his son.

8.34.1On his side stood the majesty of the senate, the favour of the people, the support of the tribunes, and regard for the absent army.

8.34.2On the other side were urged the inviolable authority of the Roman government and military discipline; the edict of the dictator, always observed as the mandate of a deity; the orders of Manlius, and his postponing even parental affection to public utility.

8.34.3The same also, said the dictator, was the conduct of Lucius Brutus, the founder of Roman liberty, in the case of his two sons. That now fathers were become indulgent, and the aged indifferent in the case of the authority of others being despised, and indulge the young in the subversion of military order, as if it were a matter of trifling consequence.

8.34.4For his part, however, he would persevere in his purpose, and would not remit the smallest part of the punishment justly due to a person who fought contrary to his orders, while the rites of religion were imperfectly ex- ecuted, and the auspices uncertain.

8.34.5Whether the majesty of the supreme authority was to be perpetual or not, depended not on him; but Lucius Papirius would not diminish aught of its rights.

8.34.6He wished that the tribunitian office, inviolate itself, would not by its interposition violate the authority of the Roman government; nor the Roman people, to their own detriment particularly, annihilate the dictator and the rights of the dictatorship together.

8.34.7But if this should be the case, not Lucius Papirius but the tribunes and the people would be blamed by posterity in vain; when military discipline being once dissolved, the soldier would no longer obey the orders of the centurion, the centurion those of the tribune, the tribune those of the lieutenant-general, the lieutenant-general those of the consul, nor the master of the horse those of the dictator.

8.34.8No one would then pay any deference to men, no, nor even to the gods. Neither edicts of generals nor auspices would be observed.

8.34.9The soldiers, without leave of absence, would straggle at random through the lands of friends and of foes; and regardless of their oath would, influenced solely by a wanton humour, quit the service whenever they might choose.

8.34.10The standards would be unattended and forsaken: the men would neither assemble in pursuance of orders, nor would any distinction be made as to fighting by night or by day, on favourable or unfavourable ground, by order or without the the orders of the general; nor would they observe standards or ranks; the service, instead of being solemn and sacred, would be confused and the result of mere chance, like that of freebooters.

8.34.11Render yourselves then, tribunes of the commons, accountable for all these evils to all future ages. Expose your own persons to these heavy imputations in defence of the licentious conduct of Quintus Fabius.

8.35.1The tribunes now confounded, and more anxiously concerned at their own situation than at his for whom their support was sought, were freed from this embarrassment by the Roman people unanimously having recourse to prayers and entreaties, that the dictator would, for their sakes, remit the punishment of the master of the horse.

8.35.2The tribunes likewise, following the example set them of employing entreaties, earnestly beseech the dictator to pardon human error, to consider the immaturity of the offender's age; that he had suffered sufficiently;

8.35.3and now the youth himself, now his father, Marcus Fabius, disclaiming further contest, fell at the dictator's knees and deprecated his wrath. Then the dictator, after causing silence, said, Romans, it is well.

8.35.4Military discipline has prevailed; the majesty of government has prevailed; both which were in danger of ceasing this day to exist. Quintus Fabius, who fought contrary to the order of his commander, is not acquitted of guilt;

8.35.5but after being condemned as guilty, is granted as a boon to the Roman people; is granted to the college of tribunes, supporting him with their prayers, not with the regular power of their office.

8.35.6Live, Quintus Fabius, more happy in this united sympathy of the state for your preservation, than in the victory in which you lately exulted. Live, after having ventured on such an act, as your father himself, had he been in the place of Lucius Papirius, would not have pardoned. With me you shall be reconciled whenever you wish it.

8.35.7To the Roman people, to whom you owe your life, you can perform no greater service than to let this day teach you a sufficient lesson to enable you to submit to lawful commands, both in war and peace.

8.35.8He then declared, that he no longer detained the master of the horse, and as he retired from the rostrum, the senate being greatly rejoiced, and the people still more so, gathered round him and escorted him, on one hand commending the dictator, on the other congratulating the master of the horse;

8.35.9while it was considered that the authority of military command was confirmed no less effectually by the danger of Quintus Fabius that the lamentable punishment of young Manlius.

8.35.10It so hap- pened, that, through the course of that year, as often as the dictator left the army the Samnites were in motion: but Mar- cus Valerius, the lieutenant-general who commanded in the camp, had Quintus Fabius before his eyes for an example, not to fear any violence of the enemy, so much as the unrelenting anger of the dictator.

8.35.11So that when a body of his foragers fell into an ambuscade and were cut to pieces in disadvantageous ground, it was generally believed that the lieutenant-general could have given them assistance if he had not been held in dread by his rigorous orders.

8.35.12The resentment for this also alienated the affections of the soldiery from the dictator, already incensed against him because he had been implacable towards Quintus Fabius, and because he had granted him pardon at the intercession of the Roman people, a thing which he had refused to their entreaties.

8.36.1The dictator, having appointed Lucius Papirius Crassus, as master of the horse, to the command of the city, and prohibited Quintus Fabius from acting in any case as magistrate, returned to the camp;

8.36.2where his arrival brought neither any great joy to his countrymen, nor any degree of terror to the enemy: for on the day following, either not knowing that the dictator had arrived, or little regarding whether he were present or absent, they approached his camp in order of battle.

8.36.3Of such importance, however, was that single man, Lucius Papirius, that had the zeal of the soldiers seconded the dispositions of the commander, no doubt was entertained that an end might have been put that day to the war with the Samnites;

8.36.4so judiciously did he draw up his army with respect to situation and reserves, in such a manner did he strengthen them with every advantage of military skill: but the soldiers exerted no vigour; and designedly kept from conquering, in order to injure the reputation of their leader. Of the Sam- nites, however, very many were slain; and great numbers of the Romans wounded.

8.36.5The experienced commander quickly perceived the circumstance which prevented his success, and that it would be necessary to moderate his temper, and to mingle mildness with austerity.

8.36.6Accordingly, attended by the lieutenants-general, going round to the wounded soldiers, thrusting his head into their tents, and asking them, one by one, how they were in health; then, mentioning them by name, he gave them in charge to the officers, tribunes, and praefects.

8.36.7This behaviour, popular in itself, he maintained with such dexterity, that by his attention to their recovery he gradually gained their affection; nor did any thing so much contribute towards their recovery as the circumstance of this attention being received with gratitude.

8.36.8The army being restored to health, he came to an engagement with the enemy; and both himself and the troops, being possessed with full confidence of success, he so entirely defeated and dispersed the Samnites, that that was the last day they met the dictator in the field.

8.36.9The victorious army, afterwards, directed its march wherever a prospect of booty invited, and traversed the enemies' territories, encountering not a weapon, nor any opposition, either openly or by stratagem.

8.36.10It added to their alacrity, that the dictator had, by proclamation, given the whole spoil to the soldiers; so that they were animated not only by the public quarrel, but by their private emolument.

8.36.11Reduced by these losses, the Samnites sued to the dictator for peace, and, after they had engaged to supply each of his soldiers with a suit of clothes

8.36.12and a year's pay, being ordered to apply to the senate, they answered, that they would follow the dictator, committing their cause wholly to his integrity and honour. On this the troops were withdrawn out of Samnium.

8.37.1The dictator entered the city in triumph; and, though desirous of resigning his office immediately, yet, by order of the senate, he held it until the consuls were elected: these were Caius Sulpicius Longus a second time, and Quintus Aemilius Cerretanus.

8.37.2The Samnites, without finishing the treaty of peace, the terms being still in negotiation brought home with them a truce for a year. Nor was even that faithfully observed; so strongly was their inclination for war excited, on hearing that Papirius was gone out of office.

8.37.3In this consulate of Caius Sulpicius and Quintus Aemilius, (some histories have Aulius,) to the revolt of the Samnites was added a new war with the Apulians. Armies were sent against both. The Samnites fell by lot to Sulpicius, the Apulians to Aemilius.

8.37.4Some writers say, that this war was not waged with the Apulians, but that the allied states of that nation were defended against the violence and injustice of the Samnites.

8.37.5But the circumstances of the Samnites, who could with difficulty, at that period, support a war in which themselves were engaged, render it more probable that they did not make war on the Apulians, but that both nations were in arms against the Romans at the same time. However, no memorable event occurred.

8.37.6The lands of the Apulians and of Samnium were utterly laid waste; but in neither quarter were the enemy to be found. At Rome, an alarm, which happened in the night, suddenly roused the people from their sleep, in such a fright, that the Capitol and citadel, the walls and gates, were all filled with men in arms.

8.37.7But after they had called all to their posts, and run together in bodies, in every quarter, when day approached, neither the author nor cause of the alarm could be discovered.

8.37.8This year, in pursuance to the advice of Flavius, the Tusculans were brought to a trial before the people. Marcus Flavius, a tribune of the commons, proposed, that punishment should be inflicted on those of the Tusculans, by whose advice and assistance the Veliternians and Privernians had made war on the Roman people. The Tusculans, with their wives and children, came to Rome.

8.37.9The whole party in mourning habits, like persons under accusation, went round the tribes, throwing themselves at the feet of the citizens. The compassion thus excited operated more effectually towards procuring them pardon, than all their arguments did towards clearing them of guilt.

8.37.10Every one of the tribes, except the Pollian, negatived the proposition.

8.37.11The sentence of the Pollian tribe was, that the grown-up males should be beaten and put to death, and their wives and children sold by auction, according to the rules of war.

8.37.12It appears that the resentment which rose against the advisers of so rigorous a measure, was retained in memory by the Tusculans down to the age of our fathers; and that hardly any candidate of the Pollian tribe could, ever since, gain the votes of the Papirian.

8.38.1On the following year, in the consulate of Quintus Fabius and Lucius Fulvius, Aulus Cornelius Arvina being made dictator, and Marcus Fabius Ambustus master of the horse, a levy being held with more than usual rigour in consequence of their apprehension of a very serious war in Samnium, (for it was reported that some young men had been hired from their neighbours,) led forth a very strong army against the Samnites.

8.38.2Although in a hostile country, their camp was pitched in as careless a manner as if the foe were at a great distance; when, suddenly, the legions of the Samnites approached with so much boldness as to advance their rampart close to an out-post of the Romans.

8.38.3Night was now coming on; that prevented their assaulting the works; but they did not conceal their intention of doing so next day, as soon as the light should appear.

8.38.4The dictator found that there would be a necessity for fighting sooner than he had expected, and lest the situation should be an obstruction to the bravery of the troops, he led away the legions in silence, leaving a great number of fires the better to deceive the enemy.

8.38.5On account of the proximity of the camps, however, he could not escape their observation: their cavalry instantly pursued, and pressed closely on his troops, in such a way as to refrain from attacking them until the day appeared.

8.38.6Their infantry did not even quit their camp before daylight. As soon as it was dawn, the cavalry venturing to attack the enemy by harassing the Roman rear, and pressing them in places of difficult passage, considerably delayed their march.

8.38.7Meanwhile their infantry overtook the cavalry; and now the Samnites pursued close with their entire force. The dictator then, finding that he could no longer go forward without great inconvenience, ordered the spot where he stood to be measured out for a camp.

8.38.8But it was impossible, while the enemy's horse were spread about on every side, that palisades could be brought, and the work be begun: seeing it, therefore, impracticable, either to march forward or to settle himself there, he drew up his troops for battle, removing the baggage out of the line.

8.38.9The enemy likewise formed their line opposite to his; fully equal both in spirit and in strength. Their courage was chiefly improved from not knowing that the motive of the Romans' retreat was the incommodiousness of the ground, so that they imagined themselves objects of terror, and supposed that they were pursuing men who fled through fear.

8.38.10This kept the balance of the fight equal for a considerable time; though, of late, it had been unusual with the Samnites to stand even the shout of a Roman army. Certain it is, that the contest, on this day, continued so very doubtful from the third hour to the eighth, that neither was the shout repeated, after being raised at the first onset, nor the standards moved either forward or backward; nor any ground lost on either side.

8.38.11They fought without taking breath or looking behind them, every man in his post, and pushing against their opponents with their shields. The noise continuing equal, and the terror of the fight the same, seemed to denote, that the decision would be effected either by fatigue or by the night.

8.38.12The men had now exhausted their strength, the sword its power, and the leaders their skill; when, on a sudden, the Samnite cavalry, having learned from a single troop which had advanced beyond the rest, that the baggage of the Romans lay at a distance from their army, without any guard or defence; through eagerness for booty, they attack it: of which the dictator being informed by a hasty messenger, said, Let them only encumber themselves with spoils.

8.38.13Afterwards came several, one after another, crying out, that they were plundering and carrying off all the effects of the soldiers:

8.38.14he then called to him the master of the horse, and said, Do you see, Marcus Fabius, that the fight has been forsaken by the enemy's cavalry? They are entangled and encumbered with our baggage.

8.38.15Attack them whilst scattered about, as is the case of every multitude employed in plundering; you will find few mounted on horseback, few with swords in their hands; and, while they are loading their horses with spoil, and unarmed, put them to the sword, and make it bloody spoil for them.

8.38.16I will take care of the legions, and the fight of the infantry: yours be the honour which the horse shall acquire.

8.39.1The body of cavalry, in the most exact order possible, charging the enemy, who were straggling and embarrassed, filled every place with slaughter:

8.39.2for amid the packages which they hastily threw down, and which lay in the way of their feet, and of the affrighted horses, as they endeavoured to escape, being now unable either to fight or fly, they are slaughtered.

8.39.3Then Fabius, after he had almost entirely cut off the enemy's horse, led round his squadrons in a small circuit, and attacked the infantry in the rear.

8.39.4The new shout, raised in that quarter, terrified the Samnites on the one hand; and when, on the other, the dictator saw their troops in the van looking behind them, their battalions in confusion, and their line wavering, he earnestly exhorted and animated his men, calling on the tribunes and chief centurions, by name, to join him in renewing the fight.

8.39.5Raising the shout anew, they pressed forward, and as they advanced, perceived the enemy more and more confused.

8.39.6The cavalry now could be seen by those in front, and Cornelius, turning about to the several companies, made them understand, by raising his voice and hands, that he saw the standards and bucklers of his own horsemen.

8.39.7On hearing which, and at the same time seeing them, they, at once, so far forgot the fatigue which they had endured through almost the whole day, and even their wounds, that they rushed on against the enemy with as much vigour and alacrity as if they were coming fresh out of camp on receiving the signal for battle.

8.39.8The Samnites could no longer sustain the charge of horse and foot together; part of them, enclosed on both sides, were cut off; the rest were scattered and fled different ways.

8.39.9The infantry slew those who were surrounded and made resistance; and the cavalry made great havoc of the fugitives, among whom fell their general.

8.39.10This battle crushed, at length, the power of the Samnites so effectually, that, in all their meetings, they said, it was not at all to be wondered at, if in an impious war, commenced in violation of a treaty, when the gods were, with justice, more incensed against them than men, they succeeded in none of their undertakings.

8.39.11That war must be expiated and atoned for with a heavy penalty. The only alternative they had, was whether the penalty should be the guilty blood of a few, or the innocent blood of all.

8.39.12Some now ventured to name the authors of the war; one name in particular, by the united voices of all, was mentioned, that of Brutulus Papius; he was a man of power and noble birth, and undoubtedly the violator of the late truce.

8.39.13The praetors being compelled to take the opinion of the assembly concerning him, a decree was made, that Brutulus Papius should be delivered into the hands of the Romans; and that, together with him all the spoil taken from the Romans, and the prisoners, should be sent to Rome, and that the restitution demanded by the heralds, in conformity to treaty, should be made as was agreeable to justice and equity.

8.39.14In pursuance of this determination heralds were sent to Rome, and also the dead body of Brutulus; for, by a voluntary death, he avoided the punishment and ignominy intended for him.

8.39.15It was thought proper that his goods also should be delivered up along with the body. But none of all those things were accepted, except the prisoners, and such articles of the spoil as were recognised by the owners. The dictator obtained a triumph by a decree of the senate.

8.40.1Some writers affirm, that this war was conducted by the consuls, and that they triumphed over the Samnites and also, that Fabius advanced into Apulia, and carried off from thence abundance of spoil. But that Aulus Cornelius was dictator that year is an undisputed fact.

8.40.2Th question then is, whether he was appointed for the purpose of conducting the war, or on occasion of the illness of Lucius Plautius, the praetor; in order that there might be a magistrate to give the signal for the starting of the chariots at the Roman games.

8.40.3This latter is asserted of him; and that after performing the business, which in truth reflected no great lustre on his office, he resigned the dictatorship. It is not easy to determine between either the facts or the writers, which of them deserves the preference:

8.40.4I am inclined to think that history has been much corrupted by means of funeral panegyrics and false inscriptions on statues; each family striving by false representations to appropriate to itself the fame of warlike exploits and public honours.

8.40.5From this cause, certainly, both the actions of individuals and the public records of events have been confused. Nor is there extant any writer, contemporary with those events, on whose authority we can with certainty rely.

Book 9, Part 1

9Titus Veturius and Spurius Postumius, with their army, surrounded by the Samnites at the Caudine forks; enter into a treaty, give six hundred hostages, and are sent under the yoke. The treaty declared invalid; the two generals and the other sureties sent back to the Samnites, but are not accepted. Not long after, Papirius Cursor obliterates this disgrace, by vanquishing the Samnites, sending them under the yoke, and recover- ing the hostages. Two tribes added. Appius Claudius, censor, con- structs the Claudian aqueduct, and the Appian road; admits the sons of freedom into the senate. Successes against the Apulians, Etruscans, Umbrians, Marsians, Pelignians, Aequans, and Samnites. Mention made of Alexander the Great, who flourished at this time; a compara- tive estimate of his strength, and that of the Roman people, tending to show, that if he had carried his arms into Italy, he would not have been as successful there as he had been in the Eastern countries.

9.1.1THIS year is followed by the convention of Caudium, so memorable on account of the misfortune of the Romans, the consuls being Titus Veturius Calvinus and Spurius Postumius.

9.1.2The Samnites had as their commander that year Caius Pontius, son to Herennius, born of a father most highly renowned for wisdom, and himself a consummate warrior and commander.

9.1.3When the ambassadors, who had been sent to make restitution, returned, without concluding a peace, he said, That ye may not think that no purpose has been effected by this embassy, whatever degree of anger the deities of heaven had conceived against us, on account of the infraction of the treaty, has been hereby expiated.

9.1.4I am very confident, that whatever deities they were, whose will it was that you should be reduced to the necessity of making the restitution, which had been demanded according to the treaty, it was not agreeable to them, that our atonement for the breach of treaty should be so haughtily spurned by the Romans.

9.1.5For what more could possibly be done towards appeasing the gods, and softening the anger of men, than we have done?

9.1.6The effects of the enemy, taken among the spoils, which appeared to be our own by the right of war, we restored: the authors of the war, as we could not deliver them up alive, we delivered to them dead: their goods we carried to Rome, lest by retaining them, any degree of guilt should remain among us.

9.1.7What more, Roman, do I owe to thee? what to the treaty? what to the gods, the guarantees of the treaty? What umpire shall I call in to judge of your resentment, and of my punishment? I decline none; neither nation nor private person.

9.1.8But if nothing in human law is left to the weak against a stronger, I will appeal to the gods, the avengers of intolerable arrogance, and will beseech them to turn their wrath against those for whom neither the restoration of their own effects, nor additional heaps of other men's property, can suffice;

9.1.9whose cruelty is not satiated by the death of the guilty, by the surrender of their lifeless bodies, nor by their goods accompanying the surrender of the owner; who cannot be appeased otherwise than by giving them our blood to drink, and our entrails to be torn.

9.1.10Samnites, war is just to those for whom it is necessary, and arms are clear of impiety for those who have no hope left but in arms.

9.1.11Wherefore, as in every human undertaking, it is of the utmost importance what matter men may set about with the favour, what under the displeasure of the gods, be assured that the former wars ye waged in opposition to the gods more than to men; in this, which is now impending, ye will act under the immediate guidance of the gods themselves.

9.2.1After uttering these predictions, not more cheering than true, he led out the troops, and placed his camp about Caudium, as much out of view as possible.

9.2.2From thence he sent to Calatia, where he heard that the Roman consuls were encamped, ten soldiers, in the habit of shepherds, and ordered them to keep some cattle feeding in several different places, at a small distance from the Roman posts;

9.2.3and that, when they fell in with any of their foragers, they should all agree in the same story, that the legions of the Samnites were then in Apulia, that they were besieging Luceria with their whole force, and very near taking it by storm.

9.2.4Such a rumour had been industriously spread before, and had already reached the Romans; but these prisoners increased the credit of it, especially as they all concurred in the same report.

9.2.5There was no doubt but that the Romans would carry succour to the Lucerians, as being good and faithful allies; and for this further reason, lest all Apulia, through apprehension of the impending danger, might go over to the enemy. The only point of deliberation was, by what road they should go.

9.2.6There were two roads leading to Luceria, one along the coast of the upper sea, wide and open; but, as it was the safer, so it was proportionably longer: the other, which was shorter, through the Caudine forks.

9.2.7The nature of the place is this: there are two deep glens, narrow and covered with wood, connected together by mountains ranging on both sides from one to the other; between these lies a plain of considerable extent, enclosed in the middle, abounding in grass and water, and through the middle of which the passage runs:

9.2.8but before you can arrive at it, the first defile must be passed, while the only way back is through the road by which you entered it; or if in case of resolving to proceed forward, you must go by the other glen, which is still more narrow and difficult.

9.2.9Into this plain the Romans, having marched down their troops by one of those passes through the cleft of a rock, when they advanced onward to the other defile, found it blocked up by trees thrown across, and a mound of huge stones lying in their way. When the stratagem of the enemy now became apparent, there is seen at the same time a body of troops on the eminence over the glen.

9.2.10Hastening back, then, they proceed to retrace the road by which they had entered; they found that also shut up by such another fence, and men in arms.

9.2.11Then, without orders, they halted; amazement took possession of their minds, and a strange kind of numbness seized their limbs: they then remained a long time motionless and silent, each looking to the other, as if each thought the other more capable of judging and advising than himself.

9.2.12After some time, when they saw that the consul's pavilions were being erected, and that some were getting ready the implements for throwing up works, although they were sensible that it must appear ridiculous, the attempt to raise a fortification in their present desperate condition,

9.2.13and when almost every hope was lost, would be an object of necessity, yet, not to add a fault to their misfortunes, they all, without being advised or ordered by any one, set

9.2.14earnestly to work, and enclosed a camp with a rampart, close to the water, while themselves, besides that the enemy heaped insolent taunts on them, seemed with melancholy to acknowledge the apparent fruitlessness of their toil and labour.

9.2.15The lieutenants-general and tribunes, without being summoned to consultation, (for there was no room for either consultation or remedy,) assembled round the dejected consul; while the soldiers, crowding to the general's quarters, demanded from their leaders that succour, which it was hardly in the power of the immortal gods themselves to afford them.

9.3.1Night came on them while lamenting their situation, rather than consulting, whilst they urged expedients, each according to his temper; one crying out, Let us go over those fences of the roads; others, over the steeps; through the woods; any way, where arms can be carried.

9.3.2Let us be but permitted to come to the enemy, whom we have been used to conquer now near thirty years. All places will be level and plain to a Roman, fighting against the perfidious Samnite.

9.3.3Another would say, Whither, or by what way can we go? Do we expect to remove the mountains from their foundations? While these cliffs hang over us, by what road will you reach the enemy? Whether armed or unarmed, brave or dastardly, we are all, without distinction, captured and vanquished. The enemy will not even show us a weapon, by which we might die with honour.

9.3.4He will finish the war, without moving from his seat. In such discourse, thinking of neither food nor rest, the night was passed. Nor could the Samnites, though in circumstances so joyous, instantly determine how to act: it was therefore universally agreed, that Herennius Pontius, father of the general, should be consulted by letter.

9.3.5He was now grown feeble through age, and had withdrawn himself, not only from all military, but also from all civil occupations; yet, notwithstanding the decline of his bodily strength, his mind retained its full vigour.

9.3.6When he heard that the Roman armies were shut up at the Caudine forks between the two glens, being consulted by his son's messenger, he gave his opinion, that they should all be immediately dismissed from thence unhurt.

9.3.7On this counsel being rejected, and the same messenger returning a second time, he recommended that they should all, to a man, be put to death.

9.3.8When these answers, so opposite to each other, like those of an ambiguous oracle, were given, although his son in particular considered that the powers of his father's mind, together with those of his body, had been impaired by age, was yet prevailed on, by the general desire of all, to send for him to consult him.

9.3.9The old man, we are told, complied without reluctance, and was carried in a waggon to the camp, where, when summoned to give his advice, he spoke in such a way as to make no alteration in his opinions; he only added the reasons for them.

9.3.10That "by his first plan, which he esteemed the best, he meant, by an act of extraordinary kindness, to establish perpetual peace and friendship with a most powerful nation: by the other, to put off the return of war to the distance of many ages, during which the Roman state, after the loss of those two armies, could not easily recover its strength. A third plan there was not.

9.3.11When his son, and the other chiefs, went on to ask him if a plan of a middle kind might not be adopted; that they both should be dismissed unhurt, and, at the same time, by the right of war, terms imposed on them as vanquished?

9.3.12That, indeed, said he, is a plan of such a nature, as neither procures friends nor removes enemies. Only preserve those whom ye would irritate by ignominious treatment.

9.3.13The Romans are a race who know not how to sit down quiet under defeat; whatever that is which the present necessity shall brand will rankle in their breasts for ever, and will not suffer them to rest, until they have wreaked manifold vengeance on your heads. Neither of these plans was approved, and Herennius was carried home from the camp.

9.4.1In the Roman camp also, when many fruitless efforts to force a passage had been made, and they were now destitute of every means of subsistence, forced by necessity, they send ambassadors, who were first to ask peace on equal terms;

9.4.2which, if they did not obtain, they were to challenge the enemy to battle.

9.4.3To this Pontius answered, that the war was at an end; and since, even in their present vanquished and captive state, they were not willing to acknowledge their situation, he would send them under the yoke unarmed, each with a single garment; that the other conditions of peace should be such as were just between the conquerors and the conquered.

9.4.4If their troops would depart, and their colonies be withdrawn out of the territories of the Samnites; for the future, the Romans and Samnites, under a treaty of equality, shall live according to their own respective laws.

9.4.5On these terms he was ready to negotiate with the consuls: and if any of these should not be accepted, he forbade the ambassadors to come to him again.

9.4.6When the result of this embassy was made known, such general lamentation suddenly arose, and such melancholy took possession of them, that had they been told that all were to die on the spot, they could not have felt deeper affliction.

9.4.7After silence continued a long time, and the consuls were not able to utter a word, either in favour of a treaty so disgraceful, or against a treaty so necessary;

9.4.8at length, Lucius Lentulus, who was the first among the lieutenants-general, both in respect of bravery, and of the public honours which he had attained, addressed them thus: Consuls, I have often heard my father say, that he was the only person in the Capitol who did not advise the senate to ransom the state from the Gauls with gold; and these he would not concur in, because they had not been enclosed with a trench and rampart by the enemy, (who were remarkably slothful with respect to works and raising fortifications,) and because they might sally forth, if not without great danger, yet without certain destruction.

9.4.9Now if, in like manner as they had it in their power to run down from the Capitol in arms against their foe, as men besieged have often sallied out on the besiegers, it were possible for us to come to blows with the enemy, either on equal or unequal ground, I would not be wanting in the high quality of my father's spirit in stating my advice.

9.4.10I acknowledge, indeed, that death, in defence of our country, is highly glorious; and I am ready, either to devote myself for the Roman people and the legions, or to plunge into the midst of the enemy.

9.4.11But in this spot I behold my country: in this spot, the whole of the Roman legions: and unless these choose to rush on death in defence of their own individual characters, what have they which can be preserved by their death?

9.4.12The houses of the city, some may say, and the walls of it, and the crowd who dwell in it, by which the city is inhabited. But in fact, in case of the destruction of this army, all these are betrayed, not preserved.

9.4.13For who will protect them? An unwarlike and unarmed multitude, shall I suppose? Yes, just as they defended them against the attack of the Gauls.

9.4.14Will they call to their succour an army from Veii, with Camillus at its head? Here, on the spot, I repeat, are all our hopes and strength; by preserving which, we preserve our country; by delivering them up to death, we abandon and betray our country.

9.4.15But a surrender is shameful and ignominious. True: but such ought to be our affection for our country, that we should save it by our own disgrace, if necessity required, as freely as by our death.

9.4.16Let therefore that indignity be undergone, how great soever, and let us submit to that necessity which even the gods themselves do not overcome. Go, consuls, ransom the state for arms, which your ancestors ransomed with gold.

9.5.1The consuls having gone to Pontius to confer with him, when he talked, in the strain of a conqueror, of a treaty, they declared that such could not be concluded without an order of the people, nor without the ministry of the heralds, and the other customary rites.

9.5.2Accordingly the Caudine peace was not ratified by settled treaty, as is commonly believed, and even asserted by Claudius, but by conventional sureties.

9.5.3For what occasion would there be either for sureties or hostages in the former case, where the ratification is performed by the imprecation, that whichever nation shall give occasion to the said terms being violated, may Jupiter strike that nation in like manner as the swine is struck by the heralds.

9.5.4The consuls, lieutenants-general, quaestors, and military tribunes, became sureties; and the names of all these who became sureties are extant; where, had the business been transacted by treaty, none would have appeared but those of the two heralds.

9.5.5On account of the necessary delay of the treaty, six hundred horsemen were demanded as hostages, who were to suffer death if the compact were not fulfilled; a time was then fixed for delivering up the hostages, and sending away the troops disarmed.

9.5.6The return of the consuls renewed the general grief in the camp, insomuch that the men hardly refrained from offering violence to them, by whose rashness, they said, they had been brought into such a situation; and through whose cowardice they were likely to depart with greater disgrace than they came.

9.5.7They had employed no guide through the country, nor scouts; but were sent on blindly, like beasts into a pitfall.

9.5.8They cast looks on each other, viewed earnestly the arms which they must presently surrender; while their persons would be subject to the will of the enemy: figured to themselves the hostile yoke, the scoffs of the conquerors, their haughty looks, and finally, thus disarmed, their march through the midst of an armed foe.

9.5.9In a word, they saw with horror the miserable journey of their dishonoured band through the cities of the allies; and their return into their own country, to their parents, whither themselves, and their ancestors, had so often come in triumph.

9.5.10Observing, that they alone had been conquered without a fight, without a weapon thrown, without a wound; that they had not been permitted to draw their swords, nor to engage the enemy. In vain had arms, in vain had strength, in vain had courage been given them.

9.5.11While they were giving vent to such grievous reflections, the fatal hour of their disgrace arrived, which was to render every circumstance still more shocking in fact, than they had preconceived it in their imaginations.

9.5.12First, they were ordered to go out, beyond the rampart, unarmed, and with single garments; then the hostages were surrendered, and carried into custody.

9.5.13The lictors were next commanded to depart from the consuls, and the robes of the latter were stripped off. This excited such a degree of commiseration in the breasts of those very men, who a little before, pouring execrations upon them, had proposed that they should be delivered

9.5.14up and torn to pieces, that every one, forgetting his own condition, turned away his eyes from that degradation of so high a dignity, as from a spectacle too horrid to behold.

9.6.1First, the consuls, nearly half naked, were sent under the yoke; then each officer, according to his rank, was exposed to disgrace, and the legions successively.

9.6.2The enemy stood on each side under arms, reviling and mocking them; swords were pointed at most of them, several were wounded and some even slain, when their looks, rendered too fierce by the indignity to which they were subjected, gave offence to the conquerors. Thus were they led under the yoke; and what was still more intolerable, under the eyes of the enemy.

9.6.3When they had got clear of the defile, they seemed as if they had been drawn up from the infernal regions, and then for the first time beheld the light; yet, when they viewed the ignominious appearance of the army, the light itself was more painful to them than any kind of death could have been; so that although they might have arrived at Capua before night, yet, uncertain with respect to the fidelity of the allies, and because shame embarrassed them, in need of every thing, they threw themselves carelessly on the ground, on each side of the road: which being told at Capua, just compassion for their allies got the better of the arrogance natural to the Campanians.

9.6.4They immediately sent to the consuls their ensigns of office, the fasces and lictors; to the soldiers, arms, horses, clothes, and provisions in abundance: and, on their approach to Capua, the whole senate and people went out to meet them, and performed every proper office of hospitality, both public and private.

9.6.5But the courtesy, kind looks, and address of the allies, could not only not draw

9.6.6a word from them, but it could not even prevail on them to raise their eyes, or look their consoling friends in the face, so completely did shame, in addition to grief, oblige them to shun the conversation and society of these their friends.

9.6.7Next day, when some young nobles, who had been sent from Capua, to escort them on their road to the frontiers of Campania, returned, they were called into the senate-house, and, in answer to the inquiries of the elder members, said, that to them they seemed deeply sunk in melancholy and dejection;

9.6.8that the whole body moved on in silence, almost as if dumb; the former genius of the Romans was prostrated, and that their spirit had been taken from them, together with their arms.

9.6.9Not one returned a salute, nor returned an answer to those who greeted them; as if, through fear, they were unable to utter a word;

9.6.10as if their necks still carried the yoke under which they had been sent. That the Samnites had obtained a victory, not only glorious, but lasting also; for they had subdued, not Rome merely, as the Gauls had formerly done, but what was a much more warlike achievement, the Roman courage.

9.6.11When these remarks were made and attentively listened to, and the almost extinction of the Roman name was lamented in this assembly of faithful allies, Ofilius Calavius, son of Ovius, a man highly distinguished, both by his birth and conduct, and at this time further respectable on account of his age, is said to have declared that he entertained a very different opinion in the case.

9.6.12This obstinate silence, said he, those eyes fixed on the earth, —those ears deaf to all comfort, —with the shame of beholding the light, —are indications of a mind calling forth, from its inmost recesses, the utmost exertions of resentment.

9.6.13Either he was ignorant of the temper of the Romans, or that silence would shortly excite, among the Samnites, lamentable cries and groans; for that the remembrance of the Caudine peace would be much more sorrowful to the Samnites than to the Romans. Each side would have their own native spirit, wherever they should happen to engage, but the Samnites would not, every where, have the glens of Caudium.

9.7.1Their disaster was, by this time, well known at Rome also.

9.7.2At first, they heard that the troops were shut up; afterwards the news of the ignominious peace caused greater affliction than had been felt for their danger.

9.7.3On the report of their being surrounded, a levy of men was begun; but when it was understood that the army had surrendered in so disgraceful a manner, the preparations were laid aside; and immediately, without any public directions, a general mourning took place, with all the various demonstrations of grief.

9.7.4The shops were shut; and all business ceased in the forum, spontaneously, before it was proclaimed.

9.7.6rings were laid aside: and the public were in greater tribula- tion, if possible, than the army itself; they were

9.7.7not only en- raged against the commanders, the advisers and sureties of the peace, but detested even the unoffending soldiers, and asserted, that they ought not to be admitted

9.7.8into the city or its habita- tions. But these transports of passion were allayed by the arrival of the troops, which excited compassion even in the angry; for entering into the city, not

9.7.9like men returning into their country with unexpected safety, but in the habit and with the looks of captives, late in the evening; they hid themselves so closely in their houses, that,

9.7.10for the next, and several following days, not one of them could bear to come in sight of the forum, or of the public. The consuls, shut up in private, transacted no official business, except that which was

9.7.11wrung from them by a decree of the senate, to nominate a dictator to preside at the elections. They nominated Quintus Fabius

9.7.12Ambustus, and as master of the horse Publius Aelius Paetus. But they having been irregularly appointed, there were substituted in their room, Marcus

9.7.13Aemilius Papus dictator, and Lucius Valerius Flaccus master of the horse. But neither did these

9.7.14hold the elections: and the people being dissatisfied with all the magistrates of that year, an interregnum ensued. The interreges were, Quintus Fabius Maximus and Marcus Valerius Corvus, who elected consuls Quintus Publilius Philo, and Lucius Papirius Cursor a second time; a choice universally approved, for there were no commanders at that time of higher reputation.

9.8.1They entered into office on the day they were elected, for so it had been determined by the fathers.

9.8.2When the customary decrees of the senate were passed, they proposed the consideration of the Caudine peace; and Publilius, who was in possession of the fasces, said, Spurius Postumius, speak: he arose with just the same countenance with which he had passed under the yoke, and delivered himself to this effect:

9.8.3Consuls, I am well aware that I have been called up first with marked ignominy, not with honour; and that I am ordered to speak, not as being a senator, but as a person answerable as well for an unsuccessful war as for a disgraceful peace.

9.8.4However, since the question propounded by you is not concerning our guilt, or our punishment; waving a defence, which would not be very difficult, before men who are not unacquainted with human casualties or necessities, I shall briefly state my opinion on the matter in question; which opinion will testify, whether I meant to spare myself or your legions, when I engaged as surety to the convention, whether dishonourable or necessary:

9.8.5by which, however, the Roman people are not bound, inasmuch as it was concluded without their order; nor is any thing liable to be forfeited to the Samnites, in consequence of it, except our persons.

9.8.6Let us then be delivered up to them by the heralds, naked, and in chains. Let us free the people of the religious obligation, if we have bound them under any such; so that there may be no restriction, divine or human, to prevent your entering on the war anew, without violating either religion or justice.

9.8.7I am also of opinion, that the consuls, in the mean time, enlist, arm, and lead out an army; but that they should not enter the enemy's territories before every particular, respecting the surrender of us, be regularly executed.

9.8.8You, O immortal gods! I pray and beseech that, although it has not been your will that Spurius Postumius and Titus Veturius, as consuls, should wage war with success against the Samnites, ye may yet deem it sufficient to have seen us sent under the yoke;

9.8.9to have seen us bound under an infamous convention; to have seen us delivered into the hands of our foes naked and shackled, taking on our own heads the whole weight of the enemy's resentment.

9.8.10And grant, that the consuls and legions of Rome may wage war against the Samnites, with the same fortune with which every war has been waged before we became consuls.

9.8.11On his concluding this speech, men's minds were so impressed with both admiration and compassion, that now they could scarce believe him to be the same Spurius Postumius who had been the author of so shameful a peace;

9.8.12again lamenting, that such a man was likely to undergo, among the enemy, a punishment even beyond that of others, through resentment for annulling the peace.

9.8.13When all the members, extolling him with praises, expressed their approbation of his sentiments, a protest was attempted for a time by Lucius Livius and Quintus Maelius, tribunes of the commons, who said, that the people could

Book 9, Part 2

9.8.14not be acquitted of the religious obligation by the consuls being given up, unless all things were restored to the Samnites in the same state in which they had been at Caudium;

9.8.15nor had they themselves deserved any punishment, for having, by becoming sureties to the peace, preserved the army of the Roman people; nor, finally, could they, being sacred and inviolable, be surrendered to the enemy or treated with violence.

9.9.1To this Postumius replied, In the mean time surrender us as unsanctified persons, which ye may do, without offence to religion;

9.9.2those sacred and inviolable personages, the tribunes, ye will afterwards deliver up as soon as they go out of office: but, if ye listen to me, they will be first scourged with rods, here in the Comitium, that they may pay this as interest for their punishment being delayed.

9.9.3For, as to their denying that the people are acquitted of the re- ligious obligation, by our being given up, who is there so ignorant of the laws of the heralds, as not to know, that those men speak in that manner, that they themselves may not be surrendered, rather than because the case is really so?

9.9.4Still I do not deny, conscript fathers, that compacts, on sureties given, are as sacred as treaties, in the eyes of all who regard faith between men, with the same reverence which is paid to duties respecting the gods: but I insist, that without the order of the people, nothing can be ratified that is to bind the people.

9.9.5Suppose that, out of the same arrogance with which the Samnites wrung from us the convention in question, they had compelled us to repeat the established form of words for the surrendering of cities, would ye, tribunes, say, that the Roman people was surrendered?

9.9.6and, that this city, these temples, and consecrated grounds, these lands and waters, were become the property of the Samnites? I say no more of' the surrender, because our having become sureties is the point insisted on.

9.9.7Now, suppose we had become sureties that the Roman people should quit this city; that they should set it on fire; that they should have no magistrates, no senate, no laws; that they should, in future, be ruled by kings: the gods forbid, you say. But, the enormity of the articles lessens not the obligation of a compact. If there is any thing in which the people can be bound, it can in all.

9.9.8Nor is there any importance in another circumstance, which weighs, perhaps, with some: whether a consul, a dictator, or a praetor, be the surety. And this, indeed, was what even the Samnites themselves proved, who were not satisfied with the security of the consuls, but compelled the lieutenants-general, quaestors, and military tribunes to join them.

9.9.9Let no one, then, demand of me, why I entered into such a compact, when neither such power was vested in a consul, and when I could not, either to them, insure a peace, of which I could not command the ratification; or in behalf of you, who had given me no powers.

9.9.10Conscript fathers, none of the transactions at Caudium were directed by human wisdom. The immortal gods deprived of understanding both your generals and those of the enemy.

9.9.11On the one side we acted not with sufficient caution in the war; on the other, they threw away a victory, which through our folly they had obtained, while they hardly confided in the places, by means of which they had conquered; but were in haste, on any terms, to take arms out of the hands of men who were born to arms.

9.9.12Had their reason been sound, would it have been difficult, during the time which they spent in sending for old men from home to give them advice, to send ambassadors to Rome, and to negotiate a peace and treaty with the senate, and with the people?

9.9.13It would have been a journey of only three days to expeditious travellers. In the interim, matters might have rested under a truce, that is, until their ambassadors should have brought from Rome, either certain victory or peace.

9.9.14That would have been really a compact, on the faith of sureties, for we should have become sureties by order of the people. But, neither would ye have passed such an order, nor should we have pledged our faith;

9.9.15nor was it right that the affair should have any other issue, than, that they should be vainly mocked with a dream, as it were, of greater prosperity than their minds were capable of comprehending, and that the same fortune, which had entangled our army, should extricate it;

9.9.16that an ineffectual victory should be frustrated by a more ineffectual peace; and that a convention, on the faith of a surety, should be introduced, which bound no other person beside the surety. For what part had ye, conscript fathers; what part had the people, in this affair? Who can call upon you? Who can say, that he has been deceived by you?

9.9.17Can the enemy? Can a citizen? To the enemy ye engaged nothing. Ye ordered no citizen to engage on your behalf.

9.9.18Ye are therefore no way concerned either with us, to whom ye gave no commission; nor with the Samnites, with whom ye transacted no business. We are sureties to the Samnites; debtors, sufficiently wealthy in that which is our own, in that which we can offer —our bodies and our minds. On these, let them exercise their cruelty; against these, let them whet their resentment and their swords.

9.9.19As to what relates to the tribunes, consider whether the delivering them up can be effected at the present time, or if it must be deferred to another day. Meanwhile let us, Titus Veturius, and the rest concerned, offer our worthless persons, as atonements, for the breaking our engagements, and, by our sufferings, liberate the Roman armies.

9.10.1Both these arguments, and, still more, the author of them, powerfully affected the senators; as they did likewise every one, not excepting even the tribunes of the commons, who declared, that they would be directed by the senate.

9.10.2They then instantly resigned their office, and were delivered, together with the rest, to the heralds, to be conducted to Caudium.

9.10.3On passing this decree of the senate, it seemed as if some new light had shone upon the state: Postumius was in every mouth: they extolled him to heaven; and pronounced his conduct as equal even to the devoting act of the consul Publius Decius, and to other illustrious acts.

9.10.4Through his counsel, and exertions, they said, the state had raised up its head from an ignominious peace. He now offered himself to the enemy's rage, and to torments; and was suffering, in atonement for the Roman people.

9.10.5All turned their thoughts towards arms and war, [and the general cry was,] When shall we be permitted with arms in our hands to meet the Samnites?

9.10.6While the state glowed with resentment and rancour, the levies were composed almost entirely of volunteers. New legions, composed of the former soldiers, were quickly formed, and an army marched to Caudium.

9.10.7The heralds, who went before, on coming to the gate, ordered the sureties of the peace to be stripped of their clothes, and their hands to be tied behind their backs. As the apparitor, out of respect to his dignity, was binding Postumius in a loose manner, Why do you not, said he, draw the cord tight, that the surrender may be regularly performed?

9.10.8Then, when they came into the assembly of the Samnites, and to the tribunal of Pontius, Aulus Cornelius Arvina, a herald, pronounced these words:

9.10.9Forasmuch as these men, here present, without orders from the Roman people, the Quirites, entered into surety, that a treaty should be made, and have thereby rendered themselves criminal; now, in order that the Roman people may be freed from the crime of impiety, I here surrender these men into your hands.

9.10.10On the herald saying thus, Postumius gave him a stroke on the thigh with his knee, as forcibly as he could, and said with a loud voice, that he was now a citizen of Samnium, the other a Roman ambassador; that the herald had been, by him, violently ill-treated, contrary to the law of nations; and that his people would therefore have the more justice on their side, in waging war.

9.11.1Pontius then said, Neither will I accept such a surrender, nor will the Samnites deem it valid.

9.11.2Spurius Postu- mius, if you believe that there are gods, why do you not undo all that has been done, or fulfil your agreement? The Samnite nation is entitled, either to all the men whom it had in its power, or, instead of them, to a peace.

9.11.3But why do I call on you, who, with as much regard to faith as you are able to show, return yourself a prisoner into the hands of the conqueror? I call on the Roman people. If they are dissatisfied with the convention made at the Caudine forks, let them replace the legions within the defile where they were pent up.

9.11.4Let there be no deception on either side. Let all that has been done pass as nothing. Let them receive again the arms which they surrendered by the convention; let them return into their camp. Whatever they were in possession of, the day before the conference, let them possess again. Then let war and resolute counsels be adopted.

9.11.5Then let the convention, and peace, be rejected. Let us carry on the war in the same circumstances, and situations, in which we were before peace was mentioned. Let neither the Roman people blame the convention of the consuls, nor us the faith of the Roman people.

9.11.6Will ye never want an excuse for not standing to the compacts which ye make on being defeated? Ye gave hostages to Porsena: ye clandestinely withdrew them. Ye ransomed your state from the Gauls, for gold: while they were receiving the gold, they were put to the sword.

9.11.7Ye concluded a peace with us, on condition of our restoring your captured legions: that peace ye now annul; in fine, ye always spread over your fraudulent conduct some show of right.

9.11.8Do the Roman people disapprove of their legions being saved by an ignominious peace? Let them have their peace, and return the captured legions to the conqueror. This would be conduct consistent with faith, with treaties, and with the laws of the heralds.

9.11.9But that you should, in consequence of the convention, obtain what you desired, the safety of so many of your countrymen, while I obtain not, what I stipulated for on sending you back those men, a peace; is this the law which you, Aulus Cornelius, which ye, heralds, prescribe to nations?

9.11.10But for my part, I neither accept those men whom ye pretend to surrender, nor consider them as surrendered; nor do I hinder them from returning into their own country, which stands bound under an actual convention, formally entered into, carrying with them the wrath of all the gods, whose authority is thus baffled.

9.11.11Wage war, since Spurius Postumius has just now struck with his knee the herald, in character of ambassador. The gods are to believe that Postumius is a citizen of Samnium, not of Rome; and that a Roman ambassador has been violated by a Samnite; and that therefore a just war has been waged against us by you.

9.11.12That men of years, and of consular dignity, should not be ashamed to exhibit such mockery of religion in the face of day!

9.11.13And should have recourse to such shallow artifices to palliate their breach of faith, unworthy even of children! Go, lictor, take off the bonds from those Romans. Let no one delay them from departing when they think proper. Accordingly they returned unhurt from Caudium to the Roman camp, having acquitted, certainly, their own faith, and perhaps that of the public.

9.12.1The Samnites finding that, instead of a peace which flattered their pride, the war was revived, and with the utmost inveteracy, not only felt, in their minds, a foreboding of all the consequences which ensued, but saw them, in a manner, before their eyes.

9.12.2They now, too late and in vain, applauded the plans of old Pontius, by blundering between which, they had exchanged the possession of victory for an uncertain peace; and having lost the opportunity of doing a kindness or an injury, were now to fight against men, whom they might have either put out of the way, for ever, as enemies; or engaged, for ever, as friends.

9.12.3And such was the change which had taken place in men's minds, since the Caudine peace, even before any trial of strength had shown an advantage on either side, that Postumius, by surrendering himself, had acquired greater renown among the Romans, than Pontius among the Samnites, by his bloodless victory.

9.12.4The Romans considered their being at liberty to make war, as certain victory; while the Samnites supposed the Romans victorious, the moment they resumed their arms.

9.12.5Meanwhile, the Satricans revolted to the Samnites, who attacked the colony of Fregellae, by a sudden surprise in the night, accompanied, as it appears, by the Satricans.

9.12.6From that time until day, their mutual fears kept both parties quiet: the daylight was the signal for battle, which the Fregellans contrived to maintain, for a considerable time, without loss of ground; both because they fought for their religion and liberty; and the multitude, who were unfit to bear arms, assisted them, from the tops of the houses.

9.12.7At length a stratagem gave the advantage to the assailants; for they suffered the voice of a crier to be heard proclaiming, that whoever laid down his arms might retire in safety. This relaxed their eagerness in the fight, and they began almost every where to throw away their arms.

9.12.8A part, more determined, however, retaining their arms, rushed out by the opposite gate, and their boldness brought greater safety to them, than their fears, which inclined them to credulity, did to the others: for the Samnites, having surrounded the latter with fires, burned them all to death, while they made vain appeals to the faith of gods and men.

9.12.9The consuls having settled the provinces between them, Papirius proceeded into Apulia to Luceria, where the Roman horsemen, given as hostages at Caudium, were kept in custody: Publilius remained in Samnium, to oppose the Caudine legions.

9.12.10This proceeding perplexed the minds of the Samnites: they could not safely determine either to go to Luceria, lest the enemy should press on their rear; or to remain where they were, lest in the mean time Luceria should be lost.

9.12.11They concluded, therefore, that it would be most advisable to trust to the decision of fortune, and to try the issue of a battle with Publilius: accordingly they drew out their forces into the field.

9.13.1When Publilius was about to engage, considering it proper to address his soldiers first, he ordered an assembly to be summoned. But though they ran together to the general's quarters with the greatest alacrity, yet so loud were their clamours, demanding the fight, that none of the general's exhortations were heard: each man's own reflections on the late disgrace served as an exhortation.

9.13.2They advanced there- fore to battle, urging the standard-bearers to hasten; and rest, in beginning the conflict, there should be any delay, in wielding their javelins and then drawing their swords, they threw away the former, as if a signal to that purpose had been given, and, drawing the latter, rushed in full speed upon the foe.

9.13.3Nothing of a general's skill was displayed in forming ranks or reserves; the resentment of the troops performed all, with a degree of fury little inferior to madness.

9.13.4The enemy, therefore, were not only completely routed, not even daring to embarrass their flight by retreating to their camp, but dispersing, made towards Apulia in scattered parties: afterwards, however, collecting their forces into one body, they reached Luceria.

9.13.5The same exasperation, which had carried the Romans through the midst of the enemy's line, carried them forward also into their camp, where greater carnage was made, and more blood spilt, than even in the field, while the greater part of the spoil was destroyed in their rage.

9.13.6The other army, with the consul Papirius, had now arrived at Arpi, on the sea-coast, having passed without molestation through all the countries in their way; which was owing to the ill-treatment received by those people from the Samnites, and their hatred towards them, rather than to any favour received from the Roman people.

9.13.7For such of the Samnites as dwelt on the mountains in separate villages, used to ravage the low lands, and the places on the coast; and being mountaineers, and savage themselves, despised the husbandmen who were of a gentler kind, and, as generally happens, resembled the district they inhabited.

9.13.8Now if this tract had been favourably affected towards the Samnites, either the Roman army could have been prevented from reaching Arpi, or, as it lay between Rome and Arpi, it might have intercepted the convoys of provisions, and utterly destroyed them by the consequent scarcity of all necessaries.

9.13.9Even as it was, when they went from thence to Luceria, both the besiegers and the besieged were distressed equally by want. Every kind of supplies was brought to the Romans from Arpi; but in so very scanty proportion, that the horsemen had to carry corn from thence to the camp, in little bags, for the foot, who were employed in the outposts, watches, and works; and sometimes falling in with the enemy, they were obliged to throw the corn from off their horses, in order to fight.

9.13.10Before the arrival of the other consul and his victorious army, both provisions had been brought in to the Samnites, and reinforcements conveyed in to them from the mountains;

9.13.11but the coming of Publilius contracted all their resources; for, committing the siege to the care of his colleague, and keeping himself disengaged, he threw every difficulty in the way of the enemy's convoys.

9.13.12There being therefore little hope for the besieged, or that they would be able much longer to endure want, the Samnites, encamped at Luceria, were obliged to collect their forces from every side, and come to an engagement with Papirius.

9.14.1At this juncture, while both parties were preparing for an action, ambassadors from the Tarentines interposed, requiring both Samnites and Romans to desist from war; with menaces, that if either refused to agree to a cessation of hostilities, they would join their arms with the other party, against them.

9.14.2Papirius, on hearing the purport of their embassy, as if influenced by their words, answered, that he would consult his colleague: he then sent for him, employing the intermediate time in the necessary preparations; and when he had conferred with him on a matter, about which no doubt was entertained, he made the signal for battle.

9.14.3While the consuls were employed in performing the religious rites, and the other usual business preparatory to an engagement, the Tarentine ambassadors put themselves in their way, expecting an answer:

9.14.4to whom Papirius said, Tarentines, the priest reports that the auspices are favourable, and that our sacrifices have been attended with excellent omens: under the direction of the gods, we are proceeding, as you see, to action.

9.14.5He then ordered the standards to move, and led out the troops; thus rebuking the exorbitant arrogance of that nation, which at a time when, through intestine discord and sedition, it was unequal to the management of its own affairs, yet presumed to prescribe the bounds of peace and war to others.

9.14.6On the other side, the Samnites, who had neglected every preparation for fighting, either because they were really desirous of peace, or it seemed their interest to pretend to be so, in order to conciliate the favour of the Tarentines, when they saw, on a

9.14.7sudden, the Romans drawn up for battle, cried out, that they would continue to be directed by the Tarentines, and would neither march out, nor carry their arms beyond the rampart. That if deceived, they would rather endure any consequence which chance may bring, than show contempt to the Tarentines, the advisers of peace.

9.14.8The consuls said, that they embraced the omen, and prayed that the enemy might continue in the resolution of not even defending their rampart.

9.14.9Then, dividing the forces between them, they advanced to the works; and, making an assault on every side at once, while some filled up the trenches, others tore down the rampart, and tumbled it into the trench. All were stimulated, not only by their native courage, but by the resentment which, since their disgrace, had been festering in their breasts.

9.14.10They made their way into the camp; where, every one repeating, that here was not Caudium, nor the forks, nor the impassable glens, where cunning haughtily triumphed over error; but Roman valour, which no rampart nor trench could ward off; —they slew, without distinction, those who resisted and those who fled, the armed and unarmed, freemen and slaves, young and old, men and cattle.

9.14.11Nor would a single animal have escaped, had not the consuls given the signal for retreat;

9.14.12and, by commands and threats, forced out of the camp the soldiers, greedy of slaughter.

9.14.13As they were highly incensed at being thus interrupted in the gratification of their vengeance, a speech was immediately addressed to them, assuring the soldiers, that the consuls neither did nor would fall short of any one of the soldiers, in hatred toward the enemy;

9.14.14on the contrary, as they led the way in battle, so would they have done the same in executing unbounded vengeance, had not the consideration of the six hundred horsemen, who were confined as hostages in Luceria, restrained their inclinations;

9.14.15lest total despair of pardon might drive on the enemy blindly to take vengeance on them, eager to destroy them before they themselves should perish.

9.14.16The soldiers highly applauded this conduct, and rejoiced that their resentment had been checked, and acknowledged that every thing ought to be endured, rather than that the safety of so many Roman youths of the first distinction should be brought into danger.

9.15.1The assembly being then dismissed, a consultation was held, whether they should press forward the siege of Luceria, with all their forces; or, whether with one of the commanders, and his army, trial should be made of the Apulians, a nation in the neighbourhood still doubtful.

9.15.2The consul Publilius set out to make a circuit through Apulia, and in the one expedition either reduced by force, or received into alliance on conditions, a considerable number of the states.

9.15.3Papirius likewise, who had remained to prosecute the siege of Luceria, soon found the event agreeable to his hopes: for all the roads being blocked up through which provisions used to be conveyed from Samnium, the Samnites, who were in garrison, were reduced so low by famine, that they sent ambassadors to the Roman consul, proposing that he should raise the siege, on receiving the horsemen who were the cause of the war.

9.15.4To whom Papirius returned this answer, that they ought to have consulted Pontius, son of Herennius, by whose advice they had sent the Romans under the yoke, what treatment he thought fitting for the conquered to undergo.

9.15.5But since, instead of offering fair terms themselves, they chose rather that they should be imposed on them by their enemies, he desired them

9.15.6to carry back orders to the troops in Luceria, that they should leave within the walls their arms, baggage, beasts of burthen, and all persons unfit for war.

9.15.7The soldiers he would send under the yoke with single garments, retaliating the disgrace formerly inflicted, not inflicting a new one. The terms were not rejected. Seven thousand soldiers were sent under the yoke, and an immense booty was seized in Luceria, all the standards and arms which they had lost at Caudium being recovered; and, what greatly surpassed all their joy, recovered the horsemen whom the Samnites had sent to Luceria to be kept as pledges of the peace.

9.15.8Hardly ever did the Romans gain a victory more distinguished for the sudden reverse produced in the state of their affairs;

9.15.9especially if it be true, as I find in some annals, that Pontius, son of Herennius, the Samnite general, was sent under the yoke along with the rest, to atone for the disgrace of the consuls.

9.15.10I think it indeed more strange that there should exist any doubt whether it was Lucius Cornelius, in quality of dictator, Lucius Papirius Cursor being master of the horse, who performed these achievements at Caudium, and afterwards at Luceria, as the single avenger of the disgrace of the Romans, enjoying the best deserved triumph, perhaps, next to that of Furius Camillus, which had ever yet been obtained; or whether that honour belongs to the consuls, and particularly to Papirius.

9.15.11This uncertainty is followed by another, whether, at the next election, 'Papirius Cursor was chosen consul a third time, with Quintus Aulus Ceretanus a second time, being re-elected in requital of his services at Luceria; or whether it was Lucius Papirius Mugillanus, the surname being mistaken.

9.16.1From henceforth, the accounts are clear, that the other wars were conducted to a conclusion by the consuls. Aulius, by one successful battle, entirely conquered the Forentans. The city, to which their army had retreated after its defeat, surrendered on terms, hostages having been demanded.

9.16.2With similar success the other consul conducted his operations against the Satricans; who, though Roman citizens, had, after the misfortune at Caudium, revolted to the Samnites, and received a garrison into their city.

9.16.3The Satricans, however, when the Roman army approached their walls, sent deputies to sue for peace, with humble entreaties; to whom the consul answered harshly, that they must not come again to him, unless they either put to death, or delivered up, the Samnite garrison: by which terms greater terror was struck into the colonists than by the arms with which they were threatened.

9.16.4The deputies, accordingly, several times asking the consul, how he thought that they, who were few and weak, could attempt to use force against a garrison so strong and well-armed: he desired them to seek counsel from those, by whose advice they had received that garrison into the city.

9.16.5They then departed, and returned to their countrymen, having obtained from the consul, with much difficulty, permission to consult their senate on the matter, and bring back their answer to him.

9.16.6Two factions divided the senate; one that whose leaders had been the authors of the defection from the Roman people, the other consisted of the citizens who retained their loyalty; both, however, showed an earnest desire, that every means should be used towards effecting an accommodation with the consul for the restoration of peace.

9.16.7As the Samnite garrison, being in no respect prepared for holding out a siege, intended to retire the next night out of the town, one party thought it sufficient to discover to the consul, at what hour, through what gate, and by what road, his enemy was to march out.

9.16.8The other, against whose wishes defection to the Samnites had occurred, even opened one of the gates for the consul in the night, secretly admitting the armed enemy into the town.

9.16.9In consequence of this twofold treachery, the Samnite garrison was surprised and overpowered by an ambush, placed in the woody places, near the road; and, at the same time, a shout was raised in the city, which was now filled with the enemy. Thus, in the short space of one hour, the Samnites were put to the sword, the Satricans made prisoners, and all things reduced under the power of the consul;

9.16.10who, having instituted an inquiry by whose means the revolt had taken place, scourged with rods and beheaded such as he found to be guilty; and then, disarming the Satricans, he placed a strong garrison in the place.

9.16.11On this those writers state, that Papirius Cursor proceeded to Rome to celebrate his triumph, who say, that it was under his guidance Luceria was retaken, and the Samnites sent under the yoke.

9.16.12Undoubtedly, as a warrior, he was deserving of every military praise, excelling not only in vigour of mind, but likewise in strength of body.

9.16.13He possessed extraordinary swiftness of foot, surpassing every one of his age in running, from whence came the surname into his family; and he is said, either from the robustness of his frame, or from much practice, to have been able to digest a very large quantity of food and wine.

9.16.14Never did either the foot-soldier or horseman feel military service more laborious, under any general, because he was of a constitution not to be overcome by fatigue.

9.16.15The 'cavalry, on some occasion, venturing to request that, in consideration of their good behaviour, he would excuse them some part of their business, he told them, Ye should not say that no indulgence has been granted you, —I excuse you from rubbing your horses' backs when ye dismount.

Book 9, Part 3

9.16.16He supported also the authority of command, in all its vigour, both among the allies and his countrymen.

9.16.17The praetor of Praeneste, through fear, had been tardy in bringing forward his men from the reserve to the front: he, walking before his tent, ordered him to be called, and then bade the lictor to make ready his axe, on which, the Praenestine standing frightened almost to death, he said, Here, lictor, cut away this stump, it is troublesome to people as they walk;

9.16.18and, after thus alarming him with the dread of the severest punishment, he imposed a fine and dismissed him.

9.16.19It is beyond doubt, that during that age, than which none was ever more productive of virtuous characters, there was no man in whom the Roman affairs found a more effectual support; nay, people even marked him out, in their minds, as a match for Alexander the Great, in case that, having completed the conquest of Asia, he should have turned his arms on Europe.

9.17.1Nothing can be found farther from my intention, since the commencement of this history, than to digress, more than necessity required, from the course of narration; and, by embellishing my work with variety, to seek pleasing resting-places, as it were, for my readers, and relaxation for my own mind:

9.17.2nevertheless, the mention of so great a king and commander, now calls forth to public view those silent reflections, with which it has oftentimes occupied my mind; and disposes me to inquire, what would have been the consequence, respecting the affairs of the Romans, if they had happened to have been engaged in a war with Alexander.

9.17.3The circumstances of greatest moment in war seem to be, the number and bravery of the soldiers, the abilities of the commanders, and fortune, which exerts a powerful sway over all human concerns, and especially over those of war.

9.17.4Now these particulars, to one who considers them both separately and collectively, must clearly convince an observer, that not only other kings and nations, but that even Alexander himself, would have found the Roman empire invincible. And first to begin with comparing the commanders.

9.17.5I do not, indeed, deny that Alexander was a captain of consummate merit; but still it renders him more illustrious that he was single in command, and that he died young, while his affairs were advancing in improvement, and while he had not yet experienced a reverse of fortune.

9.17.6For, to pass by other illustrious kings and leaders, who afford exemplary instances of the decline of human greatness, what was it, but length of life, which subjected Cyrus (whom the Greeks, in their panegyrics, exalt so far beyond all others) to the caprice of fortune? And the same was, lately, the case of Pompey the Great.

9.17.7I shall enumerate the Roman chiefs; not every one of every age, but those very ones with whom, either as consuls or dictators, Alexander might have been engaged:

9.17.8Marcus Valerius Corvus, Caius Marcius Rutilus, Caius Sulpicius, Titus Manlius Torquatus, Quintus Publilius Philo, Lucius Papirius Cursor, Quintus Fabius Maximus, the two Decii, Lucius Volumnius, Manius Curius.

9.17.9Then follow a number of very extraordinary men, had it so happened, that he had first engaged in war with Carthage, and had come into Italy at a more advanced period of life. Every one of these both possessed powers of mind and a capacity equal with Alexander;

9.17.10and also a regular system of military discipline had been transmitted from one to another, from the first rise of the city of Rome; a system now reduced into the form of an art, completely digested in a train of fixed and settled principles.

9.17.11According to these principles kings had carried on wars; and afterwards, the expellers of those kings, the Junii and Valerii; according to these the Fabii, the Quintii, the Cornelii, and so too Furius Camillus, who was an old man in the earlier years of those with whom Alexander must have fought.

9.17.12Manlius Torquatus, had he met him in the field, might, perhaps, have yielded to Alexander in discharging military duties in battle (for these also render him no less illustrious); and so might Valerius Corvus; men who were distinguished soldiers, before they became commanders.

9.17.13The same, too, might have been the case with the Decii, who, after devoting their persons, rushed upon the enemy; or of Papirius Cursor, though possessed of such powers, both of body and mind.

9.17.14By the counsels of one youth, it is possible the wisdom of a whole senate, not to mention individuals, might have been baffled, [consisting of such members,] that he alone, who declared that it consisted of kings, conceived a correct idea of a Roman senate.

9.17.15But then the danger was, that with more judgment than any one of those whom I have named he might choose ground for an encampment, provide supplies, guard against stratagems, distinguish the season for fighting, form his line of battle, or strengthen it properly with reserves.

9.17.16He would have owned that he was not dealing with Darius, who drew after him a train of women and eunuchs; saw nothing about him but gold and purple; was encumbered with the trappings of his state, and should be called his prey, rather than his antagonist; whom therefore he vanquished without loss of blood, and had no other merit, on the occasion, than that of showing a proper spirit in despising empty show.

9.17.17The aspect of Italy would have appeared to him of a quite different nature from that of India, which he traversed in the guise of a reveller, at the head of a crew of drunkards, if he had seen the forests of Apulia, and the mountains of Lucania, with the vestiges of the disasters of his house, and where his uncle Alexander, king of Epirus, had been lately cut off.

9.18.1We are now speaking of Alexander not yet intoxicated by prosperity, the seductions of which no man was less capable of withstanding.

9.18.2But, if he is to be judged from the tenor of his conduct in the new state of his fortune, and from the new disposition,

9.18.3as I may say, which he put on after his successes, he would have entered Italy more like Darius than Alexander; and would have brought thither an army who had forgotten Macedonia, and were degenerating into the manners of the Persians.

9.18.4It is painful, in speaking of so great a king, to recite his ostentatious change of dress; his requiring that people should address him with adulation, prostrating themselves on the ground, a practice insupportable to the Macedonians, had they even been conquered, much more so when they were victorious;

9.18.5the shocking cruelty of his punishments; his murdering his friends in the midst of feasting and wine; with the folly of his fiction respecting his birth. What must have been the consequence, if his love of wine had daily become more intense?

9.18.6if his fierce and uncontrollable anger? And as I mention not any one circumstance of which there is a doubt among writers, do we consider these as no disparagements to the qualifications of a commander?

9.18.7But then, as is frequently repeated by the silliest of the Greeks, who are fond of exalting the reputation, even of the Parthians, at the expense of the Roman name, the danger was that the Roman people would not have had resolution to bear up against the splendour of Alexander's name, who, however, in my opinion, was not known to them even by common fame;

9.18.8and while, in Athens, a state reduced to weakness by the Macedonian arms, which at the very time saw the ruins of Thebes smoking in its neighbourhood, men had spirit enough to declaim with freedom against him, as is manifest from the copies of their speeches, which have been preserved; [we are to be told] that out of such a number of Roman chiefs, no one would have freely uttered his sentiments.

9.18.9How great soever our idea of this man's greatness may be, still it is the greatness of an individual, constituted by the successes of a little more than ten years;

9.18.10and those who give it pre-eminence on account that the Roman people have been defeated, though not in any entire war, yet in several battles, whereas Alexander was never once unsuccessful in a single fight, do not consider that they are comparing the actions of one man, and that a young man, with the exploits of a nation waging wars now eight hundred years.

9.18.11Can we wonder if, when on the one side more ages are numbered than years on the other, fortune varied more in so long a lapse of time than in the short term of thirteen years?

9.18.12But why not compare the success of one general with that of another? How many Roman commanders might I name who never lost a battle? In the annals of the magistrates, and the records, we may run over whole pages of consuls and dictators, with whose bravery, and successes also, the Roman people never once had reason to be dissatisfied.

9.18.13And what renders them more deserving of admiration than Alexander, or any king, is, that some of these acted in the office of dictator, which lasted only ten, or it might be twenty days;

9.18.14none, in a charge of longer duration than the consulship of a year; their levies obstructed by plebeian tribunes; often late in taking the field;

9.18.15recalled, before the time, on account of elections; amidst the very busiest efforts of the campaign, their year of office expired; sometimes the rashness, sometimes the perverseness of a colleague, proving an impediment or detriment; and finally succeeding to the unfortunate administration of a predecessor, with an army of raw or ill-dis- ciplined men.

9.18.16But, on the other hand, kings, being not only free from every kind of impediment, but masters of circumstances and seasons, control all things in subserviency to their designs, themselves uncontrolled by any.

9.18.17So that Alexander, unconquered, would have encountered unconquered commanders; and would have had stakes of equal consequence pledged on the issue.

9.18.18Nay, the hazard had been greater on his side; because the Macedonians would have had but one Alexander, who was not only liable, but fond of exposing himself to casualties;

9.18.19the Romans would have had many equal to Alexander, both in renown, and in the greatness of their exploits; any one of whom might live or die according to his destiny, without any material consequence to the public.

9.19.1It remains that the forces be compared together, with respect to their numbers, the quality of the men, and their supplies of auxiliaries.

9.19.2Now, in the general surveys of that age, there were rated two hundred and fifty thousand men; so that, on every revolt of the Latin confederates, ten legions were enlisted almost entirely in the city levy.

9.19.3It often happened during those years, that four or five armies were employed at a time, in Etruria, in Umbria, the Gauls also being at war, in Samnium, in Lucania.

9.19.4Then as to all Latium, with the Sabines, and Volscians, the Aequans, and all Campania; half of Umbria, Etruria, and the Picentians, the Marsians, Pelignians, Vestinians, and Apulians; to whom we may add, the whole coast of the lower sea, possessed by the Greeks, from Thurii to Neapolis and Cumae; and the Samnites from thence as far as Antium and Ostia: all these he would have found either powerful allies to the Romans, or deprived of power by their arms. He would have crossed the sea with his veteran Macedonians, amounting to no more than thirty thousand infantry and four thousand horse, these mostly Thessalians.

9.19.5This was the whole of his strength. Had he brought with him Persians and Indians, and those other nations, it would be dragging after him an encumbrance rather than a support.

9.19.6Add to this, that the Romans, being at home, would have had recruits at hand: Alexander, waging war in a foreign country, would have found his army worn out with long service, as happened afterwards to Hannibal.

9.19.7As to arms, theirs were a buckler and long spears; those of the Romans, a shield, which covered the body more effectually, and a javelin, a much more forcible weapon than the spear, either in throwing or striking. The soldiers, on both sides, were used to steady combat, and to preserve their ranks.

9.19.8But the Macedonian phalanx was unapt for motion, and composed of similar parts throughout: the Roman line less compact, consisting of several various parts, was easily divided as occasion required, and as easily conjoined.

9.19.9Then what soldier is comparable to the Roman in the throwing up of works? who better calculated to endure fatigue? Alexander, if overcome in one battle, would have been overcome in war. The Roman, whom Claudium, whom Cannae, did not crush, what line of battle could crush?

9.19.10In truth, even should events have been favourable to him at first, he would have often wished for the Persians, the Indians, and the effeminate tribes of Asia, as opponents;

9.19.11and would have acknowledged, that his wars had been waged with women, as we are told was said by Alexander, king of Epirus, after receiving his mortal wound, when comparing the wars waged in Asia by this very youth, with those in which himself had been engaged.

9.19.12Indeed, when I reflect that, in the first Punic war, a contest was maintained by the Romans with the Carthaginians, at sea, for twenty-four years, I can scarcely suppose that the life of Alexander would have been long enough for the finishing of one war [with either of

9.19.13those nations]. And perhaps, as both the Punic state was united to the Roman by ancient treaties, and as similar apprehensions might arm against a common foe those two nations the most potent of the time in arms and in men, he might have been overwhelmed in a Punic and a Roman war at once.

9.19.14The Romans have had experience of the boasted prowess of the Macedonians in arms, not indeed under Alexander as their general, or when their power was at the height, but in the wars against Antiochus, Philip, and Perses; and not only not with any losses, but not even with any danger to themselves.

9.19.15Let not my assertion give offence, nor our civil wars be brought into mention; never were we worsted by an enemy's cavalry, never by their infantry, never in open fight, never on equal ground, much less when the ground was favourable.

9.19.16Our soldiers, heavy laden with arms, may reasonably fear a body of cavalry, or arrows; defiles of difficult passage, and places impassable to convoys.

9.19.17But they have defeated, and will defeat a thousand armies, more formidable than those of Alexander and the Macedonians, provided that the same love of peace and solicitude about domestic harmony, in which we now live, continue permanent.

9.20.1Marcus Foslius Flaccinator and Lucius Plautius Venno were the next raised to the consulship. In this year ambassadors came from most of the states of the Samnites to procure a renewal of the treaty;

9.20.2and, after they had moved the compassion of the senate, by prostrating themselves before them, on being referred to the people, they found not their prayers so efficacious.

9.20.3The treaty therefore, being refused, after they had importuned them individually for several days, was obtained.

9.20.4The Teaneans likewise, and Canusians of Apulia, worn out by the devastations of their country, surrendered themselves to the consul, Lucius Plautius, and gave hostages.

9.20.5This year praefects first began to be created for Capua, and a code of laws was given to that nation, by Lucius Furius the praetor; both in compliance with their own request, as a remedy for the disorder of their affairs, occasioned by intestine dissensions.

9.20.6At Rome, two additional tribes were constituted, the Ufentine and Falerine.

9.20.7On the affairs of Apulia falling into decline, the Teatians of that country came to the new consuls, Caius Junius Bubulcus, and Quintus Aemilius Barbula, suing for an alliance; and engaging, that peace should be observed towards the Romans through every part of Apulia.

9.20.8By pledging themselves boldly for this, they obtained the grant of an alliance, not however on terms of equality, but of their submitting to the dominion of the Roman people.

9.20.9Apulia being entirely reduced, (for Junius had also gained pos- session of Forentum, a town of great strength,) the consuls ad- vanced into Lucania; there Nerulum was surprised and storm- ed by the sudden advance of the consul Aemilius.

9.20.10When fame had spread abroad among the allies, how firmly the affairs of Capua were settled by [the introduction of] the Roman institutions, the Antians, imitating the example, presented a complaint of their being without laws, and without magistrates; on which the patrons of the colony itself were appointed by the senate to form a body of laws for it. Thus not only the arms, but the laws, of Rome became extensively prevalent.

9.21.1The consuls, Caius Junius Bubulcus and Quintus Aemilius Barbula, at the conclusion of the year, delivered over the legions, not to the consuls elected by themselves, who were Spurius Nautius and Marcus Popillius, but to a dictator, Lucius Aemilius.

9.21.2He, with Lucius Fulvius, master of the horse, having commenced to lay siege to Saticula, gave occasion to the Samnites of reviving hostilities.

9.21.3Hence a twofold alarm was occasioned to the Roman army. On one side, the Samnites having collected a numerous force to relieve their allies from the siege, pitched their camp at a small distance from that of the Romans: on the other side, the Saticulans, opening suddenly their gates, ran up with violent tumult to the posts of the enemy.

9.21.4Afterwards, each party, relying on support from the other, more than on its own strength, formed a regular attack, and pressed on the Romans. The dictator, on his part, though obliged to oppose two enemies at once, yet had his line secure on both sides; for he both chose a position not easily surrounded, and also formed two different fronts.

9.21.5However, he directed his greater efforts against those who had sallied from the town, and, without much resistance, drove them back within the walls. He then turned his whole force against the Samnites: there he found greater difficulty.

9.21.6But the victory, though long delayed, was neither doubtful nor alloyed by losses. The Samnites, being forced to fly into their camp, extinguished their fires at night, and marched away in silence; and renouncing all hopes of relieving Saticula, sat themselves down before Plistia, which was in alliance with the Romans, that they might, if possible, retort equal vexation on their enemy.

9.22.1The year coming to a conclusion, the war was thenceforward conducted by a dictator, Quintius Fabius. The new consuls, Lucius Papirius Cursor and Quintus Publilius Philo, both a fourth time, as the former had done, remained at Rome. Fabius came with a reinforcement to Saticula, to receive the army from Aemilius.

9.22.2For the Samnites had not continued before Plistia; but having sent for a new supply of men from home, and relying on their numbers, had en- camped in the same spot as before; and, by provoking the Romans to battle, endeavoured to divert them from the siege.

9.22.3The dictator, so much the more intently, pushed forward his operations against the fortifications of the enemy; consider- ing that only as war which was directed against the city, and showing an indifference with respect to the Samnites, except that he placed guards in proper places, to prevent any at- tempt on his camp.

9.22.4The more furiously did the Samnites ride up to the rampart, and allowed him no quiet. When the enemy were now come up close to the gates of the camp, Quintus Aulius Cerretanus, master of the horse, without con- sulting the dictator, sallied out furiously at the head of all the troops of cavalry, and drove back the enemy.

9.22.5In this de- sultory kind of fight, fortune worked up the strength of the combatants in such a manner, as to occasion an extraordinary loss on both sides, and the remarkable deaths of the com- manders themselves.

9.22.6First, the general of the Samnites, in- dignant at being repulsed, and compelled to fly from a place to which he had advanced so confidently, by entreating and exhorting his horsemen, renewed the battle.

9.22.7As he was easily distinguished among the horsemen, while he urged on the fight, the Roman master of the horse galloped up against him, with his spear directed, so furiously, that, with one stroke, he tumbled him lifeless from his horse.

9.22.8The multitude, however, were not, as is generally the case, dismayed by the fall of their leader, but rather raised to fury. All who were within reach darted their weapons at Aulius, who incautiously pushed for- ward among the enemy's troops;

9.22.9but the chief share of the honour of revenging the death of the Samnite general they assigned to his brother; he, urged by rage and grief, dragged down the victorious master of the horse from his seat, and slew him.

9.22.10Nor were the Samnites far from obtaining his body also, as he had fallen among the enemies' troops: but the Romans instantly dismounted, and the Samnites were obliged to do the same; and lines being thus formed suddenly, they began a battle on foot, round the bodies of the generals, in which the Romans had manifestly the advantage; and recovering the body of Aulius, carried it back in triumph to the camp, with joy mixed with grief.

9.22.11The Samnites having lost their commander, and made a trial of their strength in this contest between the cavalry, left Saticula, which they in vain hoped to relieve, and returned to the siege of Plistia: within a few days after which, the Romans got possession of Saticula by capitulation, and the Samnites of Plistia by force.

9.23.1The seat of the war was then changed. The legions were led away from Samnium and Apulia to Sora.

9.23.2Sora had revolted to the Samnites, and put to death the Roman colonists. The Roman army having arrived here first, by forced marches, with the purpose of revenging

9.23.3the murder of their countrymen, and recovering possession of the colony, and the scouts who were scattered about the roads bringing intelligence, one after another, that the Samnites were following and were now not

9.23.4far off, they marched to meet the enemy, and at Lautulae fought them with doubtful success. Neither loss nor flight on either side, but the night separated the combatants, uncertain whether they were victorious or defeated.

9.23.5I find in some historians, that the Romans were worsted in this battle, and that here Quintus Aulius, the master of the horse, fell.

9.23.6Caius Fabius, substituted master of the horse in the room of Quintus Aulius, came hither with a new army from Rome; and having, by messengers whom he sent forward, consulted the dictator, where he should halt, at what time, and on what side he should fall upon the enemy, and, being sufficiently apprized of his designs in every particular, he rested in a place where he was safe from observation.

9.23.7The dictator, after having kept his men within the rampart for several days after the engagement, like one besieged, rather than a besieger, suddenly displayed the signal for battle;

9.23.8and judging it the more efficacious method of inflaming the courage of brave men, to let none have any room for hope but in himself, he kept secret from the troops the arrival of the master of the horse and the new army;

9.23.9and, as if there were no safety but in forcing their way thence, he said, Soldiers, caught as we are in a confined situation, we have no passage through which we can extricate ourselves, unless we open one by a victory.

9.23.10Our post is sufficiently secured by works; but, at the same time, untenable through scarcity of necessaries: for all the country round, from which provisions could be supplied, has revolted; and besides, even were the inhabitants disposed to aid us, the ground is unfavourable.

9.23.11I will not therefore mislead you by leaving a camp here, into which ye may retreat, as on a former day, without completing the victory. Works ought to be secured by arms, not arms by works.

9.23.12Let those keep a camp, and repair to it, whose interest it is to protract the war; but let us cut off from ourselves every other prospect but that of conquering.

9.23.13Advance the standards against the enemy; as soon as the troops shall have marched beyond the rampart, let those who have it in orders burn the camp. Your losses, soldiers, shall be compensated with the spoil of all the nations round who have revolted.

9.23.14The soldiers advanced against the enemy with spirits inflamed by the dictator's discourse, which seemed indicative of an extreme necessity; and, at the same time, the very sight of the camp burning behind them, though the nearest part only was set on fire, (for so the dictator had ordered,) was no small incitement:

9.23.15rushing on therefore like madmen, they disordered the enemy's battalions at the very first onset; and the master of the horse, when he saw at a distance the fire of the camp, which was a signal agreed on, made a seasonable attack on their rear. The Samnites, thus surrounded on every side, fled different ways.

9.23.16A vast number, who had gathered into a body through fear, yet from confusion incapable of acting, were surrounded and cut to pieces.

9.23.17The enemy's camp was taken and plundered; and the soldiers being laden with the spoil, the dictator led them back to the Roman camp, highly rejoiced at the success, but by no means so much as at finding, contrary to their expectation, every thing there safe, except a small part only, which was injured or destroyed by the fire.

9.24.1They then marched back to Sora; and the new consuls, Marcus Pœtelius and Caius Sulpicius, receive the army from the dictator Fabius, discharging a great part of the veteran soldiers, having brought with them new cohorts to supply their place.

9.24.2Now while, on account of the difficult situation of the city, no certain mode of attack could be devised, and success must either be distant in time, or at a desperate risk;

9.24.3a deserter from Sora came out of the town privately by night, and when he had got as far as the Roman watches, desired to be conducted instantly to the con- suls: which being complied with, he made them an offer of delivering the place into their hands.

9.24.4When he answered their questions, respecting the means by which he intended to make good his promise, appearing to state a project by no means idle, he persuaded them to remove the Roman camp, which was almost close to the walls, to the distance of six miles;

9.24.5that the consequence would be that this would render the guards by day, and the watches by night, the less vigilant.

9.24.6He then desired that some cohorts should post themselves the following night in the woody places under the town, and took with himself ten chosen soldiers, through steep and almost impassable ways, into the citadel, where a quantity of missive weapons had been collected, larger than bore proportion to the number of men. There were stones besides, some lying at random, as in all craggy places, and others heaped up designedly by the townsmen, to add to the security of the place.

9.24.7Having posted the Romans here, and shown them a steep and narrow path leading up from the town to the citadel — From this ascent, said he, even three armed men would keep off any multitude whatever.

9.24.8Now ye are ten in number; and, what is more, Romans, and the bravest among the Romans. The night is in your favour, which, from the uncertainty it occasions, magnifies every object to people once alarmed. I will immediately fill every place with terror: be ye alert in defending the citadel.

Book 9, Part 4

9.24.9He then ran down in haste, crying aloud, To arms, citizens, we are undone, the citadel is taken by the enemy; run, defend it.

9.24.10This he repeated, as he passed the doors of the principal men, the same to all whom he met, and also to those who ran out in a fright into the streets. The alarm, communicated first by one, was soon spread by numbers through all the city.

9.24.11The magistrates, dismayed on hearing from scouts that the citadel was full of arms and armed men, whose number they multiplied, laid aside all hopes of recovering it.

9.24.12All places are filled with terror: the gates are broken open by persons half asleep, and for the most part unarmed, through one of which the body of Roman troops, roused by the noise, burst in, and slew the terrified inhabitants, who attempted to skirmish in the streets.

9.24.13Sora was now taken, when, at the first light, the consuls arrived, and accepted the surrender of those whom fortune had left remaining after the flight and slaughter of the night.

9.24.14Of these, they conveyed in chains to Rome two hundred and twenty-five, whom all men agreed in pointing out as the au- thors, both of the revolt, and also of the horrid massacre of the colonists. The rest they left in safety at Sora, a garrison being placed there.

9.24.15All those who were brought to Rome were beaten with rods in the forum, and beheaded, to the great joy of the commons, whose interest it most highly con- cerned, that the multitudes, sent to various places in colonies, should be in safety.

9.25.1The consuls, leaving Sora, turned their warlike opera- tions against the lands and cities of the Ausonians;

9.25.2for all places had been set in commotion by the coming of the Sam- nites, when the battle was fought at Lautulae: conspiracies likewise had been formed in several parts of Campania; nor was Capua itself clear of the charge: nay, the business spread even to Rome, and inquiries came to be instituted respecting some of the principal men there.

9.25.3However, the Ausonian nation fell into the Roman power, in the same manner as Sora, by their cities being betrayed: these were Ausona, Minturnae, and Vescia.

9.25.4Certain young men, of the principal families, twelve in number, having conspired to betray their respective cities, came to the consuls;

9.25.5they informed them that their countrymen, who had for a long time before earn- estly wished for the coming of the Samnites, on hearing of the battle at Lautulae, had looked on the Romans as defeated, and had assisted the Samnites with supplies of young men and arms;

9.25.6but that, since the Samnites had been beaten out of the country, they were wavering between peace and war, not shutting their gates against the Romans, lest they should thereby invite an attack; yet determined to shut them if an army should approach; that in that fluctuating state they might easily be overpowered by surprise.

9.25.7By these men's advice the camp was moved nearer; and soldiers were sent, at the same time, to each of the three towns; some armed, who were to lie concealed in places near the walls; others, in the garb of peace, with swords hidden under their clothes, who, on the opening of the gates at the approach of day, were to enter into the cities.

9.25.8These latter began with killing the guards; at the same time, a signal was made to the men in arms, to hasten up from the ambuscades. Thus the gates were seized, and the three towns taken in the same hour and by the same device.

9.25.9But as the attacks were made in the absence of the generals, there were no bounds to the carnage which ensued; and the nation of the Ausonians, when there was scarcely any clear proof of the charge of its having revolted, was utterly destroyed, as if it had supported a contest through a deadly war.

9.26.1During this year, Luceria fell into the hands of the Samnites, the Roman garrison being betrayed to the enemy.

9.26.2This matter did not long go unpunished with the traitors: the Roman army was not far off, by whom the city, which lay in a plain, was taken at the first onset.

9.26.3The Lucerians and Samnites were to a man put to the sword; and to such a length was resentment carried, that at Rome, on the senate being consulted about sending a colony to Luceria, many voted for the demolition of it.

9.26.4Besides, their hatred was of the bitterest kind, against a people whom they had been obliged twice to subdue by arms; the great distance, also, made them averse from sending away their citizens among nations so ill-affected towards them.

9.26.5However the resolution was carried, that the colonists should be sent; and accordingly two thousand five hundred were transported thither. This year, when all places were becoming disaffected to the Romans, secret conspiracies were formed among the leading men at Capua, as well as at other places;

9.26.6a motion concerning which being laid before the senate, the matter was by no means neglected.

9.26.7Inquiries were decreed, and it was resolved that a dictator should be appointed to enforce these inquiries. Caius Maenius was accordingly nominated, and he appointed Marcus Foslius master of the horse. People's dread of that office was very great, insomuch that the Calavii, Ovius and Novius, who were the heads of the conspiracy, either through fear of the dictator's power, or the consciousness of guilt, previous to the charge against them being laid in form before him, avoided, as appeared beyond doubt, trial by a voluntary death.

9.26.8As the subject of the inquiry in Campania was thus removed, the proceedings were then directed towards Rome:

9.26.9by construing the order of the senate to have meant, that inquiry should be made, not specially who at Capua, but generally who at any place had caballed or conspired against the state; for that cabals, for the attaining of honours, were contrary to the edicts of the state.

9.26.10The inquiry was extended to a greater latitude, with respect both to the matter, and to the kind of persons concerned, the dictator scrupling not to avow, that his power of research was unlimited:

9.26.11in consequence, some of the nobility were called to account; and though they applied to the tribunes for protection, no one interposed in their behalf, or to prevent the charges from being received.

9.26.12On this the nobles, not those only against whom the charge was levelled, but the whole body jointly insisted that such an imputation lay not against the nobles, to whom the way to honours lay open if not obstructed by fraud, but against the new men:

9.26.13so that even the dictator and master of the horse, with respect to that question, would appear more properly as culprits than suitable inquisitors; and this they should know as soon as they went out of office.

9.26.14Then indeed Maenius, who was more solicitous about his character than his office, advanced into the assembly and spoke to this effect: Romans, both of my past life ye are all witnesses; and this honourable office, which ye conferred on me, is in itself a testimony of my innocence. For the dictator, proper to be chosen for holding these inquiries, was not, as on many other occasions, where the exigencies of the state so required, the man who was most renowned in war; but him whose course of life was most remote from such cabals.

9.26.15But certain of the nobility (for what reason it is more proper that ye should judge, than that I, as a magistrate, should, without proof, insinuate) have laboured to stifle entirely the inquiries;

9.26.16and then, finding their strength unequal to it, rather than stand a trial have fled for refuge to the stronghold of their adversaries, an appeal, and the support of the tribunes;

9.26.17and on being there also repulsed, (so fully were they persuaded that every other measure was safer than the attempt to clear themselves,) have made an attack upon us; and, though in private characters, have not been ashamed of instituting a criminal process against a dictator.

9.26.18Now, that gods and men may perceive that they, to avoid a scrutiny as to their own conduct, attempt even things which are impossible, and that I willingly meet the charge, and face the accusations of my enemies, I divest myself of the dictatorship.

9.26.19And, consuls, I beseech you, that, if this business is put into your hands by the senate, ye will make me and Marcus Foslius the first objects of your ex- aminations; that it may be manifested that we are safe from such imputations by our own innocence, not by the dignity of office.

9.26.20He then abdicated the dictatorship, as did Marcus Foslius, immediately after, his office of master of the horse; and being the first brought to trial before the consuls, for to them the senate had committed the business, they were most honourably acquitted of all the charges brought by the nobles.

9.26.21Even Publilius Philo, who had so often been invested with the highest honours, and had performed so many eminent services, both at home and abroad, being disagreeable to the nobility, was brought to trial, and acquitted.

9.26.22Nor did the inquiry continue respectable on account of the illustrious names of the accused, longer than while it was new, which is usually the case; it then began to descend to persons of inferior rank; and, at length, was suppressed, by means of those factions and cabals against which it had been instituted.

9.27.1The accounts received of these matters, but more especially the hope of a revolt in Campania, for which a conspiracy had been formed, recalled the Samnites, who were turning towards Apulia, back to Caudium;

9.27.2so that from thence, being near, they might, if any commotion should open them an opportunity, snatch Capua out of the hands of the Romans.

9.27.3To the same place the consuls repaired with a powerful army. They both held back for some time, on the different sides of the defiles, the roads being dangerous to either party.

9.27.4Then the Samnites, making a short circuit through an open tract, marched down their troops into level ground in the Campanian plains, and there the hostile camps first came within view of each other.

9.27.5Trial of their strength in slight skirmishes was made on both sides, more frequently between the horse than the foot; and the Romans were no way dissatisfied either at the issue of these, or at the delay by which they protracted the war.

9.27.6The Samnite generals, on the contrary, considered that their battalions were becoming weakened daily by small losses, and the general vigour abated by prolonging the war.

9.27.7They therefore marched into the field, disposing their cavalry on both wings, with orders to give more heedful attention to the camp behind than to the battle; for that the line of infantry would be able to provide for their own safety.

9.27.8The consuls took post, Sulpicius on the right wing, Pœtelius on the left. The right wing was stretched out wider than usual, where the Samnites also stood formed in thin ranks, either with design of turning the flank of the enemy, or to avoid being themselves surrounded.

9.27.9On the left, besides that they were formed in more compact order, an addition was made to their strength, by a sudden act of the consul Pœtelius; for the subsidiary cohorts, which were usually reserved for the exigencies of a tedious fight, he brought up immediately to the front, and, in the first onset, pushed the enemy with the whole of his force.

9.27.10The Samnite line of infantry giving way, their cavalry advanced to support them; and as they were charging in an oblique direction between the two lines, the Roman horse, coming up at full speed, disordered their battalions and ranks of infantry and cavalry, so as to oblige the whole line on that side to give ground.

9.27.11The left wing had not only the presence of Pœtelius to animate them, but that of Sulpicius likewise; who, on the shout being first raised in that quarter, rode thither from his own division, which had not yet engaged.

9.27.12When he saw victory no longer doubtful there, he returned to his own post with twelve hundred men, but found the state of things there very different; the Romans driven from their ground, and the victorious enemy pressing on them thus dismayed.

9.27.13However, the arrival of the consul effected a speedy change in every particular; for, on the sight of their leader, the spirit of the soldiers was revived, and the bravery of the men who came with him rendered them more powerful aid than even their number; while the news of success in the other wing, which was heard, and after seen, restored the fight.

9.27.14From this time, the Romans became victorious through the whole extent of the line, and the Samnites, giving up the contest, were slain or taken prisoners, except such as made their escape to Maleventum, the town which is now called Beneventum. It is recorded that thirty thousand of the Samnites were slain or taken.

9.28.1The consuls, after this important victory, led forward the legions to lay siege to Bovianum;

9.28.2and there they passed the winter quarters, until Caius Pœtelius, being nominated dictator, with Marcus Foslius, master of the horse, received the command of the army from the new consuls, Lucius Papirius Cursor a fifth, and Caius Junius Bubulcus a second time.

9.28.3On hearing that the citadel of Fregellae was taken by the Samnites, he left Bovianum, and proceeded to Fregellae, whence, having recovered possession of it without any contest, the Samnites abandoning it in the night, and having placed a strong garrison there, he returned to Campania, directing his operations principally to the recovery of Nola.

9.28.4Within the walls of this place, the whole multitude of the Samnites, and the inhabitants of the country about Nola, betook themselves on the approach of the dictator.

9.28.5Having taken a view of the situation of the city, in order that the approach to the fortifications may be the more open, he set fire to all the buildings which stood round the walls, which were very numerous; and, in a short time after, Nola was taken, either by the dictator Pœtelius, or the consul Caius Junius, for both accounts are given.

9.28.6Those who attribute to the consul the honour of taking Nola, add, that Atina and Calatia were also taken by him, and that Pœtelius was created dictator in consequence of a pestilence breaking out, merely for the purpose of driving the nail.

9.28.7The colonies of Suessa and Pontiae were established in this year. Suessa had belonged to the Auruncians: the Volscians had occupied Pontiae, an island lying within sight of their shore.

9.28.8A decree of the senate was also passed for conducting colonies to Interamna and Cassinum. But commissioners were appointed, and colonists, to the number of four thousand, were sent by the succeeding consuls, Marcus Valerius and Publius Decius.

9.29.1The war with the Samnites being now nearly put an end to, before the Roman senate was freed from all concern on that side, a report arose of an Etrurian war;

9.29.2and there was not, in those times, any nation, excepting the Gauls, whose arms were more dreaded, by reason both of the vicinity of their country, and of the multitude of their men.

9.29.3While therefore one of the consuls prosecuted the remains of the war in Samnium, Publius Decius, who, being attacked by a severe illness, remained at Rome, by direction of the senate, nominated Caius Junius Bubulcus dictator.

9.29.4He, as the magnitude of the affair demanded, compelled all the younger citizens to enlist, and with the utmost diligence prepared arms, and the other matters which the occasion required. Yet he was not so elated by the power he had collected, as to think of commencing offensive operations, but prudently determined to remain quiet, unless the Etrurians should become aggressors.

9.29.5The plans of the Etrurians were exactly similar, with respect to preparing for, and abstaining from, war: nei- ther party went beyond their own frontiers. The censorship of Appius Claudius and Caius Plautius, for this year, was remarkable;

9.29.6but the name of Appius has been handed down with more celebrity to posterity, on account of his having made the road, [called after him, the Appian,] and for having conveyed water into the city.

9.29.7These works he performed alone; for his colleague, overwhelmed with shame by reason of the infamous and unworthy choice made of senators, had abdicated his office.

9.29.8Appius possessing that inflexibility of temper, which, from the earliest times, had been the charac- teristic of his family, held on the censorship by himself.

9.29.9By direction of the same Appius, the Potitian family, in which the office of priests attendant on the great altar of Hercules was hereditary, instructed some of the public servants in the rites of that solemnity, with the intention to delegate the same to them.

9.29.10A circumstance is recorded, wonderful to be told, and one which should make people scrupulous of disturbing the established modes of religious solemnities: for though there were, at that time, twelve branches of the Potitian family, all grown-up persons, to the number of thirty, yet they were every one, together with their offspring, cut off within the year;

9.29.11so that the name of the Potitii became extinct, while the censor Appius also was, by the unrelenting wrath of the gods, some years after, deprived of sight.

9.30.1The consuls of the succeeding year were, Caius Junius Bubulcus a third time, and Quintus Aemilius Barbula a se- cond. In the commencement of their office, they complained before the people, that, by the improper choice of members of the senate, that body had been disgraced, several having been passed over who were preferable to the persons chosen in;

9.30.2and they declared, that they would pay no regard to such election, which had been made without distinction of right or wrong, merely to gratify interest or humour: they then im- mediately called over the list of the senate, in the same order which had existed before the censorship of Appius Claudius and Caius Plautius.

9.30.3Two public employments, both relating to military affairs, came this year into the disposal of the peo- ple; one being an order, that sixteen of the tribunes, for four legions, should be appointed by the people; whereas hitherto they had been generally in the gift of the dictators and con- suls, very few of the places being left to suffrage. This order was proposed by Lucius Atilius and Caius Marcius, plebeian tribunes. Another was, that the people likewise should constitute two naval commissioners, for the equipping and refitting of the fleet.

9.30.4The person who introduced this order of the people, was Marcus Decius, plebeian tribune. Another transaction of this year I should pass over as trifling, did it not seem to bear some relation to religion.

9.30.5The flute-players, taking offence because they had been prohibited by the last censors from holding their repasts in the temple of Jupiter, which had been customary from very early times, went off in a body to Tibur; so that there was not one left in the city to play at the sacrifices. The religious tendency of this affair gave uneasiness to the senate; and they sent envoys to Tibur to endeavour that these men might be sent back to Rome.

9.30.6The Tiburtines readily promised compliance, and first, calling them into the senate-house, warmly recommended to them to return to Rome;

9.30.7and then, when they could not be prevailed on, practised on them an artifice not ill adapted to the dispositions of that description of people:

9.30.8on a festival day, they invited them separately to their several houses, apparently with the intention of heightening the pleasure of their feasts with music, and there plied them with wine, of which such people are always fond, until they laid them asleep.

9.30.9In this state of insensibility they threw them into waggons, and carried them away to Rome: nor did they know any thing of the matter, until, the waggons having been left in the forum, the light surprised them, still heavily sick from the debauch.

9.30.10The people then crowded about them, and, on their consenting at length to stay, privilege was granted them to ramble about the city in full dress, with music, and the licence which is now practised every year during three days. And that licence, which we see practised at present, and the right of being fed in the temple, was restored to those who played at the sacrifices. These incidents occurred while the public attention was deeply engaged by two most important wars.

9.31.1The consuls adjusting the provinces between them, the Samnites fell by lot to Junius, the new war of Etruria to Aemilius.

9.31.2In Samnium the Samnites had blockaded and reduced by famine Cluvia, a Roman garrison, because they had been unable to take it by storm; and, after torturing with stripes, in a shocking manner, the townsmen who surrendered, they had put them to death.

9.31.3Enraged at this cruelty, Junius determined to postpone every thing else to the attacking of Cluvia; and, on the first day that he assaulted the walls, took it by storm, and slew all who were grown to man's estate.

9.31.4The victorious troops were led from thence to Bovianum; this was the capital of the Pentrian Samnites, by far the most opulent of their cities, and the most powerful both in men and arms.

9.31.5The soldiers, stimulated by the hope of plunder, for their resentment was not so violent, soon made themselves masters of the town: where there was less severity exercised on the enemy; but a quantity of spoil was carried off, greater almost than had ever been collected out of all Samnium, and the whole was liberally bestowed on the assailants.

9.31.6And when neither armies, camps, or cities could now withstand the vast superiority of the Romans in arms; the attention of all the leading men in Samnium became intent on this, that an opportunity should be sought for some stratagem, if by any chance the army, proceeding with incautious eagerness for plunder, could be caught in a snare and overpowered.

9.31.7Peasants who deserted and some prisoners (some thrown in their way by accident, some purposely) reporting to the consul a statement in which they concurred, and one which was at the same time true, that a vast quantity of cattle had been driven together into a defile of difficult access, prevailed on them to lead thither the legions lightly accoutred for plunder.

9.31.8Here a very numerous army of the enemy had posted themselves, secretly, at all the passes; and, as soon as they saw that the Romans had got into the defile, they rose up suddenly, with great clamour and tumult, and attacked them unawares.

9.31.9At first an event so unexpected caused some confusion, while they were taking their arms, and throwing the baggage into the centre; but, as fast as each had freed himself from his burden and fitted himself with arms, they assembled about the standards, from every side; and all, from the long course of their service, knowing their particular ranks, the line was formed of its own accord without any directions.

9.31.10The consul, riding up to the place where the fight was most warm, leaped from his horse, and called Jupiter, Mars, and the other gods to witness, that he had come into that place, not in pursuit of any glory to himself, but of booty for his soldiers;

9.31.11nor could any other fault be charged on him, than too great a solicitude to enrich his soldiers at the expense of the enemy.

9.31.12From that disgrace nothing could extricate him but the valour of the troops: let them only join unanimously in a vigorous attack against a foe, already vanquished in the field, beaten out of their camps, and stripped of their towns, and now trying their last hope by the contrivance of an ambuscade, placing their reliance on the ground they occupied, not on their arms.

9.31.13But what ground was now unsurmountable to Roman valour? The citadel of Fregellae, and that of Sora, were called to their remembrance, with many other places where difficulties from situation had been surmounted.

9.31.14Animated by these exhortations, the soldiers, regardless of all difficulties, advanced against the line of the enemy, posted above them; and here there was some fatigue whilst the army was climbing the steep.

9.31.15But as soon as the first battalions got footing in the plain, on the summit, and the troops perceived that they now stood on equal ground, the dismay was instantly turned on the plotters; who, dispersing and casting away their arms, attempted, by flight, to recover the same lurking-places in which they had lately concealed themselves.

9.31.16But the difficulties of the ground, which had been intended for the enemy, now entangled them in the snares of their own contrivance. Accordingly very few found means to escape; twenty thousand men were slain, and the victorious Romans hastened in several parties to secure the booty of cattle, spontaneously thrown in their way by the enemy.

9.32.1While such was the situation of affairs in Samnium, all the states of Etruria, except the Arretians, had taken arms, and vigorously commenced hostilities, by laying siege to Sutrium; which city, being in alliance with the Romans, served as a barrier against Etruria.

9.32.2Thither the other consul, Aemilius, came with an army to deliver the allies from the siege. On the arrival of the Romans, the Sutrians conveyed a plentiful supply of provisions into their camp, which was pitched before the city.

9.32.3The Etrurians spent the first day in deliberating whether they should expedite or protract the war. On the day following, when the speedier plan pleased the leaders in preference to the safer, as soon as the sun rose the signal for battle was displayed, and the troops marched out to the field;

9.32.4which being reported to the consul, he instantly commanded notice to be given, that they should dine, and after taking refreshment, then appear under arms.

9.32.5The order was obeyed; and the consul, seeing them armed and in readiness, ordered the standards to be carried forth beyond the rampart, and drew up his men at a small distance from the enemy.

9.32.6Both parties stood a long time with fixed attention, each waiting for the shout and fight to begin on the opposite side; and the sun had passed the meridian before a weapon was thrown by either side. Then, rather than leave the place without something being done, the shout was given by the Etrurians, the trumpets sounded, and the battalions advanced.

9.32.7With no less alertness do the Romans commence the fight: both rushed to the fight with violent animosity; the enemy were superior in numbers, the Romans in valour.

9.32.8The battle being doubtful, carries off great numbers on both sides, particularly the men of greatest courage; nor did victory declare itself, until the second line of the Romans came up fresh to the front, in the place of the first, who were much fatigued.

9.32.9The Etrurians, because their front line was not supported by any fresh reserves, fell all before and round the standards, and in no battle whatever would there have been seen less disposition

9.32.10to run, or a greater effusion of human blood, had not the night sheltered the Etrurians, who were resolutely determined on death; so that the victors, not the vanquished, were the first who desisted from fighting.

9.32.11After sunset the signal for retreat was given, and both parties retired in the night to their camps. During the remainder of the year, nothing memorable was effected at Sutrium; for, of the enemy's army, the whole first line had been cut off in one battle, the reserves only being left, who were scarce sufficient to guard the camp;

9.32.12and, among the Romans, so numerous were the wounds, that more wounded men died after the battle than had fallen in the field.

Book 9, Part 5

9.33.1Quintus Fabius, consul for the ensuing year, succeeded to the command of the army at Sutrium; the colleague given to him was Caius Marcius Rutilus.

9.33.2On the one side, Fabius brought with him a reinforcement from Rome, and on the other, a new army had been sent for, and came from home, to the Etrurians.

9.33.3Many years had now passed without any disputes between the patrician magistrates and plebeian tribunes, when a contest took its rise from that family, which seemed raised by fate as antagonists to the tribunes and commons of those times;

9.33.4Appius Claudius, being censor, when the eighteen months had expired, which was the time limited by the Aemilian law for the duration of the censorship, although his colleague Caius Plautius had already resigned his office, could not be prevailed on, by any means, to give up his.

9.33.5There was a tribune of the commons, Publius Sempronius; he undertook to enforce a legal process for terminating the censorship within the lawful time, which was not more popular than just, nor more pleasing to the people generally than to every man of character in the city.

9.33.6After he frequently appealed to the Aemilian law, and bestowed commendations on Mamercus Aemilius, who, in his dictatorship, had been the author of it, for having contracted, within the space of a year and six months, the censorship, which formerly had lasted five years, and was a power

9.33.7which, in consequence of its long continuance, often became tyrannical, he proceeded thus:

9.33.8Tell me, Appius Claudius, in what manner you would have acted, had you been censor, at the time when Caius Furius and Marcus Geganius were censors? Appius insisted, that the tribune's question was irrelevant to his case.

9.33.9For, although the Aemilian law might bind those censors, during whose magistracy it was passed, —because the people made that law after they had become censors; and whatever order is the last passed by the people, that is held to be the law, and valid: — yet neither he, nor any of those who had been created censors subsequent to the passing of that law, could be bound by it.

9.34.1While Appius urged such frivolous arguments as these, which carried no conviction whatever, the other said, Behold, Romans, the offspring of that Appius, who being created decemvir for one year, created himself for a second; and who, during a third, without being created even by himself or by any other, held on the fasces and the government though a private individual;

9.34.2nor ceased to continue in office, until the government itself, ill acquired, ill administered, and ill retained, overwhelmed him in ruin.

9.34.3This is the same family, Romans, by whose violence and injustice ye were compelled to banish yourselves from your native city, and seize on the Sacred mount;

9.34.4the same, against which ye pro- vided for yourselves the protection of tribunes; the same, on account of which two armies of you took post on the Aventine;

9.34.5the same, which violently opposed the laws against usury, and always the agrarian laws; the same, which broke through the right of intermarriage between the patricians and the commons; the same, which shut up the road to curule offices against the commons: this is a name, more hostile to your liberty by far, than that of the Tarquins.

9.34.6I pray you, Appius Claudius, though this is now the hundredth year since the dictatorship of Mamercus Aemilius, though there have been so many men of the highest characters and abilities censors, did none of these ever read the twelve tables?

9.34.7none of them know, that, whatever was the last order of the people, that was law? Nay, certainly they all knew it; and they therefore obeyed the Aemilian law, rather than the old one, under which the censors had been at first created; because it was the last order;

9.34.8and because, when two laws are contradictory, the new always repeals the old. Do you mean to say, Appius, that the people are not bound by the Aemilian law?

9.34.9Or, that the people are bound, and you alone exempted? The Aemilian law bound those violent censors, Caius Furius and Marcus Geganius, who showed what mischief that office might do in the state; when, out of resentment for the limitation of their power, they disfranchised Mamercus Aemilius, the first man of the age, either in war or peace.

9.34.10It bound all the censors thenceforward, during the space of a hundred years. It binds Caius Plautius your colleague, created under the same auspices, with the same privileges.

9.34.11Did not the people create him with the fullest privileges with which any censor ever was created? Or is yours an excepted case, in which this peculiarity and singularity takes place?

9.34.12Shall the person, whom you create king of the sacrifices, laying hold of the style of sovereignty, say, that he was created with the fullest privileges with which any king was ever created at Rome? Who then, do you think, would be content with a dictatorship of six months? who, with the office of interrex for five days? Whom would you, with confidence, create dictator, for the purpose of driving the nail, or of exhibiting games?

9.34.13How foolish, how stupid, do ye think, those must appear in this man's eyes, who, after performing most important services, abdicated the dictatorship within the twentieth day; or who, being irregularly created, resigned their office? Why should I bring instances from antiquity?

9.34.14Lately, within these last ten years, Caius Maenius, dictator, having enforced inquiries, with more strictness than consisted with the safety of some powerful men, a charge was thrown out by his enemies, that he himself was infected with the very crime against which his inquiries were directed; —now Maenius, I say, in order that he might, in a private capacity, meet the imputation, abdicated the dictatorship.

9.34.15I expect not such moderation in you; you will not degenerate from your family, of all others the most imperious and assuming; nor resign your office a day, nor even an hour, before you are forced to it.

9.34.16Be it so: but then let no one exceed the time limited. It is enough to add a day, or a month, to the censorship. But Appius says, I will hold the censorship, and hold it alone, three years and six months longer than is allowed by the Aemilian law. Surely this is like kingly power.

9.34.17Or will you fill up the vacancy with another colleague, a proceeding not allowable, even in the case of the death of a censor?

9.34.18You are not satisfied that, as if a religious censor, you have degraded a most ancient solemnity, and the only one instituted by the very deity to whom it is performed, from priests of that rite who were of the highest rank to the ministry of mere servants.

9.34.19[You are not satisfied that] a family, more ancient than the origin of this city, and sanctified by an intercourse of hospitality with the immortal gods, has, by means of you and

9.34.20your censorship, been utterly extirpated, with all its branches, within the space of a year, unless you involve the whole commonwealth in horrid guilt, which my mind feels a horror even to contemplate.

9.34.21This city was taken in that lustrum in which Lucius Papirius Cursor, on the death of his colleague Julius, the censor, rather than resign his office, substituted Marcus Cornelius Maluginensis. Yet how much more moderate was his ambition, Appius, than yours! Lucius Papirius neither held the censorship alone, nor beyond the time prescribed by law. But still he found no one who would follow his example; all succeeding censors, in case of the death of a colleague, abdicated the office.

9.34.22As for you, neither the expiration of the time of your censorship, nor the resignation of your colleague, nor law, nor shame restrains you. You make fortitude to consist in arrogance, in boldness, in a contempt of gods and men.

9.34.23Appius Claudius, in consideration of the dignity and respect due to that office which you have borne, I should be sorry, not only to offer you personal violence, but even to address you in language too severe.

9.34.24With respect to what I have hitherto said, your pride and obstinacy forced me to speak. And now, unless you pay obedience to the Aemilian law, I shall order you to be led to prison.

9.34.25Nor, since a rule has been established by our ancestors, that in the election of censors, unless two shall obtain the legal number of suffrages, neither shall be returned, but the election deferred, —will I suffer you, who could not singly be created censor, to hold the censorship without a colleague. Having spoken to this effect, he ordered the censor to be seized, and borne to prison.

9.34.26But, although six of the tribunes approved of the proceeding of their colleague, three gave their support to Appius, on his appealing to them, and he held the censorship alone, to the great disgust of all ranks of men.

9.35.1While such was the state of affairs at Rome, the Etrurians had laid siege to Sutrium, and the consul Fabius, as he was marching along the foot of the mountains, with a design to succour the allies, and attempt the enemy's works, if it were by any means practicable, was met by their army prepared for battle.

9.35.2As the wide-extended plain below showed the greatness of their force, the consul, in order to remedy his deficiency in point of number, by advantage of the ground, changed the direction of his route a little towards the hills, where the way was rugged and covered with stones, and then formed his troops, facing the enemy.

9.35.3The Etrurians, thinking of nothing but their numbers, on which alone they depended, commence the fight with such haste and eagerness, that, in order to come the sooner to a close engagement, they threw

9.35.4away their javelins, drew their swords, rushing against the enemy. On the other side, the Romans poured down on them, sometimes javelins, and sometimes stones, which the place abundantly supplied;

9.35.5so that whilst the blows on their shields and helmets confused even those whom they did not

9.35.6wound, (it was neither an easy matter to come to close quarters, nor had they missive weapons with which to fight at a distance,) when there was nothing now to protect them whilst standing and exposed to the blows, some even giving way, and the whole line wavering and unsteady, the spearmen and the first rank, renewing the shout, rush on them with drawn swords.

9.35.7This attack the Etrurians could not withstand, but, facing about, fled precipitately towards their camp; when the Roman cavalry, getting before them by galloping obliquely across the plain, threw themselves in the way of their flight, on which they quitted the road, and bent their course to the mountains.

9.35.8From thence, in a body, almost without arms, and debilitated with wounds, they made their way into the Ciminian forest. The Romans, having slain many thousands of the Etrurians, and taken thirty-eight military standards, took also possession of their camp, together with a vast quantity of spoil. They then began to consider of pursuing the enemy.

9.36.1The Ciminian forest was in those days deemed as impassable and frightful as the German forests have been in latter times; not even any trader having ever attempted to pass it. Hardly any, besides the general himself, showed boldness enough to enter it; the others had not the remembrance of the disaster at Caudium effaced from their mind.

9.36.2On this, of those who were present, Marcus Fabius, the consul's brother, (some say Caeso, others Caius Claudius, born of the same mother with the consul,) undertook to go and explore the country, and to bring them in a short time an account of every particular.

9.36.3Being educated at Caere, where he had friends, he was perfectly acquainted with the Etrurian language. I have seen it affirmed, that, in those times, the Roman youth were commonly instructed in the Etrurian learning, as they are now in the Greek: but it is more probable, that there was something very extraordinary in the person who acted so daringly a counterfeit part, and mixed among the enemy.

9.36.4It is said, that his only attendant was a slave, who had been bred up with him, and who was therefore not ignorant of the same language.

9.36.5They received no further instructions at their departure, than a summary description of the country through which they were to pass; to this was added the names of the principal men in the several states, to prevent their being at a loss in conversation, and from being discovered by making some mistake. They set out in the dress of shepherds, armed with rustic weapons, bills, and two short javelins each.

9.36.6But neither their speaking the language of the country, nor the fashion of their dress and arms, concealed them so effectually, as the incredible circumstance of a stranger's passing the Ciminian forest.

9.36.7They are said to have penetrated as far as the Camertian district of the Umbrians: there the Romans ventured to own who they were, and being introduced to the senate, treated with them, in the name of the consul, about an alliance and friendship;

9.36.8and after being entertained with courteous hospitality, were desired to acquaint the Romans, that if they came into those countries, there should be provisions in readiness for the troops sufficient for thirty days, and that they should find the youth of the Camertian Umbrians prepared in arms to obey their commands.

9.36.9When this information was brought to the consul, he sent forward the baggage at the first watch, ordering the legions to march in the rear of it.

9.36.10He himself staid behind with the cavalry, and next day, as soon as light appeared, rode up to the posts of the enemy, which had been stationed on the outside of the forest; and, when he had detained them there for a sufficient length of time, he retired to his camp, and marching out by the opposite gate, overtook the main body of the army before night.

9.36.11At the first light, on the following day, he had gained the summit of Mount Ciminius, from whence having a view of the opulent plains of Etruria, he let loose his soldiers upon them.

9.36.12When a vast booty had been driven off, some tumultuary cohorts of Etrurian peasants, hastily collected by the principal inhabitants of the district, met the Romans; but in such disorderly array, that these rescuers of the prey were near becoming wholly a prey themselves.

9.36.13These being slain or put to flight, and the country laid waste to a great extent, the Romans returned to their camp victorious, and enriched with plenty of every kind.

9.36.14It happened that, in the mean time, five deputies, with two plebeian tribunes, had come hither, to charge Fabius, in the name of the senate, not to attempt to pass the Ciminian forest. These, rejoicing that they had arrived too late to prevent the expedition, returned to Rome with the news of its success.

9.37.1By this expedition of the consul, the war, instead of being brought nearer to a conclusion, was only spread to a wider extent: for all the tract adjacent to the foot of Mount Ciminius had felt his devastations; and, out of the indignation conceived thereat, had roused to arms, not only the states of Etruria, but the neighbouring parts of Umbria.

9.37.2They came therefore to Sutrium, with such a numerous army as they had never before brought into the field;

9.37.3and not only ventured to encamp on the outside of the wood, but through their earnest desire of coming to an engagement as soon as possible, marched down the plains to offer battle. The troops, being marshalled, stood at first, for some time, on their own ground, having left a space sufficient for the Romans to draw up, opposite to them;

9.37.4but perceiving that the enemy declined fighting, they advanced to the rampart; where, when they observed that even the advanced guards had retired within the works, a shout at once was raised around their generals, that they should order provisions for that day to be brought down to them: for they were resolved to remain there under arms; and either in the night, or, at all events, at the dawn of day, to attack the enemy's camp.

9.37.5The Roman troops, though not less eager for action, were restrained by the commands of the general. About the tenth hour, the consul ordered his men a repast; and gave directions that they should be ready in arms, at whatever time of the day or night he should give the signal.

9.37.6He then addressed a few words to them; spoke in high terms of the wars of the Samnites, and disparagingly of the Etrurians, who were not, he said, as an enemy to be compared with other enemies, nor as a numerous force, with others in point of numbers.

9.37.7Besides, he had an engine at work, as they should find in due time; at present it was of importance to keep it secret. By these hints he intimated that the enemy was circumvented in order to raise the courage of his men, damped by the superiority of the enemy's force; and, from their not having fortified the post where they lay, the insinuation of a stratagem formed against them seemed the more credible.

9.37.8After refreshing themselves, they consigned themselves to rest, and being roused without noise, about the fourth watch, took arms.

9.37.9Axes are distributed among the servants following the army, to tear down the rampart and fill up the trench. The line was formed within the works, and some chosen cohorts posted close to the gates. Then, a little before day, which in sum- mer nights is the time of the profoundest sleep, the signal being given, the rampart was levelled, and the troops rushing forth, fell upon the enemy, who were every where stretched at their length.

9.37.10Some were put to death before they could stir; others half asleep, in their beds; the greatest part, while they ran in confusion to arms; few, in short, had time afforded them to arm themselves; and these, who followed no particular leader, nor orders, were quickly routed by the Romans and pursued by the Roman horse. They fled different ways; to the camp and to the woods. The latter afforded the safer refuge; for the former, being situated in a plain, was taken the same day.

9.37.11The gold and silver was ordered to be brought to the consul; the rest of the spoil was given to the soldiers. On that day, sixty thousand of the enemy were slain or taken. Some affirm, that this famous battle was fought on the farther side of the Ciminian forest, at Perusia; and that the public had been under great dread, lest the army might be enclosed in such a dangerous pass, and overpowered by a general combination of the Etrurians and Umbrians.

9.37.12But on whatever spot it was fought, it is certain that the Roman power prevailed; and, in consequence thereof, ambassadors from Perusia, Cortona, and Arretium, which were then among the principal states of Etruria, soliciting a peace and alliance with the Romans, obtained a truce for thirty years.

9.38.1During these transactions in Etruria, the other consul, Caius Marcius Rutilus, took Allifae by storm from the Samnites; and many of their forts, and smaller towns, were either destroyed by his arms, or surrendered without being injured.

9.38.2About the same time also, the Roman fleet, having sailed to Campania, under Publius Cornelius, to whom the senate had given the command on the sea-coast, put into Pompeii. Immediately on landing, the soldiers of the fleet set out to ravage the country about Nuceria: and after they had quickly laid waste the parts which lay nearest, and whence they could have returned to the ships with safety, they were allured by the temptation of plunder, as it often happens, to advance too far, and thereby roused the enemy against them.

9.38.3While they rambled about the country, they met no opposition, though they might have been cut off to a man; but as they were returning, in a careless manner, the peasants overtook them, not far from the ships, stripped them of the booty, and even slew a great part of them. Those who escaped were driven in confusion to the ships.

9.38.4As Fabius' having marched through the Ciminian forest had occasioned violent apprehensions at Rome, so it had excited joy in proportion among the enemy in Samnium: they talked of the Roman army being pent up, and surrounded; and of the Caudine forks, as a model of their defeat.

9.38.5Those people, they said, ever greedy after further acquisitions, were now brought into inextricable difficulties, hemmed in, not more effectually by the arms of their enemy, than by the disadvantage of the ground.

9.38.6Their joy was even mingled with a degree of envy, because fortune, as they thought, had transferred the glory of finishing the Roman war, from the Samnites to the Etrurians:

9.38.7they hastened, therefore, with their whole collected force, to crush the consul Caius Marcius; resolving, if he did not give them an opportunity of fighting, to proceed, through the territories of the Marsians and Sabines, into Etruria. The consul met them, and a battle was fought with great fury on both sides, but without a decisive issue.

9.38.8Although both parties suffered severely, yet the discredit of defeat fell on the Romans, because several of equestrian rank, some military tribunes, with one lieutenant-general, had fallen; and, what was more remarkable than all, the consul himself was wounded. On account of this event, exaggerated by report as is usual, the senate became greatly alarmed, so that they resolved on having a dictator nominated.

9.38.9No one entertained a doubt that the nomination would light on Papirius Cursor, who was then universally deemed to possess the greatest abilities as a commander: but they could not be certain, either that a message might be conveyed with safety into Samnium, where all was in a state of hostility, or that the consul Marcius was alive.

9.38.10The other consul, Fabius, was at enmity with Papirius, on his own account; and lest this resentment might prove an obstacle to the public good, the senate voted that deputies of consular rank should be sent to

9.38.11him, who, uniting their own influence to that of government, might prevail on him to drop, for the sake of his country, all remembrance of private animosities.

9.38.12When the deputies, having come to Fabius, delivered to him the decree of the senate, adding such arguments as were suitable to their instructions, the consul, casting his eyes towards the ground, retired in silence, leaving them in uncertainty what part he intended to act.

9.38.13Then, in the silent time of the night, according to the established custom, he nominated Lucius Papirius dictator. When the deputies returned him thanks, for so very meritoriously subduing his passion, he still persevered in obstinate silence, and dismissed them without any answer, or mention of what he had done: a proof that he felt an extraordinary degree of resentment, which had been suppressed within his breast.

9.38.14Papirius appointed Caius Junius Bubulcus master of the horse; and, as he was proceeding in an assembly of the Curiae to get an order passed respecting the command of the army, an unlucky omen

9.38.15obliged him to adjourn it; for the Curia which was to vote first, happened to be the Faucian, remarkably distinguished

9.38.16by two disasters, the taking of the city, and the Caudine peace; the same Curia having voted first in those years in which the said events are found. Licinius Macer supposes this Curia ominous, also, on account of a third misfortune, that which was experienced at the Cremera.

9.39.1Next day the dictator, taking the auspices anew, obtained the order, and, marching out at the head of the legions, lately raised on the alarm occasioned by the army passing the Ciminian forest, came to Longula;

9.39.2where having received the old troops of the consul Marcius, he led on his forces to battle; nor did the enemy seem to decline the combat. However, they stood drawn up for battle and under arms, until night came on; neither side choosing to begin the fray.

9.39.3After this, they continued a considerable time encamped near each other, without coming to action; neither diffident of their own strength, nor despising the adversary.

9.39.4Meanwhile matters went on actively in Etruria; for a decisive battle was fought with the Umbrians, in which the enemy was routed, but lost not many men, for they did not maintain the fight with the vigour with which they began it.

9.39.5Besides this the Etrurians, having raised an army under the sanctions of the devoting law, each man choosing another, came to an engagement at the Cape of Vadimon, with more numerous forces, and, at the same time, with greater spirit than they had ever shown before.

9.39.6The battle was fought with such animosity that no javelins were thrown by either party: swords alone were made use of; and the fury of the combatants was still higher inflamed by the long-continued contest; so that it appeared to the Romans as if they were disputing, not with Etrurians, whom they had so often conquered, but with a new race.

9.39.7Not the semblance of giving ground appeared in any part; the first lines fell; and lest the standards should be exposed, without defence, the second lines were formed in their place.

9.39.8At length, even the men forming the last reserves were called into action; and to such an extremity of difficulty and danger had they come, that the Roman cavalry dismounted, and pressed forward, through heaps of arms and bodies, to the front ranks of the infantry.

9.39.9These starting up a new army, as it were, among men now exhausted, disordered the battalions of the Etrurians; and the rest, weak as their condition was, seconding their assault, broke at last through the enemy's ranks.

9.39.10Their obstinacy then began to give way: some companies quitted their posts, and, as soon as they once turned their backs, betook themselves to more decided flight.

9.39.11That day first broke the strength of the Etrurians, now grown exuberant through a long course of prosperity; all the flower of their men were cut off in the field, and in the same assault their camp was seized and sacked.

9.40.1Equal danger, and an issue equally glorious, soon after attended the war with the Samnites; who, besides their many preparations for the field, made their army to glitter with new decorations of their armour.

9.40.2Their troops were in two divisions, one of which had their shields embossed with gold, the other with silver. The shape of the shield was this; broad at the middle to cover the breast and shoulders, the summit being flat, sloping off gradually so as to become pointed below, that it might be wielded with ease;

9.40.3a loose coat of mail also served as a protection for the breast, and the left leg was covered with a greave; their helmets were adorned with plumes, to add to the appearance of their stature.

9.40.4The golden-armed soldiers wore tunics of various colours; the silver-armed, of white linen. To the latter the right wing was assigned; the former took post on the left.

9.40.5The Romans had been apprized of these splendid accoutrements, and had been taught by their commanders, that a soldier ought to be rough; not decorated with gold and silver, but placing his confidence in his sword. That matters of this kind were in reality spoil rather than armour; glittering before action, but soon becoming disfigured amid blood and wounds.

9.40.6That the brightest ornament of a soldier was valour; that all those trinkets would follow victory, and that those rich enemies would be valuable prizes to the conquerors, however poor.

9.40.7Cursor, having animated his men with these observations, led them on to battle.

9.40.8He took post himself on the right wing, he gave the command of the left to the master of the horse. As soon as they engaged, the struggle between the two armies became desperate, while it was no less so between the dictator and the master of the horse, on which wing victory should first show itself.

9.40.9It happened that Junius first, with the left wing, made the right of the enemy give way; this consisted of men devoted after the custom of Samnites, and on that account distinguished by white garments and armour of equal whiteness.

9.40.10Junius, saying he would sacrifice these to Pluto, pressed forward, disordered their ranks, and made an evident impression on their line: which being perceived by the dictator, he exclaimed, Shall the victory begin

9.40.11on the left wing, and shall the right, the dictator's own troops, only second the arms of others, and not claim the greatest share of the victory?

9.40.12This spurred on the soldiers: nor did the cavalry yield to the infantry in bravery, nor the ardour of lieutenants-general to that of the commanders. Marcius Valerius from the right wing, and Publius Decius from the left, both men of consular rank, rode off to the cavalry, posted on the extremities of the line, and, exhorting them to join in putting in for a share of the honour, charged the enemy on the flanks.

9.40.13When the addition of this new alarm assailed the enemies' troops on both sides, and the Roman legions, having renewed the shout to confound the enemy, rushed on, they began to fly.

Book 9, Part 6

9.40.14And now the plains were quickly filled with heaps of bodies and splendid armour. At first, their camp received the dismayed Samnites; but they did not long retain even the possession of that: before night it was taken, plundered, and burnt.

9.40.15The dictator triumphed, in pursuance of a decree of the senate;

9.40.16and the most splendid spectacle by far, of any in his procession, was the captured arms: so magnificent were they deemed, that the shields, adorned with gold, were distributed among the owners of the silver shops, to serve as embellishments to the forum.

9.40.17Hence, it is said, arose the custom of the forum being decorated by the aediles, when the grand processions are made, on occasion of the great games. The Romans, indeed, converted these extraordinary arms to the honour of the gods:

9.40.18but the Campanians, out of pride, and in hatred of the Samnites, gave them as ornaments to their gladiators, who used to be exhibited as a show at their feasts, and whom they distinguished by the name of Samnites.

9.40.19During this year, the consul Fabius fought with the remnants of the Etrurians at Perusia, which city also had violated the truce, and gained an easy and decisive victory.

9.40.20He would have taken the town itself; (for he marched up to the walls,) had not deputies come out and capitulated. Having placed a garrison at Perusia, and sent on before him to the Roman senate the embassies of Etruria, who solicited friendship, the consul rode into the city in triumph, for successes more important than those of the dictator.

9.40.21Besides, a great share of the honour of reducing the Samnites was attributed to the lieutenants-general, Publius Decius and Marcius Valerius: whom, at the next election, the people, with universal consent, declared the one consul, the other praetor.

9.41.1To Fabius, in consideration of his extraordinary merit in the conquest of Etruria, the consulship was continued.

9.41.2Decius was appointed his colleague. Valerius was created Praetor a fourth time. The consuls divided the provinces between them.

9.41.3Etruria fell to Decius, Samnium to Fabius. The latter, having marched to Nuceria, rejected the application of the people of Alfaterna, who then sued for peace, because they had not accepted it when offered, and by force of arms compelled them to surrender.

9.41.4A battle was fought with the Samnites; the enemy were overcome without much difficulty: nor would the memory of that engagement have been preserved, except that in it the Marsians first appeared in arms against the Romans.

9.41.5The Pelignians, imitating the defection of the Marsians, met the same fate. The other consul, Decius, was likewise very successful in his operations: through terror he compelled the Tarquinians to supply his army with corn, and to sue for a truce for forty years.

9.41.6He took several forts from the Volsinians by assault, some of which he demolished, that they might not serve as receptacles to the enemy, and by extending his operations through every quarter, diffused such a dread of his arms, that the whole Etrurian nation sued to the consul for an alliance: this they did not obtain; but a truce for a year was granted them.

9.41.7The pay of the Roman army for that year was furnished by the enemy; and two tunics for each soldier were exacted from them: this was the purchase of the truce.'

9.41.8The tranquillity now established in Etruria was interrupted by a sudden insurrection of the Umbrians, a nation which had suffered no injury from the war, except what inconvenience the country had felt in the passing of the army.

9.41.9These, by calling into the field all their own young men, and forcing a great part of the Etrurians to resume their arms, made up such a numerous force, that speaking of themselves with ostentatious vanity, and of the Romans with contempt, they boasted that they would leave Decius behind in Etruria, and march away to besiege Rome;

9.41.10which design of theirs being reported to the consul Decius, he removed by long marches from Etruria towards their city, and sat down in the district of Pupinia, in readiness to act according to the intelligence received of the enemy.

9.41.11Nor was the insurrection of the Umbrians slighted at Rome: their very threats excited tears among the people, who had experienced, in the calamities suffered from the Gauls, how insecure a city they inhabited.

9.41.12Deputies were therefore despatched to the consul Fabius with directions, that, if he had any respite from the war of the Samnites, he should with all haste lead his army into Umbria.

9.41.13The consul obeyed the order, and by forced marches proceeded to Mevania, where the forces of the Umbrians then lay.

9.41.14The unexpected arrival of the consul, whom they had believed to be sufficiently employed in Samnium, far distant from their country, so thoroughly affrighted the Umbrians, that several advised retiring to their fortified towns; others, the discontinuing the war. However, one district, called by themselves Materina, prevailed on the rest not only to retain their arms, but to come to an immediate engagement.

9.41.15They fell upon Fabius while he was fortifying his camp.

9.41.16When the consul saw them rushing impetuously towards his rampart, he called off his men from the work, and drew them up in the best manner which the nature of the place and the time allowed; encouraging them by displaying, in honourable and just terms, the glory which they had acquired, as well in Etruria as in Samnium, he bade them finish this insignificant appendage to the Etrurian war, and take vengeance for the impious expressions in which these people had threatened to attack the city of Rome.

9.41.17Such was the alacrity of the soldiers on hearing this, that, raising the shout spontaneously, they interrupted the general's discourse, and, without waiting for orders, advanced, with the sound of all the trumpets and cornets, in full speed against the enemy.

9.41.18They made their attack not as on men, or at least men in arms, but, what must appear wonderful in the relation, began by snatching the standards out of the hands which held them; and then, the standard-bearers themselves were dragged to the consul, and the armed soldiers transferred from the one line to the other; and wherever resistance was any where made, the business was performed, not so much with swords, as with their shields, with the bosses of which, and thrusts of their elbows, they bore down the foe.

9.41.19The prisoners were more numerous than the slain, and through the whole line the Umbrians called on each other, with one voice, to lay down their arms.

9.41.20Thus a surrender was made in the midst of action, by the first promoters of the war; and on the next and following days, the other states of the Umbrians also surrendered. The Ocriculans were admitted to a treaty of friendship on giving security.

9.42.1Fabius, successful in a war allotted to another, led back his army into his own province.

9.42.2And as, in the preceding year, the people had, in consideration of his services so successfully performed, re-elected him to the consulship, so now the senate, from the same motive, notwithstanding a warm opposition made by Appius, prolonged his command for the year following, in which Appius Claudius and Lucius Volumnius were consuls.

9.42.3In some annals I find, that Appius, still holding the office of censor, declared himself a candidate for the consulship, and that his election was stopped by a protest of Lucius Furius, plebeian tribune, until he resigned the censorship.

9.42.4After his election to the consulship, the new war with the Sallentine enemies being decreed to his colleague, he remained at Rome, with design to increase his interest by city intrigues, since the means of procuring honour in war were placed in the hands of others.

9.42.5Volumnius had no reason to be dissatisfied with his province: he fought many battles with good success, and took several cities by assault. He was liberal in his donations of the spoil; and this munificence, engaging in itself, he enhanced by his courteous demeanour, by which conduct he inspired his soldiers with ardour to meet both toil and danger.

9.42.6Quintus Fabius, proconsul, fought a pitched battle with the armies of the Samnites, near the city of Allifae. The victory was complete. The enemy were driven from the field, and pursued to their camp; nor would they have kept possession of that, had not the day been almost spent. It was invested, however, before night, and guarded until day, lest any should slip away.

9.42.7Next morning, while it was scarcely clear day, they proposed to capitulate, and it was agreed, that such as were natives of Samnium should be dismissed with single garments. All these were sent under the yoke.

9.42.8No precaution was taken in favour of the allies of the Samnites: they were sold by auction, to the number of seven thousand. Those who declared themselves subjects of the Hernicians, were kept by themselves under a guard.

9.42.9All these Fabius sent to Rome to the senate; and, after being examined, whether it was in consequence of a public order, or as volunteers, that they had carried arms on the side of the Samnites against the Romans, they were distributed among the states of the Latins to be held in custody;

9.42.10and it was ordered, that the new consuls, Publius Cornelius Arvina and Quintus Marcius Tremulus, who by this time had been elected, should lay that affair entire before the senate:

9.42.11this gave such offence to the Hernicians, that, at a meeting of all the states, assembled by the Anagnians, in the circus called the Maritime, the whole nation of the Hernicians, excepting the Alatrians, Ferentines, and Verulans, declared war against the Roman people.

9.43.1In Samnium also, in consequence of the departure of Fabius, new commotions arose. Calatia and Sora, and the Roman garrisons stationed there, were taken, and extreme cruelty was exercised towards the captive soldiers: Publius Cornelius was therefore sent thither with an army.

9.43.2The command against the new enemy (for by this time an order had passed for declaring war against the Anagnians, and the rest of the Hernicians) was decreed to Marcius.

9.43.3These, in the beginning, secured all the passes between the camps of the consuls, in such a manner, that no messenger, however expert, could make his way from one to the other;

9.43.4and each consul spent several days in absolute uncertainty regarding every matter and in anxious suspense concerning the state of the other. Apprehensions for their safety spread even to Rome; so that all the younger citizens were compelled to enlist, and two regular armies were raised, to answer sudden emergencies.

9.43.5The conduct of the Hernicians during the progress of the war afterwards, showed nothing suitable to the present alarm, or to the ancient renown of that nation.

9.43.6Without ever venturing any effort worth mentioning, being stripped of three different camps within a few days, they stipulated for a truce of thirty days, during which they might send to Rome, to the senate, on the terms of furnishing two months' pay, and corn, and a tunic to every soldier.

9.43.7They were referred back to Marcius by the senate, whom by a decree they empowered to determine regarding the Hernicians, and he accepted their submission. Meanwhile, in Samnium, the other consul, though superior in strength, was very much embarrassed by the nature of his situation; the enemy had blocked up all the roads, and seized on the passable defiles, so that no provisions could be conveyed;

9.43.8nor could the consul, though he daily drew out his troops and offered battle, allure them to an engagement.

9.43.9It was evident, that neither could the Samnites support an immediate contest, nor the Romans a delay of action.

9.43.10The approach of Marcius, who, after he had subdued the Hernicians, hastened to the succour of his colleague, put it out of the enemy's power any longer to avoid fighting:

9.43.11for they, who had not deemed themselves a match in the field, even for one of the armies, could not surely suppose that if they should allow the two consular armies to unite, they could have any hope remaining: they made an attack therefore on Marcius, as he was approaching in the irregular order of march.

9.43.12The baggage was hastily thrown together in the centre, and the line formed as well as the time permitted. First the shout which reached the standing camp of Cornelius, then the dust observed at a distance, excited a bustle in the camp of the other consul.

9.43.13Ordering his men instantly to take arms, and leading them out to the field with the utmost haste, he charged the flank of the enemy's line, which had enough to do in the other dispute, at the same time

9.43.14exclaiming, that it would be the height of infamy if they suffered Marcius's army to monopolize the honour of both victories, and did not assert their claim to the glory of their own war.

9.43.15He bore down all before him, and pushed forward, through the midst of the enemy's line, to their camp, which, being left without a guard, he took and set on fire;

9.43.16which when the soldiers of Marcius saw in flames, and the enemy observed it on looking about, a general flight immediately took place among the Samnites. But they could not effect an escape in any direction; in every quarter they met death.

9.43.17After a slaughter of thirty thousand men, the consuls had now given the signal for retreat; and were collecting, into one body, their several forces, who were employed in mutual congratulations, when some new cohorts of the enemy, which had been levied for a reinforcement, being seen at a distance, occasioned a renewal of the carnage.

9.43.18On these the conquerors rushed, without any order of the consuls, or signal received, crying out, that they would make these Samnites pay dearly for their introduction to service.

9.43.19The consuls indulged the ardour of the legions, well knowing that the raw troops of the enemy, mixed with veterans dispirited by defeat, would be incapable even of attempting a contest.

9.43.20Nor were they wrong in their judgment: all the forces of the Samnites, old and new, fled to the nearest mountains. These the Roman army also ascended, so that no situation afforded safety to the vanquished; they were beaten off, even from the summits which they had seized. And now they all, with one voice, supplicated for a suspension of arms.

9.43.21On which, being ordered to furnish corn for three months, pay for a year, and a tunic to each of the soldiers, they sent deputies to the senate to sue for peace. Cornelius was left in Samnium.

9.43.22Marcius returned into the city, in triumph over the Hernicians; and a decree was passed for erecting to him, in the forum, an equestrian statue, which was placed before the temple of Castor.

9.43.23To three states of the Hernicians, (the Alatrians, Verulans, and Ferentines,) their own laws were restored, because they preferred these to the being made citizens of Rome; and they were permitted to intermarry with each other, a privilege which they alone of the Hernicians, for a long time after, enjoyed.

9.43.24To the Anagnians, and the others, who had made war on the Romans, was granted the freedom of the state, without the right of voting; public assemblies, and intermarriages, were not allowed them, and their magistrates were prohibited from acting except in the ministration of public worship.

9.43.25During this year, Caius Junius Bubulcus, censor, contracted for the building of a temple to Health, which he had vowed during his consulate in the war with the Samnites. By the same person, and his colleague, Marcus Valerius Maximus, roads were made through the fields at the public expense.

9.43.26During the same year the treaty with the Carthaginians was renewed a third time, and ample presents made to their ambassadors who came on that business.

9.44.1This year had a dictator in office, Publius Cornelius Scipio, with Publius Decius Mus, master of the horse.

9.44.2By these the election of consuls was held, being the purpose for which they had been created, because neither of the consuls could be absent from the armies.

9.44.3The consuls elected were Lucius Postumius and Titus Minucius; whom Piso places next after Quintus Fabius and Publius Decius, omitting the two years in which I have set down Claudius with Volumnius, and Cornelius with Marcius, as consuls.

9.44.4Whether this happened through a lapse of memory in digesting his annals, or whether he purposely passed over those two consulates as deeming the accounts of them false, cannot be ascertained.

9.44.5During this year the Samnites made incursions into the district of Stellae in the Campanian territory.

9.44.6Both the consuls were therefore sent into Samnium, and proceeded to different regions, Postumius to Tifernum, Minucius to Bovianum. The first engagement happened at Tifernum, under the command of Postumius.

9.44.7Some say, that the Samnites were completely defeated, and twenty thousand of them made prisoners.

9.44.8Others, that the army separated without victory on either side; and that Postumius, counterfeiting fear, withdrew his forces privately by night, and marched away to the mountains; whither the enemy also followed, and took possession of a strong-hold two miles distant.

9.44.9The consul, having created a belief that he had come thither for the sake of a safe post, and a fruitful spot, (and such it really was,) secured his camp with strong works.

9.44.10Furnishing it with magazines of every thing useful, he left a strong guard to defend it; and at the third watch, led away the legions lightly accoutred, by the shortest road which he could take, to join his colleague, who lay opposite to his foe.

9.44.11There, by advice of Postumius, Minucius came to an engagement with the enemy; and when the fight had continued doubtful through a great part of the day, Postumius, with his fresh legions, made an unexpected attack on the enemy's line, spent by this time with fatigue:

9.44.12thus, weariness and wounds having rendered them incapable even of flying, they were cut off to a man, and twenty-one standards taken.

9.44.13The Romans then proceeded to Postumius's station, where the two victorious armies falling upon the enemy, already dismayed by the news of what had passed, routed and dispersed them: twenty-six military standards were taken here, and the Samnite general, Statius Gellius, with a great number of other prisoners, and both the camps were taken.

9.44.14Next day Bovianum was besieged, and soon after taken. Both the consuls were honoured with a triumph, with high applause of their excellent conduct.

9.44.15Some writers say, that the consul Minucius was brought back to the camp grievously wounded, and that he died there; that Marcus Fulvius was substituted consul in his place, and that it was he who, being sent to command Minucius's army, took Bovianum.

9.44.16During the same year, Sora, Arpinum, and Censennia were recovered from the Samnites. The great statue of Hercules was erected in the Capitol, and dedicated.

9.45.1In the succeeding consulate of Publius Sulpicius Saverrio and Publius Sempronius Sophus, the Samnites, desirous either of a termination or a suspension of hostilities, sent ambassadors to Rome to treat of peace;

9.45.2to whose submissive solicitations this answer was returned, that, had not the Samnites frequently solicited peace, at times when they were actually preparing for war, their present application might, perhaps, in the course of negotiating, have produced the desired effect.

9.45.3But now, since words had hitherto proved vain, people's conduct must be guided by facts: that Publius Sempronius the consul would shortly be in Samnium with an army: that he could not be deceived in judging whether their dispositions inclined to peace or war.

9.45.4He would bring the senate certain information respecting every particular, and their ambassadors might follow the consul on his return from Samnium. When the Roman army accordingly marched through all parts of Samnium, which was in a state of peace, provisions being liberally supplied, a renewal of the old treaty was, this year, granted to the Samnites.

9.45.5The Roman arms were then turned against the Aequans, their old enemies, but who had, for many years past, remained quiet, under the guise of a treacherous peace;

9.45.6because, while the Hernicians were in a state of prosperity, these had, in conjunction with them, frequently sent aid to the Samnites; and after the Hernicians were subdued, almost the whole nation, without dissembling that they acted by public authority, had revolted to the enemy; and when, after the conclusion of the treaty with the Samnites at Rome, ambassadors were sent to demand satisfaction, they said, that this was only a trial made of them, on the expectation that they would through fear suffer themselves to be made Roman citizens.

9.45.7But how much that condition was to be wished for they had been taught by the Hernicians; who, when they had the option, preferred their own laws to the freedom of the Roman state.

9.45.8To people who wished for liberty to choose what they judged preferable, the necessity of becoming Roman citizens would have the nature of a punishment.

9.45.9In resentment of these declarations, uttered publicly in their assemblies, the Roman people ordered war to be made on the Aequans;

9.45.10and, in prosecution of this new undertaking, both the consuls marched from the city, and sat down at the distance of four miles from the camp of the enemy.

9.45.11The troops of the Aequans, like tumultuary recruits, in consequence of their having passed such a number of years without waging war on their own account, were all in disorder and confusion, without established officers and without command.

9.45.12Some advised to give battle, others to defend the camp; the greater part were influenced by concern for the devastation of their lands, likely to take place, and the consequent destruction of their cities, left with weak garrisons.

9.45.13Among a variety of propositions, one, however, was heard which, abandoning all concern for the public interest, tended to transfer every man's attention to the care of his private concerns.

9.45.14It recommended that, at the first watch, they should depart from the camp by different roads, so as to carry all their effects into the cities, and to secure them by the strength of the fortifications; this they all approved with universal assent.

9.45.15When the enemy were now dispersed through the country, the Romans, at the first dawn, marched out to the field, and drew up in order of battle; but no one coming to oppose them, they advanced in a brisk pace to the enemy's camp.

9.45.16But when they perceived neither guards before the gates, nor soldiers on the ramparts, nor the usual bustle of a camp, —surprised at the extra- ordinary silence, they halted in apprehension of some stratagem. At length, passing over the rampart, and finding the whole deserted, they proceeded to search out the tracks of the enemy.

9.45.17But these, as they scattered themselves to every quarter, occasioned perplexity at first. Afterwards discovering their design by means of scouts, they attacked their cities, one after another, and within the space of fifty days took, entirely by force, forty-one towns, most of which were razed and burnt, and the race of the Aequans almost extirpated.

9.45.18A triumph was granted over the Aequans. The Marrucinians, Marsians, Pelignians, and Ferentans, warned by the example of their disasters, sent deputies to Rome to solicit peace and friendship; and these states, on their submissive applications, were admitted into alliance.

9.46.1In the same year, Cneius Flavius, son of Cneius, grandson of a freed man, a notary, in low circumstances originally, but artful and eloquent, was appointed curule aedile.

9.46.2I find in some annals, that, being in attendance on the aediles, and seeing that he was voted aedile by the prerogative tribe, but that his name would not be received, because he acted as a notary, he threw down his tablet, and took an oath, that he would not, for the future, follow that business.

9.46.3But Licinius Macer contends, that he had dropped the employment of notary a considerable time before, having already been a tribune, and twice a triumvir, once for regulating the nightly watch, and another time for conducting a colony.

9.46.4However, of this there is no dispute, that against the nobles, who threw contempt on the meanness of his condition, he contended with much firmness.

9.46.5He made public the rules of proceeding in judicial causes, hitherto shut up in the closets of the pontiffs; and hung up to public view, round the forum, the calendar on white tablets, that all might know when business could be transacted in the courts.

9.46.6To the great displeasure of the nobles, he performed the dedication of the temple of Concord, in the area of Vulcan's temple; and the chief pontiff, Cornelius Barbatus, was compelled by the united instances of the people, to dictate to him the form of words, although he affirmed, that, consistently with the practice of antiquity, no other than a consul, or commander-in-chief, could dedicate a temple.

9.46.7This occasioned a law to be proposed to the people, by direction of the senate, that no person should dedicate a temple, or an altar, without an order from the senate, or from a majority of the plebeian tribunes.

9.46.8The incident which I am about to mention would be trivial in itself, were it not an instance of the freedom assumed by plebeians in opposition to the pride of the nobles.

9.46.9When Flavius had come to make a visit to his colleague, who was sick, and when, by an arrangement between some young nobles who were sitting there, they did not rise on his entrance, he ordered his curule chair to be brought thither, and from his honourable seat of office enjoyed the sight of his enemies tortured with envy.

9.46.10However, a low faction, which had gathered strength during the censorship of Appius Claudius, had made Flavius an aedile; for he was the first who degraded the senate, by electing into it the immediate descendants of freed men;

Book 9, Part 7

9.46.11and when no one allowed that election as valid, and when he had not acquired in the senate-house that influence in the city which he had been aiming at, by distributing men of the meanest order among all the several

9.46.12tribes, he thus corrupted the assemblies both of the forum and of the field of Mars; and so much indignation did the election of Flavius excite, that most of the nobles laid aside their gold rings and bracelets in consequence of it.

9.46.13From that time the state was split into two parties.

9.46.14The uncorrupted part of the people, who favoured and supported the good, held one side; the faction of the rabble, the other; until Quintus Fabius and Publius Decius were made censors; and Fabius, both for the sake of concord, and at the same time to prevent the elections remaining in the hands of the lowest of the people, purged the rest of the tribes of all the rabble of the forum, and threw it into four, and called them city tribes.

9.46.15And this procedure, we are told, gave such universal satisfaction, that, by this regulation in the orders of the state, he obtained the surname of Maximus, which he had not obtained by his many victories. The annual review of the knights, on the ides of July, is also said to have been instituted by him.

Book 10, Part 1

10Submission of the Marcians accepted. The college of Augurs augmented from four to nine. The law of appeal to the people carried by Valerius the consul. Two more tribes added. War declared against the Sam- nites. Several successful actions. In an engagement against the com- bined forces of the Etruscans, Umbrians, Samnites, and Gauls, Publius Decius, after the example of his father, devotes himself for the army. Dies, and, by his death, procures the victory to the Romans. Defeat of the Samnites by Papirius Cursor. The census held. The lustrum closed. The number of the citizens two hundred and sixty-two thousand three hundred and twenty-two.

10.1.1DURING the consulate of Lucius Genucius and Servius Cornelius, the state enjoyed almost uninterrupted rest from foreign wars. Colonies were led out to Sora and Alba.

10.1.2For the latter, situated in the country of the Aequans, six thousand colonists were enrolled. Sora had formerly belonged to the Volscian territory, but had fallen into the possession of the Samnites: thither were sent four thousand settlers.

10.1.3This year the freedom of the state was granted to the Arpinians and Trebulans. The Frusinonians were fined a third part of their lands, because it was discovered that the Hernicians had been tampered with by them; and the heads of that conspiracy, after a trial before the consuls, held in pursuance of a decree of the senate, were beaten with rods and beheaded.

10.1.4However, that the Romans might not pass the year entirely exempt from war, a little expedition was made into Umbria; intelligence being received from thence, that excursions of men, in arms, had been made, from a certain cave, into the adjacent country.

10.1.5Into this cave the troops penetrated with their standards, and, the place being dark, they received many wounds, chiefly from stones thrown. At length the other mouth of the cave being found, for it was pervious, both the openings were filled up with wood, which being set on fire, there perished by means of the smoke and heat, no less than two thousand men;

10.1.6many of whom, at the last, in attempting to make their way out, rushed into the very flames.

10.1.7The two Marci, Livius Denter and Aemilius, succeeding to the consulship, war was renewed with the Aequans; who, being highly displeased at the colony established within their territory, as if it were a fortress, having made an attempt, with their whole force, to seize it, were repulsed by the colonists themselves.

10.1.8They caused, however, such an alarm at Rome, that, to quell this insurrection, Caius Junius Bubulcus was nominated dictator: for it was scarcely credible that the Aequans, after being reduced to such a degree of weakness, should by themselves alone have ventured to engage in a war.

10.1.9The dictator, taking the field, with Marcus Titinius, master of the horse, in the first engagement reduced the Aequans to submission; and returning into the city in triumph, on the eighth day, dedicated, in the character of dictator, the temple of Health, which he had vowed when consul, and contracted for when censor.

10.2.1During this year a fleet of Grecians, under the command of Cleonymus, a Lacedaemonian, arrived on the coast of Italy, and took Thuriae, a city in the territory of the Sallentines.

10.2.2Against this enemy the consul Aemilius was sent, who, in one battle, completely defeated them, and drove them on board their ships.

10.2.3Thuriae was then restored to its old inhabitants, and peace re-established in the country of the Sallentines. In some annals, I find that Junius Bubulcus was sent dictator into that country, and that Cleonymus, without hazarding an engagement with the Romans, retired out of Italy.

10.2.4He then sailed round the promontory of Brundusium, and, steering down the middle of the Adriatic gulf, because he dreaded, on the left hand, the coasts of Italy destitute of harbours, and, on the right, the Illyrians, Liburnians, and Istrians, nations of savages, and noted in general for piracy, he passed on to the coasts of the Venetians.

10.2.5Here, having landed a small party to explore the country, and being informed that a narrow beach stretched along the shore, beyond which were marshes, overflowed by the tides;

10.2.6that dry land was seen at no great distance, level in the nearest part, and rising behind into hills, beyond which was the mouth of a very deep river, into which they had seen ships brought round and moored in safety, (this was the river Meduacus,) he ordered his fleet to sail into it and go up against the stream.

10.2.7As the channel would not admit the heavy ships, the troops, removing into the lighter vessels, arrived at a part of the country occupied by three maritime cantons of the Patavians, settled on that coast.

10.2.8Here they made a descent, leaving a small guard with the ships, made themselves masters of these cantons, set fire to the houses, drove off a considerable booty of men and cattle, and, allured by the sweets of plunder, proceeded still further from the shore.

10.2.9When news of this was brought to Patavium, where the contiguity of the Gauls kept the inhabitants constantly in arms, they divided their young men into two bands, one of which was led towards the quarter where the marauders were said to be busy; the other by a different route, to avoid meeting any of the pirates, towards the station of the ships, fifteen miles distant from the town.

10.2.10An attack was made on the small craft, and the guards being killed, the affrighted mariners were obliged to remove their ships to the other bank of the river. By land, also, the attack on the dispersed plunderers was equally successful; and the Grecians, flying back towards their ships, were opposed in their way by the Venetians.

10.2.11Thus they were enclosed on both sides, and cut to pieces; and some, who were made prisoners, gave information that the fleet, with their king, Cleonymus, was but three miles distant.

10.2.12Sending the captives into the nearest canton, to be kept under a guard, some soldiers got on board the flat-bottomed vessels, so constructed for the purpose of passing the shoals with ease; others embarked in those which had been lately taken from the enemy, and proceeding down the river, surrounded their unwieldy ships, which dreaded the unknown sands and flats more than they did the Romans, and which showed a greater eagerness to escape into the deep than to make resistance.

10.2.13The soldiers pursued them as far as the mouth of the river; and having taken and burned a part of the fleet, which in the hurry and confusion had been stranded, returned victorious.

10.2.14Cleonymus, having met success in no part of the Adriatic sea, departed with scarce a fifth part of his navy remaining. Many, now alive, have seen the beaks of his ships, and the spoils of the Lacedaemonians, hanging in the old temple of Juno.

10.2.15In commemoration of this event, there is exhibited at Patavium, every year, on its anniversary day, a naval combat on the river in the middle of the town.

10.3.1A treaty was this year concluded at Rome with the Vestinians, who solicited friendship.

10.3.2Various causes of apprehension afterwards sprung up. News arrived, that Etruria was in rebellion; the insurrection having arisen from the dissensions of the Arretians; for the Cilnian family having grown exorbitantly powerful, a party, out of envy of their wealth, had attempted to expel them by force of arms. [Accounts were also received] that the Marsians held forcible possession of the lands to which the colony of Carseoli, consisting of four thousand men, had been sent.

10.3.3By reason, therefore, of these commotions, Marcus Valerius Maximus was nominated dictator, and chose for his master of the horse Marcus Aemilius Paullus.

10.3.4This I am inclined to believe, rather than that Quintus Fabius, at such an age as he then was, and after enjoying many honours, was placed in a station subordinate to Valerius: but I think it not unlikely that the mistake arose from the surname Maximus.

10.3.5The dictator, having set out at the head of an army, in one battle utterly defeated the Marsians, drove them into their fortified towns, and afterwards, in the course of a few days, took Milionia, Plestina, and Fresilia; and then finding Marsians in a part of their lands, granted them a renewal of the treaty.

10.3.6The war was then directed against the Etrurians;

10.3.7and when the dictator had gone to Rome, for the purpose of renewing the auspices, the master of the horse, going out to forage, was surrounded by an ambuscade, and obliged to fly shamefully into his camp, after losing several standards and many of his men.

10.3.8The occurrence of which discomfiture to Fabius is exceedingly improbable; not only because, if in any particular, certainly, above all, in the qualifications of a commander, he fully merited his surname; but besides, mindful of Papirius's severity, he never could have been tempted to fight, without the dictator's orders.

10.4.1The news of this disaster excited at Rome an alarm greater than suited the importance of the affair;

10.4.2for, as if the army had been destroyed, a justitium was proclaimed, guards mounted at the gates, and watches set in every street: and armour and weapons were heaped on the walls.

10.4.3All the younger citizens being compelled to enlist, the dictator was ordered to join the army. There he found every thing in a more tranquil state than he expected, and regularity established, through the care of the master of the horse;

10.4.4the camp removed to a place of greater safety; the cohorts, which had lost their standards, left without tents on the outside of the ramparts;

10.4.5and the troops ardently impatient for battle, that their disgrace might be the sooner obliterated.

10.4.6He therefore immediately advanced his camp into the territory of Rusella. Thither the enemy also followed; and although, since their late success, they entertained the most sanguine hopes from an open trial of strength, yet they endeavoured to circumvent the enemy by a stratagem which they had before practised with success.

10.4.7There were, at a small distance from the Roman camp, the half-ruined houses of a town which had been burnt in the devastation of the country.

10.4.8A body of troops being concealed there, some cattle was driven on, within view of a Roman post, commanded by a lieutenant-general, Cneius Fulvius. When no one was induced by this temptation to stir from his post, one of the herdsmen, advancing close to the works, called out, that others were driving out those cattle at their leisure from the ruins of the town, why did they remain idle, when they might safely drive them through the middle of the Roman camp?

10.4.9When this was interpreted to the lieutenant-general, by some natives of Caere, and great impatience prevailed through every company of the soldiers, who, nevertheless, dared not to move without orders, he commanded some who were skilled in the language to observe attentively, whether the dialect of the herdsmen resembled that of rustics or of citizens.

10.4.10When these reported, that their accent in speaking, their manner and appearance, were all of a more polished cast than suited shepherds; Go then, said he, tell them that they may uncover the ambush which they vainly conceal; that the Romans understand all their devices, and can now be no more taken by stratagem than they can be conquered by arms.

10.4.11When these words were heard, and carried to those who lay in ambush, they immediately arose from their lurking place, and marched out in order into the plain which was open to view on every side.

10.4.12The lieutenant-general thought their force too powerful for his small band to cope with. He therefore sent in haste to Valerius for support, and in the mean time, by himself, sustained the enemy's onset.

10.5.1On receiving his message, the dictator ordered the standards to move, and the troops to follow in arms.

10.5.2But every thing was executed more quickly, almost, than ordered. The standards and arms were instantly snatched up, and they were with difficulty restrained from running impetuously on; both indignation at their late defeat stimulated them, as well as the shouts striking their ears with increasing vehemence, as the contest grew hotter.

10.5.3They therefore urged each other, and pressed the standard-bearers to quicken their pace. The dictator, the more eagerly he saw them push forward, took the more pains to repress their haste, and ordered them to march at a slower rate.

10.5.4On the other side, the Etrurians, putting themselves in motion, on the first beginning of the fray had come up with their whole force; and several expresses came to the dictator, one after another, that all the legions of the Etrurians had joined in the fight, and that his men could not any longer withstand them: at the same time, he himself saw, from the higher ground, in how perilous a situation the party was.

10.5.5Confident, however, that the lieutenant-general was able, even yet, to support the contest, and considering that he himself was at hand to rescue him from defeat, he wished to let the enemy be fatigued, as much as might be, in order that, when in that state, he might fall on them with his fresh troops.

10.5.6Slowly as these marched, the distance was now just sufficient for the cavalry to begin their career for a charge. The battalions of the legions marched in front, lest the enemy might suspect any secret or sudden movement, but intervals had been left in the ranks of the infantry, affording room for the horses to gallop through.

10.5.7At the same instant the line raised the shout, and the cavalry, charging at full speed, poured on the enemy, and spread at once a general panic.

10.5.8After this, as succour had arrived, almost too late, to the party surrounded, so now they were allowed entire rest, the fresh troops taking on themselves the whole business of the fight. Nor was that either long or dubious.

10.5.9The enemy, now routed, fled to their camp, and the Romans advancing to attack it, they give way, and are crowded all together in the remotest part of it.

10.5.10In their flight they are obstructed by the narrowness of the gates, the greater number climbed up on the mounds and ramparts, to try if they could either defend themselves with the aid of the advantageous ground, or get over, by any means, and escape.

10.5.11One part of the rampart, happening to be badly compacted, sunk under the weight of the multitude who stood on it, and fell into the trench. On which, crying out that the gods had opened that pass to give them safety, they made their way out, most of them leaving their arms behind.

10.5.12By this battle the power of the Etrurians was, a second time, effectually crushed, so that, engaging to furnish a year's pay, and corn for two months, with the dictator's permission, they sent ambassadors to Rome to treat of peace.

10.5.13This was refused, but a truce for two years was granted to them. The dictator returned into the city in triumph. I have seen it asserted, that tranquillity was restored in Etruria by the dictator, without any memorable battle, only by composing the dissensions of the Arretians, and effecting a reconciliation between the Cilnian family and the commons.

10.5.14Marcus Valerius was elected consul, before the expiration of his dictatorship, many have believed, without his soliciting the office, and even while he was absent; and that the election was held by an interrex. In one point all agree, that he held the consulship with Quintus Appuleius Pansa.

10.6.1During this consulate of Marcus Valerius and Quintus Appuleius, affairs abroad wore a very peaceable aspect.

10.6.2Their losses sustained in war, together with the truce, kept the Etrurians quiet. The Samnites, depressed by the misfortunes of many years, had not yet become dissatisfied with their new alliance. At Rome, also, the carrying away of such multitudes to colonies, rendered the commons tranquil, and lightened their burthens.

10.6.3But, that things might not be tranquil on all sides, a contention was excited between the principal persons in the commonwealth, patricians on one hand, and plebeians on the other, by the two Ogulnii, Quintus and Cneius,

10.6.4plebeian tribunes, who, seeking every where occasions of criminating the patricians in the hearing of the people, and having found other attempts fruitless, set on foot a proceeding by which they might inflame, not the lowest class of the commons, but their chief men, the plebeians of consular and triumphal rank, to

10.6.5the completion of whose honours nothing was now wanting but the offices of the priesthood, which were not yet laid open to them.

10.6.6They therefore published a proposal for a law, that, whereas there were then four augurs and four pontiffs, and it had been determined that the number of priests should be augmented, the four additional pontiffs and five augurs should all be chosen out of the commons.

10.6.7How the college of augurs could be reduced to the number of four, except by the death of two, I do not understand: for it is a rule among the augurs, that their number should be composed of threes, so that the three ancient tribes, the Ramnes, Titienses, and Luceres, should have each its own augur;

10.6.8or, in case there should be occasion for more, that each should increase its number of augurs, in equal proportion with the rest, in like manner as when, by the addition of five to four, they made up the number nine, so that there were three to each tribe.

10.6.9However, as it was proposed that they should be chosen out of the commons, the patricians were as highly offended at the proceeding, as when they saw the consulship made common;

10.6.10yet they pretended that the business concerned not them so much as it did the gods, who would take care that their own worship should not be contaminated; that, for their parts, they only wished that no misfortune might ensue to the commonwealth.

10.6.11But they made a less vigorous opposition, as being now accustomed to suffer defeat in such kind of disputes; and they saw their adversaries, not, as formerly, grasping at that which they could scarcely hope to reach, the higher honours; but already in possession of all those advantages, on the uncertain prospect of which they had maintained the contest, manifold consulships, censorships, and triumphs.

10.7.1The principal struggle, however, in supporting and opposing the bill, they say, was between Appius Claudius and Publius Decius Mus.

10.7.2After these had urged nearly the same topics, respecting the privileges of patricians and plebeians, which had been formerly employed for and against the Licinian law, when the proposition was brought forward of opening the consulship to plebeians, Decius is said to have drawn a lively description

10.7.3of his own father, such as many then present in the assembly had seen him, girt in the Gabine dress, standing on a spear, in the attitude in which he had devoted himself for the people and the legions, and to have added, that the consul Publius Decius was

10.7.4then deemed by the immortal gods an offering equally pure and pious, as if his colleague, Titus Manlius, had been devoted. And might not the same Publius Decius have been, with propriety, chosen to perform the public worship of the Roman people?

10.7.5Was there any danger that the gods would give less attention to his prayers than to those of Appius Claudius? Did the latter perform his private acts of adoration with a purer mind, or worship the gods more religiously than he?

10.7.6Who had any reason to complain of the vows offered in behalf of the commonwealth, by so many plebeian consuls and dictators, either when setting out to their armies, or in the heat of battle?

10.7.7Were the numbers of commanders reckoned, during those years since business began to be transacted under the conduct and auspices of plebeians, the same number of triumphs might be found. The commons had now no reason to be dissatisfied with their own nobility.

10.7.8On the contrary, they were fully convinced, that in case of a sudden war breaking out, the senate and people of Rome would not repose greater confidence in patrician than in plebeian commanders.

10.7.9Which being the case, said he, "what god or man can deem it an impropriety, if those whom ye have honoured with curule chairs, with the purple bordered gown, with the palm-vest and embroidered robe, with the triumphal crown and laurel, whose houses ye have rendered conspicuous above others, by affixing to them the spoils of conquered enemies, should add to these the badges of augurs or pontiffs?

10.7.10If a person, who has rode through the city in a gilt chariot; and, decorated with the ensigns of Jupiter, supremely good and great, has mounted the Capitol, should be seen with a chalice and wand; what impropriety, I say, that he should, with his head veiled, slay a victim, or take an augury in the citadel?

10.7.11When, in the inscription on a person's statue, the consulship, censorship, and triumph shall be read with patience, will the eyes of readers be unable to endure the addition of the office of augur or pontiff? In truth (with deference to the gods I say it) I trust that we are, through the kindness of the Roman people, qualified in such a manner that we should, by the dignity of our characters, reflect back, on the priesthood, not less lustre than we should receive;

10.7.12and may demand, rather on behalf of the gods, than for our own sakes, that those whom we worship in our private we may also worship in a public capacity.

10.8.1But why do I argue thus, as if the cause of the patricians, respecting the priesthood, were untouched? and as if we were not already in possession of one sacerdotal office, of the highest class?

10.8.2We see plebeian decemvirs, for performing sacrifices, interpreters of the Sibylline prophecies, and of the fates of the nation; we also see them presidents of Apollo's festival, and of other religious performances.

10.8.3Neither was any injustice done to the patricians, when, to the two commissioners for performing sacrifices, an additional number was joined, in favour of the plebeians; nor is there now, when a tribune, a man of courage and activity, wishes to add five places of augurs, and four of pontiffs, to which plebeians may be nominated;

10.8.4not, Appius, with intent to expel you from your places; but, that men of plebeian rank may assist you, in the management of divine affairs, with the same zeal with which they assist you in matters of human concernment.

10.8.5Blush not, Appius, at having a man your colleague in the priesthood, whom you might have a colleague in the censorship or consulship, whose master of the horse you yourself may be, when he is dictator, as well as dictator when he is master of the horse.

10.8.6A Sabine adventurer, the first origin of your nobility, either Attus Clausus, or Appius Claudius, which you will, the ancient patricians of those days admitted into their number: do not then, on your part, disdain to admit us into the number of priests.

10.8.7We bring with us numerous honours; all those honours, indeed, which have rendered your party so proud.

10.8.8Lucius Sextius was the first consul chosen out of the plebeians; Caius Licinius Stolo, the first master of the horse; Caius Marcius Rutilus, the first dictator, and likewise censor; Quintus Publilius Philo, the first praetor.

10.8.9On all occasions was heard a repetition of the same arguments; that the right of auspices was vested in you; that ye alone had the rights of ancestry; that ye alone were legally entitled to the supreme command, and the auspices both in peace and war.

10.8.10The supreme command has hitherto been, and will continue to be, equally prosperous in plebeian hands as in patrician. Have ye never heard it said, that the first created patricians were not men sent down from heaven, but such as could cite their fathers, that is, nothing more than free born.

10.8.11I can now cite my fa- ther, a consul; and my son will be able to cite a grandfather. Citizens, there is nothing else in it, than that we should never obtain any thing without a refusal. The patricians wish only for a dispute; nor do they care what issue their disputes may have.

10.8.12For my part, be it advantageous, happy, and prosperous to you and to the commonwealth, I am of opinion that this law should receive your sanction.

10.9.1The people ordered that the tribes should be instantly called; and there was every appearance that the law would be accepted.

10.9.2It was deferred, however, for that day, by a protest, from which on the day following the tribunes were deterred; and it passed with the approbation of a vast majority. The pontiffs created were, Publius Decius Mus, the advocate for the law; Publius Sempronius Sophus, Caius Marcius Rutilus, and Marcus Livius Denter. The five augurs, who were also plebeians, were, Caius Genucius, Publius Aelius Paetus, Marcus Minucius Fessus, Caius Marcius, and Titus Publilius. Thus the number of the pontiffs was made eight; that of the augurs nine.

10.9.3In the same year Marcus Valerius, consul, procured a law to be passed concerning appeals; more carefully enforced by additional sanctions. This was the third time, since the expulsion of the kings, of this law being introduced, and always by the same family.

10.9.4The reason for renewing it so often was, I believe, no other, than that the influence of a few was apt to prove too powerful for the liberty of the commons.

10.9.5However, the Porcian law seems intended, solely, for the security of the persons of the citizens; as it visited with a severe penalty any one for beating with stripes or putting to death a Roman citizen.

10.9.6The Valerian law, after forbidding a person, who had appealed, to be beaten with rods and beheaded, added, in case of any one acting contrary thereto, that it shall yet be only deemed a wicked act.

10.9.7This, I suppose, was judged of sufficient strength to enforce obedience to the law in those days; so powerful was then men's sense of shame; at present one would scarcely make use of such a threat seriously.

10.9.8The Aequans rebelling, the same consul conducted the war against them; in which no memorable event occurred; for, except ferocity, they retained nothing of their ancient condition. The other consul, Appuleius, invested the town of Nequinum in Umbria.

10.9.9The ground, the same whereon Narnia now stands, was steep (on one side even perpendicular); this rendered the town impregnable either by assault or works. That business, therefore, came unfinished into the hands of the succeeding consuls, Marcus Fulvius Paetinus and Titus Manlius Torquatus.

10.9.10When all the centuries named Quintus Fabius consul for that year though not a candidate, Macer Licinius and Tubero state that he himself recommended them to postpone the conferring the consulship on him until a year wherein there might be more employment for their arms;

10.9.11adding, that, during the present year, he might be more useful to the state in the management of a city magistracy; and thus, neither dissembling what he preferred, nor yet making direct application for it, he was appointed curule aedile with Lucius Papirius Cursor.

Book 10, Part 2

10.9.12Piso, a more ancient writer of annals, prevents me from averring this as certain; he asserts that the curule aediles of that year were Caius Domitius Calvinus, son of Cneius, and Spurius Carvilius Maximus, son of Caius.

10.9.13I am of opinion, that this latter surname caused a mistake concerning the aediles; and that thence followed a story conformable to this mistake, patched up out of the two elections, of the aediles, and of the consuls.

10.9.14The general survey was performed, this year, by Publius Sempronius Sophus and Publius Sulpicius Saverrio, censors; and two tribes were added, the Aniensian and Terentine. Such were the occurrences at Rome.

10.10.1Meanwhile, after much time had been lost in the tedious siege of Nequinum, two of the townsmen, whose houses were contiguous to the wall, having formed a subterraneous passage, came by that private way to the Roman advanced guards;

10.10.2and being conducted thence to the consul, offered to give admittance to a body of armed men within the works and walls.

10.10.3The proposal was thought to be such as ought neither to be rejected, nor yet assented to without caution. With one of these men, the other being detained as an hostage, two spies were sent through the mine, and certain information being

10.10.4received from them, three hundred men in arms, guided by the deserter, entered the city, and seized by night the nearest gate, which being broken open, the Roman consul and his army took possession of the city without any opposition. In this manner came Nequinum under the dominion of the Roman people.

10.10.5A colony was sent thither as a barrier against the Umbrians, and called Narnia, from the river Nar. The troops returned to Rome with abundance of spoil. This year the Etrurians made preparations for war in violation of the truce.

10.10.6But a vast army of the Gauls, making an irruption into their territories, while their attention was directed to another quarter, suspended for a time the execution of their design.

10.10.7They then, relying on the abundance of money which they possessed, endeavour to make allies of the Gauls, instead of enemies; in order that, with their armies combined, they might attack the Romans.

10.10.8The barbarians made no objection to the alliance, and a negotiation was opened for settling the price; which being adjusted and paid, and every thing else being in readiness for commencing their operations, the Etrurians desired them to accompany them in their march.

10.10.9This they refused, alleging that they had stipulated a price for making war against the Romans: that the payment already made, they had received in consideration of their not wasting the Etrurian territory, or using their arms against the inhabitants.

10.10.10That notwithstanding, if it was the wish of the Etrurians, they were still willing to engage in the war, but on no other condition than that of being allowed a share of their lands, and obtaining at length some permanent settlement.

10.10.11Many assemblies of the states of Etruria were held on this subject, and nothing could be settled; not so much by reason of their aversion from the dismemberment of their territory, as because every one felt a dread of fixing in so close vicinity to themselves people of such a savage race.

10.10.12The Gauls were therefore dismissed, and carried home an immense sum of money, acquired without toil or danger. The report of a Gallic tumult, in addition to an Etrurian war, had caused serious apprehensions at Rome; and, with the less hesitation on that account, an alliance was concluded with the state of the Picentians.

10.11.1The province of Etruria fell by lot to the consul Titus Manlius; who, when he had but just entered the enemy's country, as he was exercising the cavalry, in wheeling about at full speed, was thrown from his horse, and almost killed on the spot; three days after the fall, he died.

10.11.2The Etrurians, embracing this omen, as it were, of the future progress of the war, and observing that the gods had commenced hostilities on their behalf, assumed new courage.

10.11.3At Rome the news caused great affliction, on account both of the loss of such a man and of the unseasonableness of the juncture;

10.11.4insomuch that an assembly, held for the purpose of substituting a new consul, having been conducted agreeably to the wishes of people of the first consequence, prevented the senate from ordering a dictator to be created. All the votes and centuries concurred unanimously in appointing Marcus Valerius consul, the same whom the senate would have ordered to be made dictator.

10.11.5They then commanded him to proceed immediately into Etru- ria, to the legions. His coming gave such a check to the Etrurians, that not one of them dared thenceforward to appear on the outside of their trenches; their own fears operating as a blockade.

10.11.6Nor could the new consul, by wasting their lands and burning their houses, draw them out to an engagement; for not only country-houses, but numbers of their towns, were seen smoking and in ashes, on every side.

10.11.7While this war proceeded more slowly than had been expected, an account was received of the breaking out of another; which was, not without reason, regarded as terrible, in consequence of the heavy losses formerly sustained by both parties, from information given by their new allies, the Picentians, that the Samnites

10.11.8were looking to arms and a renewal of hostilities, and that they themselves had been solicited to join therein.

10.11.9The Picentians received the thanks of the state; and a large share of the attention of the senate was turned from Etruria towards Samnium. The dearness of provisions also distressed the state very much, and they would have felt the extremity of want, according to the relation of those who make Fabius Maximus curule aedile that year, had not the vigilant activity of that man, such as he had on many occasions displayed in the field, been exerted then with equal zeal at home, in the management of the market, and in procuring and forming magazines of corn.

10.11.10An interregnum took place this year, the reason of which is not mentioned. Appius Claudius, and. after him, Publius Sulpicius, were interreges.

10.11.11The latter held an election of consuls, and chose Lucius Cornelius Scipio and Cneius Fulvius. In the beginning of this year, ambassadors came from the Lucanians to the new consuls to complain, that "the Samnites, finding that they could not, by any offers, tempt them to take part in the war, had marched an army in a hostile manner into their country, and were now laying it waste, and forcing them into a war;

10.11.12that the Lucanian people had on former occasions erred enough and more than enough; that their minds were so firmly fixed that they thought it more endurable to bear and suffer every hardship, rather than ever again to outrage the Roman name:

10.11.13they besought the senate to take the people of Lucania into their protection, and defend them from the injustice and outrage of the Samnites; that although fidelity on their part to the Romans would now become necessary, a war being un- dertaken against the Samnites, still they were ready to give hostages.

10.12.1The deliberation of the senate was short. They all, to a man, concurred in opinion, that a compact should be entered into with the Lucanians, and satisfaction demanded from the Samnites: accordingly, a favourable answer was returned to the Lucanians, and the alliance concluded.

10.12.2Heralds were then sent, to require of the Samnites, that they should depart from the country of the allies, and withdraw their troops from the Lucanian territory. These were met by persons despatched for the purpose by the Samnites, who gave them warning, that if they appeared at any assembly in Samnium, they must not expect to depart in safety.

10.12.3As soon as this was heard at Rome, the senate voted, and the people ordered, that war should be declared against the Samnites. The consuls, then, dividing the provinces between them, Etruria fell to Scipio, the Samnites to Fulvius; and they set out by different routes, each against the enemy allotted to him.

10.12.4Scipio, while he expected a tedious campaign, like that of the preceding year, was met near Volaterra by the Etrurians, in order of battle.

10.12.5The fight lasted through the greater part of the day, while very many fell on both sides, and night came on while it was uncertain to which side victory inclined. But the following dawn showed the conqueror and the vanquished; for the Etrurians had decamped in the dead of the night.

10.12.6The Romans, marching out with intent to renew the engagement, and seeing their superiority acknowledged by the departure of the enemy, advanced to their camp; and, finding even this fortified post deserted, took possession of it, evacuated as it was, together with a vast quantity of spoil.

10.12.7The consul then, leading back his forces into the Faliscian territory, and leaving his baggage with a small guard at Falerii, set out with his troops, lightly accoutred, to ravage the enemy's country.

10.12.8All places are destroyed with fire and sword; plunder driven from every side; and not only was the ground left a mere waste to the enemy, but their forts and small towns were set on fire; he refrained from attacking the cities into which fear had driven the Etrurians. The consul Cneius Fulvius fought a glorious battle in Samnium, near Bovianum, attended with success by no means equivocal.

10.12.9Then, having attacked Bovianum, and not long after Aufidena, he took them by storm. This year a colony was carried out to Carseoli, into the territory of the $Aequicolae. The consul Fulvius triumphed on his defeat of the Samnites.

10.13.1When the consular elections were now at hand, a report prevailed, that the Etrurians and Samnites were raising vast armies;

10.13.2that the leaders of the Etrurians were, in all their assemblies, openly censured for not having procured the aid of the Gauls on any terms;

10.13.3and the magistrates of the Samnites arraigned, for having opposed to the Romans an army destined to act against the Lucanians.

10.13.4That, in consequence, the people were rising up in arms, with all their own strength and that of their allies combined; and that this affair seemed not likely to be terminated without a contest of much greater difficulty than the former.

10.13.5Although the candidates for the consulship were men of illustrious characters, yet this alarming intelligence turned the thoughts of all on Quintus Fabius Maximus, who sought not the employment at first, and afterwards, when he discovered their wishes, even declined it.

10.13.6Why, said he, should they impose such a difficult task on him, who was now in the decline of life, and had passed through a full course of labours, and of the rewards of labour? Neither the vigour of his body, nor of his mind, remained the same; and he dreaded fortune herself, lest to some god she should seem too bountiful to him, and more constant than the course of human affairs allowed.

10.13.7He had himself succeeded, in gradual succession, to the dignities of his seniors; and he beheld, with great satisfaction, others rising up to succeed to his glory. There was no scarcity at Rome, either of honours suited to men of the highest merit, or of men of eminent merit suited to the highest honours.

10.13.8This disinterested conduct, instead of repressing, increased, while in fact it justified their zeal.

10.13.9But thinking that this ought to be checked by respect for the laws, he ordered that clause to be read aloud by which it was not lawful that the same person shall be re-elected consul within ten years.

10.13.10The law was scarcely heard in consequence of the clamour; and the tribunes of the commons declared, that this decree should be no impediment; for they would propose an order to the people, that he should be exempted from the obligation of the laws. Still he persisted in his opposition, asking, To what purpose were laws enacted, if they were eluded by the very persons who procured them?

10.13.11The laws now, he said, instead of being rulers, were overruled.

10.13.12The people, nevertheless, proceeded to vote; and, according as each century was called in, it immediately named Fabius consul. Then at length, overcome by the universal wish of the state, he said, Romans, may the gods approve your present, and all your future proceedings. But since, with respect to me, ye intend to act according to your own wills, let my interest find room with you, with respect to my colleague.

10.13.13I earnestly request, that ye will place in the consulship with me Publius Decius; a man with whom I have already experienced the utmost harmony in our joint administration of that office; a man worthy of you, worthy of his father.

10.13.14The recommendation was deemed well founded, and all the remaining centuries voted Quintus Fabius and Publius Decius consuls. This year, great numbers were prosecuted by the aediles, for having in possession larger quantities of land than the state allowed; and hardly any were acquitted: by which means, a very great restraint was laid on exorbitant covetousness.

10.14.1Whilst the new consuls, Quintus Fabius Maximus a fourth, and Publius Decius Mus a third time, were settling between themselves that one should command against the Samnites, and the other against the Etrurians;

10.14.2and what number of forces would be sufficient for this and for that province; and which would be the fitter commander in each war;

10.14.3ambassadors from Sutrium, Nepete, and Falerii, stating that the states of Etruria were holding assemblies on the subject of suing for peace, they directed the whole force of their arms against Samnium.

10.14.4The consuls, in order that the supply of provisions might be the more ready, and to leave the enemy in the greater uncertainty on what quarter the war would fall, Fabius led his legions towards Samnium through the territory of Sora, and Decius his through that of Sidicinum.

10.14.5As soon as they arrived at the frontiers of the enemy, both advanced briskly, spreading devastation wherever they came; but still they explore the country, to a distance beyond where the troops were employed in plundering.

10.14.6Accordingly the fact did not escape the notice of the Romans, that the enemy were drawn up in a retired valley, near Tifernum, which, when the Romans entered, they were preparing to attack them from the higher ground.

10.14.7Fabius, sending away his baggage to a place of safety, and setting a small guard over it, and having given notice to his soldiers that a battle was at hand, advanced in a square body to the hiding-place of the enemy already mentioned.

10.14.8The Samnites, disappointed in making an unexpected attack, determined on a regular engagement, as the matter was now likely to come to an open contest.

10.14.9They therefore marched out into the plain; and, with a greater share of spirit than of hopes, committed themselves to the disposal of fortune. However, whether in consequence of their having drawn together, from every state, the whole of the force which it possessed, or that the consideration of their all being at stake, heightened their courage, they occasioned, even in open fight, a considerable alarm.

10.14.10Fabius, when he saw that the enemy in no place gave way, ordered Marcus Fulvius and Marcus Valerius, military tribunes, with whom he hastened to the front, to go to the cavalry,

10.14.11and to exhort them, that, if they remembered any instance wherein the public had received advantage from the service of the horsemen, they would, on that day, exert themselves to insure the invincible renown of that body;

10.14.12telling them that the enemy stood immovable against the efforts of the infantry, and the only hope remaining was in the charge of horse. He addressed particularly both these youths, and with the same cordiality, loading them with praises and promises.

10.14.13But considering that, in case that effort should also fail, it would be necessary to accomplish by stratagem what his strength could not effect;

10.14.14he ordered Scipio, one of his lieutenants-general, to draw off the spearmen of the first legion out of the line; to lead them round as secretly as possible to the nearest mountains; and, by an ascent concealed from view, to gain the heights, and show himself suddenly on the rear of the enemy.

10.14.15The cavalry, led on by the tribunes, rushing forward unexpectedly before the van, caused scarcely more confusion among the enemy than among their friends.

10.14.16The line of the Samnites stood firm against the furious onset of the squadrons; it neither could be driven from its ground, nor broken in any part. The cavalry, finding their attempts fruitless, withdrew from the fight, and retired behind the line of infantry.

10.14.17On this the enemies' courage increased, so that the Roman troops in the van would not have been able to support the contest, nor the force thus increasing by confidence in itself, had not the second line, by the consul's order, come up into the place of the first.

10.14.18These fresh troops checked the progress of the Samnites, who had now began to gain ground; and, at this seasonable juncture, their comrades appearing suddenly on the mountains, and raising a shout, occasioned in the Samnites a fear of greater danger than really threatened them;

10.14.19Fabius called out aloud that his colleague Decius was approaching; on which all the soldiers, elated with joy, repeated eagerly, that the other consul was come, the legions were arrived!

10.14.20This artifice, useful to the Romans, filled the Samnites with dismay and terror; terrified chiefly lest, fatigued as they were, they should be overpowered by another army fresh and unhurt.

10.14.21As they dispersed themselves in their flight on every side, there was less effusion of blood than might have been expected, considering the completeness of the victory. There were three thousand four hundred slain, about eight hundred and thirty made prisoners, and twenty-three military standards taken.

10.15.1The Apulians would have joined their forces to the Samnites before this battle, had not the consul, Publius Decius, encamped in their neighbourhood at Maleventum; and, finding means to bring them to an engagement, put them to the rout.

10.15.2Here, likewise, there was more of flight than of bloodshed. Two thousand of the Apulians were slain; but Decius, despising such an enemy, led his legions into Samnium.

10.15.3There the two consular armies, overrunning every part of the country during the space of five months, laid it entirely waste.

10.15.4There were in Samnium forty-five places where Decius, and eighty-six where the other consul, encamped.

10.15.5Nor did they leave traces only of having been there, as ramparts and trenches, but other dreadful mementos of it —general desolation and regions depopulated.

10.15.6Fabius also took the city of Cimetra, where he made prisoners two thousand four hundred soldiers; and there were slain in the assault about four hundred and thirty. Going thence to Rome to preside at the elections, he used all expedition in despatching that business.

10.15.7All the first-called centuries voted Quintus Fabius consul. Appius Claudius was a candidate, a man of consular rank, daring and ambitious;

10.15.8and as he wished not more ardently for the attainment of that honour for himself, than he did that the patricians might recover the possession of both places in the consulship, he laboured, with all his own power, supported by that of the whole body of the nobility, to prevail on them to appoint him consul along with Quintus Fabius.

10.15.9To this Fabius objected, giving, at first, the same reasons which he had advanced the year before. The nobles then all gathered round his seat, and besought him to raise up the consulship out of the plebeian mire, and to restore both to the office itself, and to the patrician rank, their original dignity.

10.15.10Fabius then, procuring silence, allayed their warmth by a qualifying speech, declaring, that he would have so managed, as to have received the names of two patricians, if he had seen an intention of appointing any other than himself to the consulship.

10.15.11As things now stood, he would not set so bad a precedent as to admit his own name among the candidates; such a proceeding being contrary to the laws.

10.15.12Whereupon Appius Claudius, and Lucius Volumnius, a plebeian, who had likewise been colleagues in that office before, were elected consuls. The nobility reproached Fabius for declining to act in conjunction with Appius Claudius, because he evidently excelled him in eloquence and political abilities.

10.16.1When the election was finished, the former consuls, their command being continued for six months, were ordered to prosecute the war in Samnium.

10.16.2Accordingly, during this next year also, in the consulate of Lucius Volumnius and Appius Claudius, Publius Decius, who had been left consul in Samnium by his colleague, in the character of proconsul, ceased not to spread devastation through all parts of that country; until, at last, he drove the army of the Samnites, which never dared to face him in the field, entirely out of the country.

10.16.3Thus expelled from home, they bent their route to Etruria; and, supposing that the business, which they had often in vain endeavoured to accomplish by embassies, might now be negotiated with more effect, when they were backed by such a powerful armed force, and could intermix terror with their entreaties, they demanded a meeting of the chiefs of Etruria:

10.16.4which being assembled, they set forth the great number of years during which they had waged war with the Romans, in the cause of liberty; they had, they said, tried to sustain, with their own strength, the weight of so great a war: they had also made trial of the support of the adjoining nations, which proved of little avail.

10.16.5When they were unable longer to maintain the conflict, they had sued the Roman people for peace; and had again taken up arms, because they felt peace was more grievous to those with servitude, than war to free men.

10.16.6That their one only hope remaining rested in the Etrurians. They knew that nation to be the most powerful in Italy, in respect of arms, men, and money; to have the Gauls their closest neighbours, born in the midst of war and arms, of furious courage, both from their natural temper, and particularly against the people of Rome, whom they boasted, without infringing the truth, of having made their prisoners, and of having ransomed for gold.

10.16.7If the Etrurians possessed the same spirit which formerly Porsena and their ancestors once had, there was nothing to prevent their obliging the Romans, driven from all the lands on this side of the Tiber, to fight for their own existence, and not for the intolerable dominion which they assumed over Italy.

10.16.8The Samnite army had come to them, in readiness for action, furnished with arms and pay, and were willing to follow that instant, even should they lead to the attack of the city of Rome itself.

10.17.1While they were engaged in these representations, and intriguing at Etruria, the operations of the Romans in their own territories distressed them severely.

10.17.2For Publius Decius, when he ascertained through his scouts the departure of the Samnite army, called a council, and there said, Why do we ramble through the country, carrying the war from village to village? Why not attack the cities and fortified places? No army now guards Samnium. They have fled their country; they are gone into voluntary exile.

10.17.3The proposal being universally approved, he marched to attack Murgantia, a city of considerable strength; and so great was the ardour of the soldiers, resulting from their affection to their commander, and from their hopes of richer treasure than could be found in pillaging the country places, that in one day they took it by assault.

10.17.4Here, two thousand one hundred of the Samnites, making resistance, were surrounded and taken prisoners; and abundance of other spoil was captured.

10.17.5Decius, not choosing that the troops should be encumbered in their march with heavy baggage, ordered them to be called together, and said to them, Do ye intend to rest satisfied with this single victory, and this booty? or do ye choose to cherish hopes proportioned to your bravery?

10.17.6All the cities of the Samnites, and the property left in them, are your own; since, after so often defeating their legions, ye have finally driven them out of the country. Sell those effects in your hands; and allure traders, by a prospect of profit, to follow you on your march. I will, from time to time, supply you with goods for sale.

10.17.7Let us go hence to the city of Romulea, where no greater labour, but greater gain awaits you. Having sold off the spoil, and warmly adopting the general's plan, they proceeded to Romulea.

10.17.8There, also, without works or engines, as soon as the battalions approached, the soldiers, deterred from the walls by no resistance, hastily applying ladders wherever was most convenient to each, they mounted the fortifications. The town was taken and plundered. Two thousand three hundred men were slain, six thousand taken prisoners, and the soldiers obtained abundance of spoil.

10.17.9This they were obliged to sell in like manner as the former; and, though no rest was allowed them, they proceeded, nevertheless, with the utmost alacrity to Ferentinum.

10.17.10But here they met a greater share both of difficulty and danger: the fortifications were defended with the utmost vigour, and the place was strongly fortified both by nature and art. However, the soldiers, now inured to plunder, overcame every obstacle.

10.17.11Three thousand of the enemy were killed round the walls, and the spoil was given to the troops. In some annals, the principal share of the honour of taking these cities is attributed to Maximus. They say that Murgantia was taken by Decius; Romulea and Ferentinum by Fabius.

10.17.12Some ascribe this honour to the new consuls: others not to both, but to one of these, Lucius Volumnius; that to him the province of Samnium had fallen.

10.18.1While things went on thus in Samnium, whoever it was that had the command and auspices, powerful combination, composed of many states, was formed in Etruria against the Romans, the chief promoter of which was Gellius Egnatius, a Samnite.

Book 10, Part 3

10.18.2Almost all the Etrurians had united in this war. The neighbouring states of Umbria were drawn in, as it were, by the contagion; and auxiliaries were procured from the Gauls for hire: all their several numbers assembled at the camp of the Samnites.

10.18.3When intelligence of this sudden commotion was received at Rome, after the consul, Lucius Volumnius, had already set out for Samnium, with the second and third legions, and fifteen thousand of the allies; it was, therefore, resolved, that Appius Claudius should, at the very earliest opportunity, go into Etruria.

10.18.4Two Roman legions followed him, the first and fourth, and twelve thousand allies; their camp was pitched at a small distance from the enemy.

10.18.5However, advantage was gained by his early arrival in this particular, that the awe of the Roman name kept in check some states of Etruria which were disposed to war, rather than from any judicious or successful enterprise achieved under the guidance of the consul.

10.18.6Several battles were fought, at times and places unfavourable, and increasing confidence rendered the enemy daily more formidable; so that matters came nearly to such a state, as that neither could the soldiers rely much on their leader, nor the leader on his soldiers. It appears in three several histories, that a letter was sent by the consul to call his colleague from Samnium.

10.18.7But I will not affirm what requires stronger proof, as that point was a matter of dispute between these two consuls of the Roman people, a second time associated in the same office; Appius denying that the letter was sent, and Volumnius affirming that he was called thither by a letter from Appius.

10.18.8Volumnius had, by this time, taken three forts in Samnium, in which three thousand of the enemy had been slain, and about half that number made prisoners; and, a sedition having been raised among the Lucanians by the plebeians and the more indigent of the people, he had, to the great satisfaction of the nobles, quelled it by sending thither Quintus Fabius, proconsul, with his own veteran army.

10.18.9He left to Decius the ravaging of the enemy's country; and proceeded with his troops into Etruria to his colleague; where, on his arrival, the whole army received him with joy.

10.18.10Appius, if he did not write the letter, being conscious of this, had, in my opinion, just ground of displeasure; but if he had actually stood in need of assistance, his disowning it, as he did, arose from an illiberal and ungrateful mind.

10.18.11For, on going out to receive him, when they had scarcely exchanged salutations, he said, Is all well, Lucius Volumnius? How stand affairs in Samnium? What motive induced you to remove out of your province?

10.18.12Volumnius answered, that affairs in Samnium were in a prosperous state; and that he had come thither in compliance with the request in his letter. But, if that were a forged letter, and that there was no occasion for him in Etruria, he would instantly face about, and depart.

10.18.13You may depart, replied the other; no one detains you: for it is a perfect inconsistency, that when, perhaps, you are scarcely equal to the management of your own war, you should vaunt of coming hither to succour others.

10.18.14To this Volumnius rejoined, May Hercules direct all for the best; for his part, he was better pleased that he had taken useless trouble, than that any conjuncture should have arisen which had made one consular army insufficient for Etruria.

10.19.1As the consuls were parting, the lieutenants-general and tribunes of Appius's army gathered round them. Some entreated their own general that he would not reject the voluntary offer of his colleague's assistance, which ought to have been solicited in the first instance:

10.19.2the greater number used their endeavours to stop Volumnius, beseeching him not, through a peevish dispute with his colleague, to abandon the interest of the commonwealth;

10.19.3and represented to him, that in case any misfortune should happen, the blame would fall on the person who forsook the other, not on the one forsaken; that the state of affairs was such, that the credit and discredit of every success and failure in Etruria would be attributed to Lucius Volumnius: for no one would inquire, what were the words of Appius, but what the situation of the army.

10.19.4Appius indeed had dismissed him, but the commonwealth, and the army, required his stay. Let him only make trial of the inclinations of the soldiers.

10.19.5By such admonitions and entreaties they, in a manner, dragged the consuls, who almost resisted, to an assembly. There, longer discourses were made to the same purport, as had passed before in the presence of a few.

10.19.6And when Volumnius, who had the advantage of the argument, showed himself not' deficient in oratory, in despite of the extraordinary eloquence of his colleague;

10.19.7Appius observed with a sneer, that they ought to acknowledge themselves indebted to him, in having a consul who possessed eloquence also, instead of being dumb and speechless, when in their former consulate, particularly during the first months, he was not able so much as to open his lips; but now, in his harangues, even aspired after popularity.

10.19.8Volumnius replied, How much more earnestly do I wish, that you had learned from me to act with spirit, than I from you to speak with elegance: that now he made a final proposal, which would determine, not which is the better orator, for that is not what the public wants, but which is the better commander.

10.19.9The provinces are Etruria and Samnium: that he might select which he preferred; that he, with his own army, will undertake to manage the business either in Etruria or in Samnium.

10.19.10The soldiers then, with loud clamours, requested that they would, in conjunction, carry on the war in Etruria;

10.19.11when Volumnius perceiving that it was the general wish, said, Since I have been mistaken in apprehending my colleague's meaning, I will take care that there shall be no room for mistake with respect to the purport of your wishes.

10.19.12Signify by a shout whether you choose that I should stay or depart. On this, a shout was raised, so loud, that it brought the enemy out of their camp: they snatched up their arms, and marched down in order of battle.

10.19.13Volumnius likewise ordered the signal to be sounded, and the standard to be advanced from the camp. It is said that Appius hesitated, perceiving that, whether he fought or remained inactive, his colleague would have the victory; and that, afterwards, dreading lest his own legions also should follow Volumnius, he also gave the signal, at the earnest desire of his men.

10.19.14On neither side were the forces drawn up to advantage: for, on the one, Gellius Egnatius, the Samnite general, had gone out to forage with a few cohorts, and his men entered

10.19.15on the fight as the violence of their passions prompted, rather than under any directions or orders.

10.19.16On the other, the Roman armies neither marched out together, nor had time sufficient to form: Volumnius began to engage before Appius came up to the enemy, consequently the engagement commenced, their front in the battle being uneven; and by some accidental interchange of their usual opponents, the Etrurians fought against Volumnius; and the Samnites, after delaying some time on account of the absence of their general, against Appius.

10.19.17We are told that Appius, during the heat of the fight, raising his hands toward heaven, so as to be seen in the foremost ranks, prayed thus, Bellona, if thou grantest us the victory this day, I vow to thee a temple. And that after this vow, as if inspirited by the goddess, he displayed a degree of courage equal to that of his colleague and of the troops.

10.19.18The generals performed every duty, and each of their armies exerted, with emulation, its utmost vigour, lest victory should commence on the other side.

10.19.19They therefore routed and put to flight the enemy, who were ill able to withstand a force so much superior to any with which they had been accustomed to contend:

10.19.20then pressing them as they gave ground, and pursuing them closely as they fled, they drove them into their camp. There, by the interposition of Gellius and his Samnite cohorts, the fight was renewed for a little time.

10.19.21But these being likewise soon dispersed, the camp was now stormed by the conquerors; and whilst Volumnius, in person, led his troops against one of the gates, Appius, frequently invoking Bellona the victorious, inflamed the courage of his men, they broke in through the rampart and trenches.

10.19.22The camp was taken and plundered, and an abundance of spoil was found, and given up to the soldiers. Of the enemy seven thousand three hundred were slain; and two thousand one hundred and twenty taken.

10.20.1While both the consuls, with the whole force of the Romans, pointed their exertions principally against the war in Etruria, a new army which arose in Samnium, with design to ravage the frontiers of the Roman empire, passed over through the country of the Vescians, into the Campanian and Falernian territories, and committed great depredations.

10.20.2Volumnius, as he was hastening back to Samnium, by forced marches, because the term for which Fabius and Decius had been continued in command was nearly expired, heard of this army of Samnites, and of the mischief which they had done in Campania; determining, therefore, to afford protection to the allies, he altered his route towards that quarter.

10.20.3When he arrived in the district of Cales, he found marks of their recent ravages; and the people of Cales informed him that the enemy carried with them such a quantity of spoil, that they could scarcely observe any order in their march:

10.20.4and that the commanders then directed publicly that the troops should go immediately to Samnium, and having deposited the booty there, that they should return to the business of the expedition, as they must not commit to the hazard of an engagement an army so heavily laden.

10.20.5Notwithstanding that this account carried every appearance of truth, he yet thought it necessary to obtain more certain information;

10.20.6accordingly he despatched some horsemen, to seize on some of the straggling marauders; from these he learned, on inquiry, that the enemy lay at the river Vulturnus; that they intended to remove thence at the third watch; and that their route was towards Samnium.

10.20.7On receiving this intelligence, which could be de- pended upon, he set out, and sat down at such a distance from the enemy, that his approach could not be discovered by his being too near them, and, at the same time, that he might surprise them, as they should be coming out of their camp.

10.20.8A long time before day, he drew nigh to their post, and sent persons, who understood the Oscan language, to discover how they were employed: these, mixing with the enemy, which they could easily do during the confusion in the night, found that the standards had gone out thinly attended; that the booty, and those appointed to guard it, were then setting out, a contemptible train;

10.20.9each busied about his own affairs, without any concert with the rest, or much regard to orders.

10.20.10This was judged the fittest time for the attack, and day-light was now approaching; he gave orders to sound the charge, and fell on the enemy as they were marching out. The Samnites being embarrassed with the spoil, and very few armed, some quickened their pace, and drove the prey before them; others halted, deliberating whether it would be safer to advance, or to return again to the camp; and while they hesitated, they were overtaken and cut off.

10.20.11The Romans had by this time passed over the rampart, and filled the camp with slaughter and confusion: the Samnite army, in addition to the disorder caused by the enemy, had their disorder increased by a sudden insurrection of their prisoners;

10.20.12some of whom, getting loose, set the rest at liberty, while others snatched the arms which were tied up among the baggage, and being intermixed with the troops, raised a tumult more terrible than the battle itself.

10.20.13They then performed a memorable exploit: for making an attack on Statius Minacius, the general, as he was passing between the ranks and encouraging his men; then, dispersing the horsemen who attended him, they gathered round himself; and dragged him, sitting on his horse, a prisoner to the Roman consul.

10.20.14By this movement the foremost battalions of the Samnites were brought back, and the battle, which seemed to have been already decided, was renewed: but they could not support it long.

10.20.15Six thousand of them were slain, and two thousand five hundred taken, among whom were four military tribunes, together with thirty standards, and, what gave the conquerors greater joy than all, seven thousand four hundred prisoners were recovered. The spoil which had been taken from the allies was immense, and the owners were summoned by a proclamation, to claim and receive their property.

10.20.16On the day appointed, all the effects, the owners of which did not appear, were given to the soldiers, who were obliged to sell them, in order that they might have nothing to think of but their duty.

10.21.1The depredations, committed on the lands of Campania, had occasioned a violent alarm at Rome;

10.21.2and it happened, that about the same time intelligence was brought from Etruria, that, after the departure of Volumnius's army, all that country had risen up in arms; and that Gellius Egnatius, the leader of the Samnites, was causing the Umbrians to join in the insurrection, and tempting the Gauls with high offers.

10.21.3Terrified at this news, the senate ordered the courts of justice to be shut, and a levy to be made of men of every description.

10.21.4Accordingly not only free-born men and the younger sort were obliged to enlist, but cohorts were formed of the elder citizens, and the sons of freed-men were incorporated in the centuries. Plans were formed for the defence of the city, and the praetor, Publius Sempronius, was invested with the chief command.

10.21.5However, the senate was exonerated of one half of their anxiety, by a letter from the consul, Lucius Volumnius, informing them that the army, which had ravaged Campania, had been defeated and dispersed: whereupon, they decreed a public thanksgiving for this success, in the name of the consul.

10.21.6The courts were opened, after having been shut eighteen days, and the thanksgiving was performed with much joy.

10.21.7They then turned their thoughts to devising measures for the future security of the country depopulated by the Samnites; and, with this view, it was resolved, that two colonies should be settled on the frontiers of the Vescian and Falernian territories;

10.21.8one at the mouth of the river Liris, which has received the name of Minturnae; the other in the Vescian forest, which borders on the Falernian territory; where, it is said, stood Sinope, a city of Grecians, called thenceforth by the Roman colonists Sinuessa.

10.21.9The plebeian tribunes were charged to procure an order of the commons, commanding Publius Sempronius, the praetor, to create triumvirs for conducting the colonies to those places.

10.21.10But persons were not readily found to give in their names; because they considered that they were being sent into what was almost a perpetual advanced guard in a hostile country, not as a provision of land.

10.21.11From these employments, the attention of the senate was drawn away by the Etrurian war, growing now more formidable; and by frequent letters from Appius, warning them not to neglect the disturbances in that quarter.

10.21.12That four nations were uniting their arms, the Etrurians, the Samnites, the Umbrians, and the Gauls; and they had already formed two separate camps, because one spot was insufficient to contain so great a multitude.

10.21.13In consequence, the time of the elections drawing nigh, the consul, Lucius Volumnius, was recalled to Rome, to hold them. Having summoned an assembly of the people before he should call the centuries to give their votes, he spoke at length on the great importance of the Etrurian war, and said, that even at the time when he himself acted there, in conjunction with his colleague, the war was too weighty to be managed by one general or one army;

10.21.14and that it was now reported, that the Umbrians had since that time joined them, and a numerous body of Gauls.

10.21.15He desired them to bear in mind, that consuls were on that day to be chosen, who were to command in a war against four nations. For his own part, were he not confident that the Roman people would concur in appointing to the consulship the man who was allowed, beyond dispute, to be the first commander at present in the world, he would have immediately nominated a dictator.

10.22.1No one doubted but that Quintus Fabius would be chosen by universal consent; and accordingly, the prerogative, and all the first-called centuries, were for naming him consul with Lucius Volumnius.

10.22.2The speech of Fabius was to the same purpose as it had been two years before; but afterwards, when he yielded to the general wish, he applied himself to procure Decius to be appointed his confederate: that, he said, would be a prop to his advanced age.

10.22.3In the censorship, and two consulships, in which they had been associated, he had experienced that there could be no firmer support, in promoting the interest of the commonwealth, than harmony with a colleague. At his advanced stage of life, his mind could hardly conform itself to a new associate in command; and he could more easily act in concert with a temper to which he had been familiarized.

10.22.4Volumnius subscribed to these sentiments, both by bestowing due praises on Publius Decius, and enumerating the advantages resulting from concord between consuls, and the evils arising from their disagreement in the conduct of military affairs;

10.22.5at the same time remarking, how near the extremity of danger matters had been brought, by the late dispute between his colleague and himself.

10.22.6He warmly recommended to Decius and Fabius to live together with one mind and one spirit. Observed that they were men qualified by nature for military command: great in action, but unpractised in the strife of words and eloquence; their talents were such as eminently became consuls.

10.22.7As to the artful and the ingenious lawyers and orators, such as Appius Claudius, they ought to be kept at home to preside in the city and the forum; and to be appointed praetors for the administration of justice.

10.22.8In these proceedings that day was spent, and, on the following, the elections both of consuls and praetor were held, and were guided by the recommendations suggested by the consul.

10.22.9Quintus Fabius and Publius Decius were chosen consuls; Appius Claudius, praetor; all of them absent; and, by a decree of the senate, followed by an order of the commons, Lucius Volumnius was continued in the command for another year.

10.23.1During that year many prodigies happened. For the purpose of averting which, the senate decreed a supplication for two days:

10.23.2the wine and frankincense for the sacrifices were furnished at the expense of the public; and numerous crowds of men and women attended the performance.

10.23.3This supplication was rendered remarkable by a quarrel, which broke out among the matrons in the chapel of patrician chastity, which stands in the cattle market, near the round temple of Hercules.

10.23.4Virginia, daughter of Aulus, a patrician, but married to Volumnius the consul, a plebeian, was, because she had married out of the patricians, excluded by the matrons from sharing in the sacred rites: a short altercation ensued, which was afterwards, through the intemperance of passion incident to the sex, kindled into a flame of contention.

10.23.5Virginia boasted with truth that she had a right to enter the temple of patrician chastity, as being of patrician birth, and chaste in her character, and, besides, the wife of one husband, to whom she was betrothed a virgin, and had no reason to be dissatisfied either with her husband, or his exploits or honours: to her high-spirited words, she added importance by an extraordinary act.

10.23.6In the long street where she resided, she enclosed with a partition a part of the house, of a size sufficient for a small chapel, and there erected an altar.

10.23.7Then, calling together the plebeian matrons, and complaining of the injurious behaviour of the patrician ladies, she said, This altar I dedicate to plebeian chastity, and exhort you, that the same degree of emulation which prevails among the men of this state, on the point of valour, may be maintained by the women on the point of chastity;

10.23.8and that you contribute your best care, that this altar may have the credit of being attended with a greater degree of sanctity, and by chaster women, than the other, if possible.

10.23.9Solemn rites were performed at this altar under the same regulations, nearly, with those at the more ancient one; no person being allowed the privilege of taking part in the sacrifices, except a woman of approved chastity, and who was the wife of one husband.

10.23.10This institution, being afterwards debased by [the admission of] vicious characters, and not only by matrons, but women of every description, sunk at last into oblivion.

10.23.11During this year the Ogulnii, Cneius and Quintus, being curule aediles, carried on prosecutions against several usurers;

10.23.12whose property being fined, out of the produce, which was deposited in the treasury, they ordered brazen thresholds for the Capitol, utensils of plate for three tables in the chapel of Jupiter, a statue of Jupiter in a chariot drawn by four horses placed on the roof, and images of the founders of the city in their infant state under the teats of the wolf, at the Ruminal fig-tree. They also paved with square stones the roads from the Capuan gate to the temple of Mars.

10.23.13By the plebeian aediles likewise, Lucius Aelius Paetus and Caius Fulvius Corvus, out of money levied as fines on farmers of the public pastures, whom they had convicted of malpractices, games were exhibited, and golden bowls were placed in the temple of Ceres.

10.24.1Then came into the consulship Quintus Fabius a fifth time, and Publius Decius a fourth. They had been colleagues in the censorship, and twice in the consulship, and were celebrated

10.24.2not more for their glorious achievements, splendid as these were, than for the unanimity which had ever subsisted between them.

10.24.3The continuance of this feeling I am inclined to think was interrupted by a jarring between the [opposite] orders rather than between themselves; the patricians endeavouring that Fabius should have Etruria for his province, without casting lots, and the plebeians insisting that Decius should bring the matter to the decision of lots.

10.24.4There was certainly a contention in the senate, and the interest of Fabius being superior there, the business was brought before the people. Here, between military men who laid greater stress on deeds than on words, the debate was short.

10.24.5Fabius said, that it was unreasonable, after he had planted a tree, another should gather the fruit of it. He had opened the Ciminian forest, and made a way for the Roman arms, through passes until then impracticable. Why had they disturbed him, at that time of his life, if they intended to give the management of the war to another?

10.24.6Then, in the way of a gentle reproof, he observed, that instead of an associate in command, he had chosen an adversary; and that Decius thought it too much that their unanimity should last through three consulates.

10.24.7Declaring, in fine, that he desired nothing further, than that, if they thought him qualified for the command in the province, they should send him thither.

10.24.8He had submitted to the judgment of the senate, and would now be governed by the authority of the people. Publius Decius complained of injustice in the senate; and asserted, that the patricians had laboured, as long as possible, to exclude the plebeians from all access to the higher honours;

10.24.9and since merit, by its own intrinsic power, had prevailed so far, as that it should not, in any rank of men, be precluded from the attainment of honours, expedients were sought how not only

10.24.10the suffrages of the people, but even the decisions of fortune may be rendered ineffectual, and be converted to the aggrandizement of a few.

10.24.11All the consuls before him had disposed of the provinces by lots; now, the senate bestowed a province on Fabius without lots. If this was meant as a mark of honour, the merits of Fabius were so great towards the commonwealth, and towards

10.24.12himself in particular, that he would gladly second the advancement of his reputation, provided only its splendour could be increased without reflecting dishonour on himself. But who did not see, that, when a war of difficulty and danger, and out of the ordinary course, was committed to only that one consul, the other would be considered as useless and insignificant.

10.24.13Fabius gloried in his exploits performed in Etruria: Publius Decius wished for a like subject of glory, and perhaps would utterly extinguish that fire, which the other left smother- ed, in such a manner that it often broke out anew, in sudden conflagrations.

10.24.14In fine, honours and rewards he would concede to his colleague, out of respect to his age and dignified character: but when danger, when a vigorous struggle with an enemy was before them, he never did, nor ever would, willingly, give place.

10.24.15With respect to the present dispute, this much he would gain at all events, that a business, appertaining to the jurisdiction of the people, should be determined by an order of that people, and not complimented away by the senate.

10.24.16He prayed Jupiter, supremely good and great, and all the immortal gods, not to grant him an equal chance with his colleague, unless they intended to grant him equal ability and success, in the management of the war.

10.24.17It was certainly in its nature reasonable, in the example salutary, and concerned the reputation of the Roman people, that the consuls should be men of such abilities, that under either of them a war with Etruria could be well managed.

Book 10, Part 4

10.24.18Fabius, after requesting of the people nothing else than that, before the tribes were called in to give their votes, they would hear the letters of the praetor Appius Claudius, written from Etruria, withdrew from the Comitium, and with no less unanimity of the people than of the senate, the province of Etruria was decreed to him without having recourse to lots.

10.25.1Immediately almost all the younger citizens flocked together to the consul, and readily gave in their names; so strong was their desire of serving under such a commander.

10.25.2Seeing so great a multitude collected round him, he said, My intention is to enlist only four thousand foot and six hundred horse: such of you as give in your names to-day and tomor- row, I will carry with me.

10.25.3I am more solicitous to bring home all my soldiers rich, than to employ a great multitude.

10.25.4Accordingly, with a competent number of men, who possessed greater hopes and confidence because a numerous army had not been required, he marched to the town of Aharna, from which the enemy were not far distant, and proceeded to the camp of the praetor Appius. When within a few miles of it, he was met by some soldiers, sent to cut wood, attended by a guard.

10.25.5Observing the lictors preceding him, and learning that he was Fabius the consul, they were filled with joy and alacrity; they expressed their thanks to the gods, and to the Roman people, for having sent them such a commander.

10.25.6Then, as they gathered round to pay their respects, Fabius inquired whither they were going; and on their answering they were going to provide wood, What do you tell me, said he; have you not a rampart, raised about your camp?

10.25.7When to this they replied, they had a double rampart, and a trench; and, notwithstanding, were in great apprehension. Well then, said he, you have abundance of wood, go back and level the rampart.

10.25.8They accordingly returned to the camp, and there levelling the rampart, threw the soldiers who had remained in it, and Appius himself, into the greatest fright, until with eager joy each called out to the rest, that, they acted by order of the consul, Quintus Fabius.

10.25.9Next day the camp was moved from thence, and the praetor, Appius, was dismissed to Rome.

10.25.10From that time the Romans had no fixed post; the consul affirming, that it was prejudicial to an army to lie in one spot; and that by frequent marches, and changing places, it was rendered more healthy, and more capable of brisk exertions: and marches were made as long as the winter, which was not yet ended, permitted.

10.25.11Then, in the beginning of spring, leaving the second legion near Clusium, which they formerly called the Camertian, and giving the command of the camp to Lucius Scipio, as proprietor, he returned to Rome, in order to adjust measures for carrying on the war;

10.25.12either led thereto by his own judgment, because the war seemed to him more serious than he had believed, from report; or, being summoned by a decree of the senate; for writers give both accounts.

10.25.13Some choose to have it believed, that he was forced back by the praetor, Appius Claudius; who, both in the senate, and before the people, exaggerated, as he was wont in all his letters, the danger of the Etrurian war, contending, that one general, or one army, would not be sufficient to oppose four nations.

10.25.14That whether these directed the whole of their combined force against him alone, or acted separately in different parts, there was reason to fear, that he would be unable to provide against every emergency.

10.25.15That he had left there but two Roman legions; and that the foot and horse, who came with Fabius, did not amount to five thousand. It was, therefore, his opinion, that the consul Publius Decius should, without delay, set out to his colleague in Etruria; and that the province of Samnium should be given to Lucius Vo- lumnius.

10.25.16But if the consul preferred going to his own province, that then Volumnius should march a full consular army into Etruria, to join the other consul.

10.25.17When the advice of the prae- tor influenced a great part of the members, they say that Publius Decius recommended that everything should be kept undetermined, and open for Quintus Fabius; until he should either come to Rome, if he could do so without prejudice to the public, or send some of his lieutenants, from whom the senate might learn the real state of the war in Etruria;

10.25.18and with what number of troops, and by how many generals, it should be carried on.

10.26.1Fabius, as soon as he returned to Rome, qualified his discourses, both in the senate and when brought before the people, in such a manner as to appear neither to exaggerate, or lessen, any particular relating to the war; and to show, that, in agreeing to another general being joined with him, he rather indulged the apprehensions of others, than guarded against any danger to himself, or the public.

10.26.2But if they chose, he said, to give him an assistant in the war, and associate in command, how could he overlook Publius Decius the consul, whom he had tried during so many associations in office?

10.26.3There was no man living whom he would rather wish to be joined in commission with him: with Publius Decius he should have forces sufficient, and never too many enemies.

10.26.4If, however, his colleague preferred any other employment, let them then give him Lucius Volumnius as an assistant. The disposal of every particular was left entirely to Fabius by the people and the senate, and even by his colleague. And when Decius declared that he was ready to go either to Etruria or Samnium, such general congratulation and satisfaction took place, that victory was anticipated, and it seemed as if a triumph, not a war, had been decreed to the consuls.

10.26.5I find in some writers, that Fabius and Decius, immediately on their entering into office, set out together for Etruria, without any mention of the casting of lots for the provinces, or of the disputes which I have related.

10.26.6Others, not satisfied with relating those disputes, have added charges of misconduct, laid by Appius before the people against Fabius, when absent; and a stubborn opposition, maintained by the praetor against the consul, when present; and also another contention between the colleagues, Decius insisting that each consul should attend to the care of his own separate province.

10.26.7Certainty, however, begins to appear from the time when both consuls set out for the campaign. Now, before the consuls arrived in Etruria, the Senonian Gauls came in a vast body to Clusium, to attack the Roman legion and the camp.

10.26.8Scipio, who commanded the camp, wishing to remedy the deficiency of his numbers by an advantage in the ground, led his men up a hill, which stood between the camp and the city:

10.26.9but having, in his haste, neglected to examine the place, he reached near the summit, which he found already possessed by the enemy, who had ascended on the other side. The legion was consequently attacked on the rear, and surrounded in the middle, when the enemy pressed it on all sides.

10.26.10Some writers say, that the whole were cut off, so that not one survived to give an account of it;

10.26.11and that no information of the misfortune reached the consuls, who were, at the time, not far from Clusium, until the Gallic horsemen came within sight, carrying the heads of the slain, some hanging before their horses' breasts, others on the points of their spears, and expressing their triumph in songs according to their custom.

10.26.12Others affirm, that the defeat was by Umbrians, not Gauls, and that the loss sustained was not so great. That a party of foragers, under Lucius Manlius Torquatus, lieutenant-general, being surrounded, Scipio, the proprietor, brought up relief from the camp, and the battle being renewed, that the Umbrians, lately victorious, were defeated, and the prisoners and spoil retaken.

10.26.13But it is more probable that this blow was suffered from a Gallic than an Umbrian enemy;

10.26.14because during that year, as was often the case at other times, the danger principally apprehended by the public, was that of a Gallic tumult; for which reason, notwithstanding that both the consuls had marched against the enemy, with four legions, and a large body of Roman cavalry, joined by a thousand chosen horsemen of Campania, supplied on the occasion, and a body of the allies and Latin confederates, superior in number to the Romans, two other armies were posted near the city, on the side facing Etruria; one in the Faliscian, the other in the Vatican territory.

10.26.15Cneius Fulvius and Lucius Postumius Megellus, both propraetors, were ordered to keep the troops stationed in those places.

10.27.1The consuls, having crossed the Apennines, came up with the enemy in the territory of Sentinum; their camp was pitched there at the distance of about four miles.

10.27.2Several councils were then held by the enemy, and their plan of oper- ations was thus settled: that they should not encamp together, nor go out together to battle; the Gauls were united to the Samnites, the Umbrians to the Etrurians.

10.27.3The day of battle was fixed. The part of maintaining the fight was committed to the Samnites and Gauls; and the Etrurians and Umbrians were ordered to attack the Roman camp during the heat of the engagement.

10.27.4This plan was frustrated by three Clusian deserters, who came over by night to Fabius, and after disclosing the above designs, were sent back with presents, in order that they might discover, and bring intelligence of, any new scheme which should be determined on.

10.27.5The consuls then wrote to Flavius and Postumius to move their armies, the one from the Faliscian, the other from the Vatican country, towards Clusium; and to ruin the enemy's territory by every means in their power.

10.27.6The news of these depredations drew the Etrurians from Sentinum to protect their own region. The consuls, in their absence, practised every means to bring on an engagement.

10.27.7For two days they endeavoured, by several attacks, to provoke the enemy to fight; in which time, however, nothing worth mention was performed. A few fell on each side, but still the minds [of the Romans] were irritated to wish for a general engagement; yet nothing decisive was hazarded.

10.27.8On the third day, both parties marched out their whole force to the field: here, while the armies stood in order of battle, a hind, chased by a wolf from the mountains, ran through the plain between the two lines: there the animals taking different directions, the hind bent its course towards the Gauls, the wolf towards the Romans: way was made between the ranks for the wolf, the Gauls slew the hind with their javelins;

10.27.9on which one of the Roman soldiers in the van said, To that side, where you see an animal, sacred to Diana, lying prostrate, flight and slaughter are directed; on this side the victorious wolf of Mars, safe and untouched, reminds us of our founder, and of our descent from that deity.

10.27.10The Gauls were posted on the right wing, the Samnites on the left: against the latter, Fabius drew up, as his right wing, the first and third legions: against the Gauls, Decius formed the left wing of the fifth and sixth.

10.27.11The second and fourth were employed in the war in Samnium, under the proconsul, Lucius Volumnius. In the first encounter the action was supported with strength so equal on both sides, that had the Etrurians and Umbrians been present, either in the field or at the camp, in whichever place they might have employed their force, the Romans must have been defeated.

10.28.1However, although the victory was still undecided, fortune not having declared in favour of either party, yet the course of the fight was by no means similar on both right and left wings.

10.28.2The Romans, under Fabius, rather repelled than offered assault; and the contest was protracted until very late in the day: for their general knew very well, that both Samnites and Gauls were furious in the first onset; so that, to withstand them would be sufficient.

10.28.3It was known, too, that in a protracted contest the spirits of the Samnites gradually flagged, and even the bodies of the Gauls, remarkably ill able to bear labour and heat, became quite relaxed;

10.28.4and although, in their first efforts, they were more than men, yet in their last they were less than women. He, therefore, reserved the strength of his men as unimpaired as possible, until the time when the enemy were the more likely to be worsted.

10.28.5Decius, more impetuous, as being in the prime of life and full flow of spirits, exerted whatever force he had to the utmost in the first encounter; and thinking the infantry not sufficiently energetic, brought up the cavalry to the fight.

10.28.6Putting himself at the head of a troop of young horsemen of distinguished bravery, he besought those youths, the flower of the army, to charge the enemy with him;

10.28.7[telling them] they would reap a double share of glory, if the victory should commence on the left wing, and through their means. Twice they compelled the Gallic cavalry to give way.

10.28.8At the second charge, when they advanced farther and were briskly engaged in the midst of the enemy's squadrons, by a method of fighting new to them, they were thrown into dismay. A number of the enemy, mounted on chariots and cars, made towards them with such a prodigious clatter from

10.28.9the trampling of the cattle and rolling of wheels, as affrighted the horses of the Romans, unaccustomed to such tumultuous operations. By this means the victorious cavalry were dispersed, through a panic, and men and horses, in their headlong flight, were tumbled promiscuously on the ground.

10.28.10Hence also the battalions of the legions were thrown into disorder:

10.28.11through the impetuosity of the horses, and of the carriages which they dragged through the ranks, many of 'the soldiers in the van were trodden or bruised to death; while the Gallic line, as soon as they saw their enemy in confusion, pursued the advantage, nor allowed them time to take breath or recover themselves. Decius, calling aloud, Whither were they flying, or what hope could they have in running away?

10.28.12strove to stop them as they turned their backs; but finding that he could not, by any efforts, prevail on them to keep their posts, so thoroughly were they dismayed, he called on his father, Publius Decius, by name. He said, Why do I any longer defer the fate entailed on my family?

10.28.13It is destined to our race, that we should serve as expiatory victims to avert the public danger. I will now offer the legions of the enemy, together with myself, to be immolated to Earth, and the infernal gods.

10.28.14Having thus said, he commanded Marcus Livius, a pontiff, whom, at his coming out to the field, he had charged not to stir from him, to dictate the form of words in which he was to devote himself, and the legions of the enemy, for the army of the Roman people, the Quirites.

10.28.15He was accordingly devoted with the same imprecations, and in the same habit, in which his fa- ther, Publius Decius, had ordered himself to be devoted at the Veseris in the Latin war.

10.28.16When, immediately after the solemn imprecation, he added, that he drove before him dismay and flight, slaughter and blood, and the wrath of the gods celestial and infernal;

10.28.17that, with the contagious influence of the furies, the ministers of death, he would infect the standards, the weapons, and the armour of the enemy; and that the same spot should be that of his perdition, and that of the Gauls and Samnites.

10.28.18After uttering these execrations on himself and the foe, he spurred forward his horse, where he saw the line of the Gauls thickest, and, rushing upon the enemy's weapons, met his death.

10.29.1Thenceforward the battle seemed to be fought with a degree of force scarcely human. The Romans, on the loss of their general, a circumstance which, on other occasions, is wont to inspire terror, stopped their flight, and were anxious to begin the combat afresh.

10.29.2The Gauls, and especially the multitude which encircled the consul's body, as if deprived of reason, cast their javelins at random without execution; some became so stupid as not to think of either fighting or flying:

10.29.3while on the other side, Livius, the pontiff, to whom Decius had transferred his lictors, with orders to act as propraetor, cried out aloud, that the Romans were victorious, being saved by the death of their consul.

10.29.4That the Gauls and Samnites were now the victims of mother Earth and the infernal gods. That Decius was summoning and dragging to himself the army devoted along with him: and that, among the enemy, all was full of dismay, and the vengeance of all the furies.

10.29.5While the soldiers were busy in restoring the fight, Lucius Cornelius Scipio and Caius Marcius, with some reserved troops from the rear, who had been sent by Quintus Fabius, the consul, to the support of his colleague, came up. There the fate of Decius is ascertained, a powerful stimulus to brave every danger in the cause of the public.

10.29.6Wherefore, when the Gauls stood in close order, with their shields formed into a fence before them, and but little prospect of success appeared from a close fight, the javelins, which lay scattered between the two lines, were, therefore, by order of the lieutenants-general, gathered up from the ground, and thrown against the enemy's shields, and as most of them pierced the fence, the

10.29.7long-pointed ones even into their bodies, their compact band was overthrown in such a manner, that a great many, who were unhurt, yet fell as if thunderstruck.

10.29.8Such were the changes of fortune on the left wing of the Romans: on the right, Fabius had at first protracted the time, as we mentioned above, in slow operations; then, as soon as he perceived that neither the shout, nor the efforts of the enemy, nor the weapons which they threw, retained their former force, having ordered the commanders of the cavalry

10.29.9to lead round their squadrons to the flank of the Samnites, so that, on receiving the signal, they should charge them in flank, with all possible violence, he commanded, at the same time, his infantry to advance leisurely, and drive the enemy from their ground.

10.29.10When he saw that they were unable to make resistance, and that their exhaustion was certain, drawing together all his reserves, whom he had kept fresh for that occasion, he made a brisk push with the legions, and gave the cavalry the signal to charge.

10.29.11The Samnites could not support the shock, but fled precipitately to their camp, passing by the line of the Gauls, and leaving their allies to fight by themselves.

10.29.12These stood in close order under cover of their shields: Fabius, therefore, having heard of the death of his colleague, ordered the squadron of' Campanian cavalry, in number about five hundred, to fall back from the ranks, and riding round, to attack the rear of the Gallic line, then the chief strength of the third legion to follow, with directions that wherever

10.29.13they should see the enemy's troops disordered by the charge, to follow the blow, and cut them to pieces, when in a state of consternation.

10.29.14After vowing a temple and the spoils of the enemy to Jupiter the Victorious, he proceeded to the camp of the Samnites, whither all their forces were hurrying in confusion.

10.29.15The gates not affording entrance to such very great numbers, those who were necessarily excluded, attempted resistance just at the foot of the rampart, and here fell Gellius Egnatius, the Samnite general.

10.29.16These, however, were soon driven within the rampart; the camp was taken after a slight resistance; and at the same time the Gauls were attacked on the rear, and overpowered.

10.29.17There were slain of the enemy on that day twenty-five thousand: eight thousand were taken prisoners. Nor was the victory an unbloody one; for, of the army of Publius Decius, the killed amounted to seven thousand; of the army of Fabius, to one thousand two hundred.

10.29.18Fabius, after sending persons to search for the body of his colleague, had the spoils of the enemy collected into a heap, and burned them as an offering to Jupiter the Victorious.

10.29.19The consul's body could not be found that day, being hid under a heap of slaughtered Gauls: on the following, it was discovered and brought to the camp, amidst abundance of tears shed by the soldiers.

10.29.20Fabius, discarding all concern about any other business, solemnized the obsequies of his colleague in the most honourable manner, passing on him the high encomiums which he had justly merited.

10.30.1During the same period, matters were managed successfully by Cneius Fulvius, proprietor, he having, besides the immense losses occasioned to the enemy by the devastation of their lands, fought a battle with extraordinary success, in which there were above three thousand

10.30.2of the Perusians and Clusians slain, and twenty military standards taken.

10.30.3The Samnites, in their flight, passing through the Pelignian territory, were attacked on all sides by the Pelignians; and, out of five thousand, one thousand were killed.

10.30.4The glory of the day on which they fought at Sentinum was great, even when truly estimated; but some have gone beyond credibility by their exaggerations, who assert in their writings, that there

10.30.5were in the army of the enemy forty thousand three hundred and thirty foot, six thousand horse, and one thousand chariots, that is, including the Etrurians and Umbrians, who [they affirm] were present in the engagement:

10.30.6and, to magnify likewise the number of Roman forces, they add to the consuls another general, Lucius Volumnius, proconsul, and his army to the legions of the consul. In the greater number of annals, that victory is ascribed entirely to the two consuls.

10.30.7Volumnius was employed in the mean time in Samnium; he drove the army of the Samnites to Mount Tifernus, and, not deterred by the difficulty of the ground, routed and dispersed them.

10.30.8Quintus Fabius, leaving Decius's army in Etruria, and leading off his own legions to the city, triumphed over the Gauls, Etrurians, and Samnites: the soldiers attended him in his triumph.

10.30.9The victory of Quintus Fabius was not more highly celebrated, in their coarse military verses, than the illustrious death of Publius Decius; and the memory of the father was recalled, whose fame had been equalled by the praiseworthy conduct of the son, in respect of the issue which resulted both to himself and to the public.

10.30.10Out of the spoil, donations were made to the soldiers of eighty-two asses to each, with cloaks and vests; rewards for service, in that age, by no means contemptible.

10.31.1Notwithstanding these successes, peace was not yet established, either among the Samnites or Etrurians: for the latter, at the instigation of the Perusians, resumed their arms, after his army had been withdrawn by the consul;

10.31.2and the Samnites made predatory incursions on the territories of Vescia and Formiae; and also on the other side, on those of Aesernia, and the parts adjacent to the river Vulturnus. Against these was sent the praetor Appius Claudius, with the army formerly commanded by Decius.

10.31.3In Etruria, Fabius, on the revival of hostilities, slew four thousand five hundred of the Perusians, and took prisoners one thousand seven hundred and forty, who were ransomed at the rate of three hundred and ten asses each. All the rest of the spoil was bestowed on the soldiers.

10.31.4The legions of the Samnites, though pursued, some by the praetor Appius Claudius, the others by Lucius Volumnius, proconsul, formed a junction in the coun- try of the Stellatians.

10.31.5Here sat down the whole body of the Samnites; and Appius and Volumnius, with their forces united in one camp.

10.31.6A battle was fought with the most rancorous animosity, one party being spurred on by rage against men who had so often renewed their attacks on them, and the other now fighting in support of their last remaining hope.

10.31.7Accordingly, there were slain, of the Samnites, sixteen thousand three hundred, and two thousand and seven hundred made prisoners: of the Roman army fell two thousand and seven hundred.

10.31.8This year, so successful in the operations of war, was filled with distress at home, arising from a pestilence, and with anxiety, occasioned by prodigies: for accounts were received that, in many places, showers of earth had fallen; and that very many persons, in the army of Appius Claudius, had been struck by lightning; in consequence of which, the books were consulted.

10.31.9At this time, Quintus Fabius Gurges, the consul's son, having prosecuted some matrons before the people on a charge of adultery, built, with the money accruing from the fines which they were condemned to pay, the temple of Venus, which stands near the circus.

10.31.10Still we have the wars of the Samnites on our hands, notwithstanding that the relation of them has already extended, in one continued course, through four volumes of our history, and through a period of forty-six years, from the consulate of Marcus Valerius and Aulus Cornelius, who first carried the Roman arms into Samnium.

10.31.11And, not to recite the long train of disasters sustained by both nations, and the toils which they underwent, by which, however, their stubborn breasts could not be subdued;

10.31.12even in the course of the last year, the Samnites, with their own forces separately, and also in conjunction with those of other nations, had been defeated by four several armies, and four generals of the Romans, in the territory of Sentinum, in that of the Pelignians, at Tifernum, and in the plains of the Stellatians; had lost the general of the highest character in their nation;

Book 10, Part 5

10.31.13and, now, saw their allies in the war, the Etrurians, the Umbrians, and the Gauls, in the same situation with themselves; but, although they could now no longer stand, either by their own or by foreign resources, yet did they not desist from the prosecution of hostilities.

10.31.14So far were they from being weary of defending liberty, even though unsuccessfully: and they preferred being defeated to not aspiring after victory.

10.31.15Who does not find his patience tired, either in writing, or reading, of wars of such continuance; and which yet exhausted not the resolution of the parties concerned?

10.32.1Quintus Fabius and Publius Decius were succeeded in the consulship by Lucius Postumius Megellus and Marcus Atilius Regulus. The province of Samnium was decreed to both in conjunction; because intelligence had been received that the enemy had embodied three armies;

10.32.2with one that Etruria was to be recovered; with another the ravages in Campania were to be repeated; and the third was intended for the defence of their frontiers.

10.32.3Sickness detained Postumius at Rome, but Atilius set out immediately, with design to surprise the enemy in Samnium, before they should have advanced beyond their own borders; for such had been the directions of the senate.

10.32.4The Romans met the enemy, as if by mutual appointment, at a spot where, while they could be hindered, not only from ravaging, but even from entering the Samnite territory, they could likewise hinder the Samnites from continuing their progress into the countries which were quiet, and the lands of the allies of the Roman people.

10.32.5While their camps lay opposite to each other, the Samnites attempted an enterprise, which the Romans, so often their conquerors, would scarcely have ventured to undertake; such is the rashness inspired by extreme despair: this was to make an assault on the Roman camp. And although this attempt, so daring, succeeded not in its full extent, yet it was not without effect.

10.32.6There was a fog, which continued through a great part of the day, so thick as to exclude the light of the sun, and to prevent not only the view of any thing beyond the rampart, but scarcely the sight of each other, when they should meet.

10.32.7Depending on this, as a covering to the design, when the sun was scarcely yet risen, and the light which he did afford was obscured by the fog, the Samnites came up to an advanced guard of the Romans at one of the gates, who were standing carelessly on their post.

10.32.8In the sudden surprise, these had neither courage nor strength to make resistance: an assault was then made, through the Decuman gate, in the rear of the camp:

10.32.9the quaestor's quarters in consequence were taken, and the quaestor, Lucius Opimius Pansa, was there slain; on this a general alarm was given to take up arms.

10.33.1The consul, being roused by the tumult, ordered two cohorts of the allies, a Lucanian and Suessanian, which happened to be nearest, to defend the head-quarters, and led the companies of the legions down the principal street.

10.33.2These ran into the ranks, scarcely taking time to furnish themselves with arms; and, as they distinguished the enemy by their shout rather than by sight, could form no judgment how great their number might be: thus, ignorant of the circumstances of their situation, they at first drew back, and admitted the enemy into the heart of the camp.

10.33.3Then when the consul cried out, asking them, whether they intended to let themselves be beaten out beyond the rampart, and then to return again to storm their own camp, they raised the shout, and uniting their efforts, stood their ground;

10.33.4then made advances, pushed closely on the enemy, and having forced them to give way, drove them back, without suffering their first terror to abate.

10.33.5They soon beat them out beyond the gate and the rampart, but not daring to pursue them, because the darkness of the weather made them apprehend an ambush, and content with having cleared the camp, they retired within the rampart, having killed about three hundred of the enemy.

10.33.6Of the Romans, including the first advanced guard and the watchmen, and those who were surprised at the quaestor's quarters, two hundred and thirty perished.

10.33.7This not unsuccessful piece of boldness raised the spirits of the Samnites so high, that they not only did not suffer the Romans to march forward into their country, but even to procure forage from their lands; and the foragers were obliged to go back into the quiet country of Sora.

10.33.8News of these events being conveyed to Rome, with circumstances of alarm magnified beyond the truth, obliged Lucius Postumius, the consul, though scarcely recovered from his illness, to set out for the army.

10.33.9However, before his departure, having issued a proclamation that his troops should assemble at Sora, he dedicated the temple of Victory, for the building of which he had provided, when curule aedile, out of the money arising from fines; and, joining the army, he advanced from Sora towards Samnium, to the camp of his colleague.

10.33.10The Samnites, despairing of being able to make head against the two armies, retreated from thence, on which the consuls, separating, proceeded by different routes to lay waste the enemy's lands and besiege their towns.

10.34.1Postumius attempted to make himself master of Mili- onia, at first by storm and an assault; but these not succeeding, he carried his approaches to the walls, and thus gained an entrance into the place.

10.34.2The fight was continued in all parts of the city from the fourth hour until near the eighth, the result being a long time uncertain: the Romans at last gained possession of the town.

10.34.3Three thousand two hundred of the Samnites were killed, four thousand seven hundred taken, besides the other booty. From thence the legions were conducted to Ferentinum, out of which

10.34.4the inhabitants had, during the night, retired in silence through the opposite gate, with all their effects which could be either carried or driven.

10.34.5The consul, on his arrival, approached the walls with the same order and circumspection, as if he were to meet an opposition here equal to what he had experienced at Milionia.

10.34.6Then, perceiving a dead silence in the city, and neither arms nor men on the towers and ramparts, he restrains the soldiers, who were eager to mount the deserted fortifications, lest they might fall into a snare. He ordered two divisions of the confederate Latin horse to ride round the walls, and explore every particular.

10.34.7These horsemen observed one gate, and, at a little distance, another on the same side, standing wide open, and on the roads leading from these every mark of the enemy having fled by night. They then rode up leisurely to the gates, from whence, with perfect safety, they took a clear view through straight streets quite across the city.

10.34.8They report to the consul, that the city was abandoned by the enemy, as was plain from the solitude, the recent tracks on their retreat, and the things which, in the confusion of the night, they had left scattered up and down.

10.34.9On hearing this, the consul led round the army to that side of the city which had been examined, and making the troops halt at a little distance from the gate, gave orders that five horsemen should ride into the city; and when they should have advanced a good way into it, then, if they saw all things safe, three should remain there, and the other two return to him with intelligence.

10.34.10These returned and said, that they had proceeded to a part of the town from which they had a view on every side, and that nothing but silence and solitude reigned through the whole extent of it. The consul immediately led some light-armed cohorts into the city; ordering the rest to fortify a camp in the mean time.

10.34.11The soldiers who entered the town, breaking open the doors, found only a few persons, disabled by age or sickness;

10.34.12and such effects left behind as could not, without difficulty, be removed.

10.34.13These were seized as plunder: and it was discovered from the prisoners, that several cities in that quarter had, in pursuance of a concerted plan, resolved on flight; that their towns-people had gone off at the first watch, and they believed that the same solitude they should find in the other places.

10.34.14The accounts of the prisoners proved well-founded, and the consul took possession of the forsaken towns.

10.35.1The war was by no means so easy with the other consul, Marcus Atilius. As he was marching his legions towards Luceria, to which he was informed that the Samnites had laid siege, the enemy met him on the border of the Lucerian territory.

10.35.2Rage supplied them, on this occasion, with strength to equal his: the battle was stubbornly contested, and the victory doubtful; in the issue, however, more calamitous on the side of the Romans, both because they were unaccustomed to defeat, and that, on leaving the field, they felt more sensibly, than during the heat of the action, how much more wounds and bloodshed had been on their side.

10.35.3In consequence of this, such dismay spread through the camp, as, had it seized them during the engagement, a signal defeat would have been the result. Even as the matter stood, they spent the night in great anxiety; expecting, every instant, that the Samnites would assault the camp; or that, at the first light, they should be obliged to stand a battle with a victorious enemy.

10.35.4On the side of the enemy, however, although there was less loss, yet there was not greater courage. As soon as day appeared, they wished to retire without any more fighting; but there was only one road, and that leading close by the post of their enemy; on their taking which, they seemed as if advancing directly to attack the camp.

10.35.5The consul, therefore, ordered his men to take arms, and to follow him outside the rampart, giving directions to the lieutenants-general, tribunes, and the prefects of the allies, in what manner he would have each of them act.

10.35.6They all assured him that "they would do every thing in their power, but that the soldiers were quite dejected; that, from their own wounds, and the groans of the dying, they had passed the whole night without sleep;

10.35.7that if the enemy had approached the camp before day, so great were the fears of the troops, that they would certainly have deserted their standards.

10.35.8Even at present they were restrained from flight merely by shame; and, in other respects, were little better than vanquished men. This account made the consul judge it necessary to go himself among the soldiers, and speak to them;

10.35.9and, as he came up to each, he rebuked them for their backwardness in taking arms, asking, Why they loitered, and declined the fight?

10.35.10If they did not choose to go out of the camp, the enemy would come into it; and they must fight in defence of their tents, if they would not in defence of the rampart.

10.35.11Men who have arms in their hands, and contend with their foe, have always a chance for victory; but the man who waits naked and unarmed for his enemy, must suffer either death or slavery.

10.35.12To these reprimands and rebukes they answered, that they were exhausted by the fatigue of the battle of yesterday; and had no strength, nor even blood remaining; and besides, the enemy appeared more numerous than they were the day before.

10.35.13The hostile army, in the mean time, drew near; so that, seeing every thing more distinctly as the distance grew less, they asserted that the Samnites carried with them pallisades for a rampart, and evidently intended to draw lines of circumvallation round the camp.

10.35.14On this the consul exclaimed, with great earnestness, against submitting to such an ignominious insult, and from so dastardly a foe. Shall we even be blockaded, said he, in our camp, and die, with ignominy, by famine, rather than bravely by the sword, if it must be so? May the gods be propitious!

10.35.15and let every one act in the manner which he thinks becomes him. The consul Marcus Atilius, should no other accompany him, will go out, even alone, to face the enemy; and will fall in the middle of the Samnite battalions, rather than see the Roman camp enclosed by their trenches.

10.35.16The lieutenants-general, tribunes, every troop of the cavalry, and the principal centurions, expressed their approbation of what the consul said;

10.35.17and the soldiers at length, overcome by shame, took up their arms, but in a spiritless manner; and in the same spiritless manner, marched out of the camp. In a long train, and that not every where connected, melancholy, and seemingly subdued, they proceeded towards the enemy, whose hopes and courage were not more steady than theirs.

10.35.18As soon therefore as the Roman standards were be- held, a murmur spread from front to rear of the Samnites, that, as they had feared, the Romans were coming out to oppose their march;

10.35.19that there was no road open, through which they could even fly thence; in that spot they must fall, or else cut down the enemy's ranks, and make their way over their bodies.

10.36.1They then threw the baggage in a heap in the centre, and, with their arms prepared for battle, formed their line, each falling into his post.

10.36.2There was now but a small interval between the two armies, and both stood, waiting until the shout and onset should be begun by their adversary.

10.36.3Neither party had any inclination to fight, and they would have separated, and taken different roads, unhurt and untouched, but that each had a dread of being harassed, in retreat, by the other. Notwithstanding this shyness and reluctance, an engagement unavoidably began, but spiritless, and with a shout which discovered neither resolution nor steadiness; nor did any move a foot from his post.

10.36.4The Roman consul, then, in order to infuse life into the action, ordered a few troops of cavalry to advance out of the line and charge: most of whom being thrown from their horses and the rest put in disorder, several parties ran forward, both from the Samnite line, to cut off those who had fallen, and from the Roman, to protect their friends.

10.36.5In consequence the battle became a little more brisk, but the Samnites had come forward with more briskness, and also in greater numbers, and the disordered cavalry, with their affrighted horses, trod down their own party who came to their relief. Flight commencing in this quarter, caused the whole Roman line to turn their backs.

10.36.6And now the Samnites had no employment for their arms but against the rear of a flying enemy, when the

10.36.7consul, galloping on before his men to the gate of the camp, posted there a body of cavalry, with orders to treat as an enemy any person who should make towards the rampart, whether Roman or Samnite; and, placing himself in the way of his men, as they pressed in disorder towards the camp, denounced threats to the same purport: Whither are you going, soldiers?

10.36.8said he; here also you will find both men and arms; nor, while your consul lives, shall you pass the rampart, unless victorious. Choose therefore which you will prefer, fighting against your own countrymen, or the enemy.

10.36.9While the consul was thus speaking the cavalry gathered round, with the points of their spears presented, and ordered the infantry to return to the fight. Not only his own brave spirit, but fortune likewise aided the consul, for the Samnites did not push their advantage; so that he had time to wheel round his battalions, and to change his front from the camp towards the enemy.

10.36.10The men then began to encourage each other to return to the battle, while the centurions snatched the ensigns from the standard-bearers and bore them forward, pointing out to the soldiers the enemy, coming on in a hurry, few in number, and with their ranks disordered.

10.36.11At the same time the consul, with his hands lifted up towards heaven, and raising his voice so as to be heard at a distance, vowed a temple to Jupiter Stator, if the Roman army should rally from flight, and, renewing the battle, cut down and defeat the Samnites.

10.36.12All divisions of the army, now, united their efforts to restore the fight; officers, soldiers, the whole force, both of cavalry and infantry; even the powers of heaven seemed to have looked, with favour, on the Roman cause; so speedily was a thorough change effected in the fortune of the day, the enemy being repulsed from the camp, and, in a short time, driven back to the spot where the battle had commenced.

10.36.13Here they stopped, being obstructed by the heap of baggage, lying in their way, where they had thrown it together; and then, to prevent the plundering of their effects, formed round them a circle of troops.

10.36.14On this, the infantry assailed them vigorously in front, while the cavalry, wheeling, fell on their rear: and, being thus enclosed between the two, they were all either slain, or taken prisoners. The number of the prisoners was seven thousand two hundred, who were all sent under the yoke; the killed amounted to four thousand eight hundred.

10.36.15The victory did not prove a joyous one, even on the side of the Romans: when the consul took an account of the loss sustained in the two days, the number returned, of soldiers lost, was seven thousand three hundred.

10.36.16During these transactions in Apulia, the Samnites with the other army having attempted to seize on Iteramna, a Roman colony situated on the Latin road, did not however obtain the town;

10.36.17whence, after ravaging the country, as they were driving off spoil, consisting of men and cattle, together with the colonists whom they had taken, they met the consul returning victorious from Luceria, and not only lost their booty, but marching in disorder, in a long train, and hea- vily encumbered, were themselves cut to pieces.

10.36.18The consul, by proclamation, summoned the owners to Interamna, to claim and receive again their property, and leaving his army there, went to Rome to hold the elections.

10.36.19On his applying for a triumph, that honour was refused him, because he had lost so many thousands of his soldiers; and also, because he had sent the prisoners under the yoke without imposing any conditions.

10.37.1The other consul, Postumius, because there was no employment for his arms in Samnium, having led over his forces into Etruria, first laid waste the lands of the Volsinians;

10.37.2and afterwards, on their marching out to protect their country, gained a decisive victory over them, at a small distance from their own walls. Two thousand two hundred of the Etrurians were slain; the proximity of their city protected the rest.

10.37.3The army was then led into the territory of Rusella, and there, not only were the lands wasted, but the town itself taken. More than two thousand men were made prisoners, and somewhat less than that number killed on the walls.

10.37.4But a peace, effected that year in Etruria, was still more important and honourable than the war had been. Three very powerful cities, the chief ones of Etruria, (Volsinii, Perusia, and Arretium,) sued for peace;

10.37.5and having stipulated with the consul to furnish clothing and corn for his army, on condition of being permitted to send deputies to Rome, they obtained a truce for forty years, and a fine was imposed on each state of five hundred thousand asses, to be immediately paid.

10.37.6When the consul demanded a triumph from the senate, in consideration of these services, rather to comply with the general practice, than in hope of succeeding;

10.37.7and when he saw that one party, his own personal enemies, another party, the friends of his colleague, refused him the triumph, the latter to console a similar refusal, some on the plea that he had been rather tardy in taking his departure from the city; others, that he had passed from Samnium into Etruria without orders from the senate; he said, "Conscript fathers, I shall not be so far mindful of your dignity, as to forget that I am consul.

10.37.8By the same right of office by which I conducted the war, I shall now have a triumph, when this war has been brought to a happy conclusion, Samnium and Etruria being subdued, and victory and peace procured. With these words he left the senate.

10.37.9On this arose a contention between the plebeian tribunes; some of them declaring that they would protest against his triumphing in a manner unprecedented; others, that they would support his pretensions, in opposition to their colleagues.

10.37.10The affair came at length to be discussed before the people, and the consul being summoned to attend, when he represented, that Marcus Horatius and Lucius Valerius, when consuls, and lately Caius Marcus Rutilus, father of the present censor, had triumphed, not by direction of the senate, but by that of the people;

10.37.11he then added that he would in like manner have laid his request before the public, had he not known that some plebeian tribunes, the abject slaves of the nobles, would have obstructed the law. That the universal approbation and will of the people were and should be with him equivalent to any order whatsoever.

10.37.12Accordingly, on the day following, by the support of three plebeian tribunes, in opposition to the protest of the other seven, and the declared judgment of the senate, he triumphed; and the people paid every honour to the day.

10.37.13The historical accounts regarding this year are by no means consistent; Claudius asserts, that Postumius, after having taken several cities in Samnium, was defeated and put to flight in Apulia; and that, being wounded himself, he was driven, with a few attendants, into Luceria. That the war in Etruria was conducted by Atilius, and that it was he who triumphed.

10.37.14Fabius writes, that the two consuls acted in conjunction, both in Samnium and at Luceria; that an army was led over into Etruria, but by which of the consuls he has not mentioned;

10.37.15that at Luceria, great numbers were slain on both sides; and that in that battle, the temple of Jupiter Stator was vowed, the same vow having been formerly made by Romulus, but the fane only, that is, the area appropriated for the temple, had been yet consecrated.

10.37.16However, in this year, the state having been twice bound by the same vow, it became a matter of religious obligation that the senate should order the temple to be erected.

10.38.1In the next year, we find a consul, distinguished by the united splendour of his own and his father's glory, Lucius Papirius Cursor, as also a war of vast importance, and a vic- tory of such consequence, as no man, excepting Lucius Papirius, the consul's father, had ever before obtained over the Samnites.

10.38.2It happened too that these had, with the same care and pains as on the former occasion, decorated their soldiers with the richest suits of splendid armour; and they had, likewise, called in to their aid the power of the gods, having, as it were, initiated the soldiers, by administering the military oath, with the

10.38.3solemn ceremonies practised in ancient times, and levied troops in every part of Samnium, under an ordinance entirely new, that if any of the younger inhabitants should not attend the meeting, according to the general's

10.38.4proclamation, or shall depart without permission, his head should be devoted to Jupiter.

10.38.5Orders being then issued, for all to assemble at Aquilonia, the whole strength of Samnium came together, amounting to forty thousand men. There a piece of ground, in the middle of the camp, was enclosed with hurdles and boards, and covered over-head with linen cloth, the sides being all of an equal length, about two hundred feet.

10.38.6In this place sacrifices were performed, according to directions read out of an old linen book, the priest being a very old man, called Ovius Paccius, who affirmed, that he took these ceremonials from the ancient ritual of the Samnites, being the same which their ancestors used, when they

10.38.7had formed the secret design of wresting Capua from the Etrurians.

10.38.8When the sacrifices were finished, the general ordered a beadle to summon every one of those who were most highly distinguished by their birth or conduct: these were introduced singly. Besides the other exhibitions of the solemnity, calculated to impress the mind with religious awe, there were, in the middle of the covered enclosure, altars erected, about which lay the victims slain, and the centurions stood around with their swords drawn.

10.38.9The soldier was led up to the altars, rather like a victim, than a performer in the ceremony, and was bound by an oath not to divulge what he should see and hear in that place.

10.38.10He was then compelled to swear, in a dreadful kind of form, containing execrations on his own person, on his family and race, if he did riot go to battle, whithersoever the commanders should lead; and, if either he himself fled from the field, or, in case he should see any other flying, did not immediately kill him.

10.38.11At first some, refusing to take the oath, were put to death round the altars, and ly- ing among the carcasses of the victims, served afterwards as a warning to others not to refuse it.

10.38.12When those of the first rank in the Samnite nation had been bound under these solemnities, the general nominated ten, whom he desired to choose each a man, and so to proceed until they should have filled up the number of sixteen thousand. This body, from the covering of the enclosure wherein the nobility had been thus devoted, was called the linen legion.

10.38.13They were furnished with splendid armour and plumed helmets, to distinguish them above the rest. They had another body of forces, amounting to somewhat more than twenty thousand, not inferior to the linen legion, either in personal appearance, or renown in war, or their equipment. This number, composing the main strength of the nation, sat down at Aquilonia.

10.39.1On the other side, the consuls set out from the city. First, Spurius Carvilius, to whom had been decreed the veteran legions, which Marcus Atilius, the consul of the preceding year, had left in the territory of Interamna, marched at their head into Samnium;

10.39.2and, while the enemy were busied in their superstitious rites, and holding their secret meeting, he took by storm the town of Amiternum.

Book 10, Part 6

10.39.3Here were slain about two thousand eight hundred men; and four thousand two hundred and seventy were made prisoners.

10.39.4Papirius, with a new army, which he raised in pursuance of a decree of the senate, made himself master of the city of Duronia. He took fewer prisoners than his colleague; but slew much greater numbers. Rich booty was acquired in both places.

10.39.5The consuls then, overrunning Samnium, and wasting the province of Atinum with particular severity, arrived, Carvilius at Cominium, and Papirius at Aquilonia, where the main force of the Samnites were posted. Here, for some time, there was neither a cessation of action, nor any vigorous effort.

10.39.6The day was generally spent in provoking the enemy when quiet, and retiring when they offered resistance; in menacing, rather than making an attack. By which practice of beginning, and then desisting, even those trifling skirmishes were continually left without a decision.

10.39.7The other Roman camp was twenty miles distant, and the advice of his absent colleague was appealed to on every thing which he undertook, while Carvilius, on his part, directed a greater share of his attention to Aquilonia, where the state of affairs was more critical and important, than to Cominium, which he himself was besieging.

10.39.8When Papirius had fully adjusted every measure, preparatory to an engagement, he despatched a message to his colleague, that he intended, if the auspices permitted, to fight the enemy on the day following; and that it would be necessary that he (Carvilius) should at the same time make an assault on Cominium, with his utmost force, that the Samnites there might have no leisure to send any succour to Aquilonia.

10.39.9The messenger had the day for the performance of his journey, and he returned in the night, with an answer to the consul, that his colleague approved of the plan.

10.39.10Papirius, on sending off the messenger, had instantly called an assembly, where he descanted, at large, on the nature of the war in general, and

10.39.11on the present mode of equipment adopted by the enemy, which served for empty parade, rather than for any thing effectual towards insuring success; for plumes, he said, made no wounds; that a Roman javelin would make its way through shields, however painted and gilt;

10.39.12and that the army, refulgent from the whiteness of their tunics, would soon be besmeared with blood, when matters came to be managed with the sword.

10.39.13His father had formerly cut off, to a man, a gold and silver army of the Samnites; and such accoutrements had made a more respectable figure, as spoils, in the hands of the conquering foe, than as arms in those of the wearers.

10.39.14Perhaps it was allotted, by destiny, to his name and family, that they should be opposed in command against the most powerful efforts of the Samnites; and should bring home spoils, of such beauty, as to serve for ornaments to the public places. The immortal gods were certainly on his side, on account of the leagues so often solicited and so often broken.

10.39.15Besides, if a judgment

10.39.16might be formed of the sentiments of the deities, they never were more hostile to any army, than to that which, smeared with the blood of human beings mixed with that of cattle in their abominable sacrifice, doomed to the twofold resentment of the gods, dreading on the one hand the divinities, witnesses of the treaties concluded with the Romans, on

10.39.17the other hand the imprecations expressed in the oath sworn in contradiction to those treaties, swore with reluctance, abhorred the oath, and feared at once the gods, their countrymen, and their enemies.

10.40.1When the consul had recounted these particulars, as- certained from the information of the deserters, to the soldiers already enraged of themselves, they then, filled with confidence in both divine and human aid, with one universal shout, demanded the battle; were dissatisfied at the action being deferred to the following day; they are impatient under the intended delay of a day and a night.

10.40.2Papirius, at the third watch, having received his colleague's letter, arose in silence, and sent the keeper of the chickens to take the auspices.

10.40.3There was no one description of men in the camp who felt not earnest wishes for the fight: the highest and the lowest were equally eager; the general watching the ardour of the soldiers, and the soldiers that of the general.

10.40.4This universal zeal spread even to those employed in taking the auspices; for the chickens having refused to feed, the auspex ventured to misrepresent the omen, and reported to the consul that they had fed voraciously. The consul, highly pleased, and giving notice that the auspices were excellent, and that they were to act under the direction of the gods, displayed the signal for battle. Just as he was going out to the field, he happened to receive intelligence from a deserter, that twenty cohorts of Samnites, consisting of about four hundred each, had marched towards Cominium. Lest his colleague should be ignorant of this, he instantly despatched a messenger to him, and then

10.40.5ordered the troops to advance with speed, having already assigned to each division of the army its proper post, and appointed general officers to command them. The command of the right wing he gave to Lucius Volumnius, that of the left to Lucius Scipio, that of the cavalry to the other lieutenants-general, Caius Caedicius

10.40.6and Caius Trebonius. He ordered Spurius Nautius to take off the panniers from the mules, and to lead them round quickly, together with his auxiliary cohorts, to a rising ground in view; and there to show himself during the heat of the engagement, and to raise as much dust as possible. While

10.40.7the general was employed in making these dispositions, a dispute arose among the keepers of the chickens, about the auspices of the day, which was overheard by some Roman horsemen, who, deeming it a matter not to be slighted, informed Spurius

10.40.8Papirius, the consul's nephew, that there was a doubt about the auspices. The youth, born in an age when that sort of learning which inculcates contempt of the gods was yet unknown, examined into the affair, that he might not carry an uncertain

10.40.9report to the consul; and then acquainted him with it. His answer was, I very much applaud your conduct and zeal. However, the person who officiates in taking the auspices, if he makes a false report, draws on his own head the evil portended; but to the Roman people and their army, the favourable omen reported to me is an excellent auspice. He then commanded the centurions to place the keepers of the chickens in the front of the line. The Samnites likewise brought forward their standards; their main body followed, armed and decorated in such

10.40.10a manner, that the enemy afforded a magnificent show. Before the shout was raised, or the battle begun, the auspex, wounded by a random cast of a javelin, fell before the standards; which

10.40.11being told to the consul, he said, The gods are present in the battle; the guilty has met his punishment. While the consul uttered these words, a crow, in front of him, cawed with a clear voice; at which augury, the consul being rejoiced, and affirming, that never had the gods interposed in a more striking manner in human affairs, ordered the charge to be sounded and the shout to be raised.

10.41.1A furious conflict now ensued, but with very unequal spirit [in the combatants]. Anger, hope, and ardour for conquest, hurried on the Romans to battle, thirsting for their enemy's blood; while the Samnites, for the most part reluctantly, as if compelled by necessity and religious dread, rather stood on their defence, than made an attack.

10.41.2Nor would they, familiarized as they were to defeats, through a course of so many years, have withstood the first shout and shock of the Romans, had not another fear, operating still more powerfully in their breasts, restrained them from flying.

10.41.3For they had before their eyes the whole scene exhibited at the secret sacrifice, the armed priests, the promiscuous carnage of men and cattle, the altars besmeared with the blood of victims and of their murdered countrymen, the dreadful curses, and the dire- ful form of imprecation, drawn up for calling down perdition on their family and race. Prevented by these shackles from running away, they stood, more afraid of their countrymen than of the enemy.

10.41.4The Romans pushed on both the wings, and in the centre, and made great havoc among them, stupified as they were, through their fears of the gods and of men. A faint resistance is now made, as by men whom fear alone prevented from running away.

10.41.5The slaughter had now almost reached to their standards, when, on one side, appeared a cloud of dust, as if raised by the marching of a numerous army: it was Spurius Nautius, (some say Octavius Metius,) commander of the auxiliary cohorts: for these raised a greater quantity of dust than was proportioned to the number of men, the servants of the camp, mounted on the mules, trailing boughs of trees, full of leaves, along the ground.

10.41.6Through the light thus obscured, arms and standards were seen in front; behind, a higher and denser cloud of dust presented the appearance of horsemen bringing up the rear.

10.41.7This effectually deceived, not only the Samnites, but the Romans themselves: and the consul confirmed the mistake, by calling out among the foremost battalions, so that his voice reached also the enemy, that Cominium was taken; and that his victorious colleague was approaching; bidding his men now make haste to complete the defeat of the enemy, before the glory should fall to the share of the other army.

10.41.8This he said as he sat on horseback, and then ordered the tribunes and centurions to open passages for the horse. He had given previous directions to Trebonius and Caedicius, that, when they should see him waving the point of his spear aloft, they should incite the cavalry to charge the enemy with all possible violence.

10.41.9Every particular, as previously concerted, was executed with the utmost exactness. The passages were opened between the ranks, the cavalry darted through, and, with the points of their spears presented, rushed into the midst of the enemy's battalions, breaking down the ranks wherever they charged. Volumnius and Scipio seconded the blow, and taking advantage of the enemy's disorder, made a terrible slaughter.

10.41.10Thus attacked, the cohorts, called linteatœ, regardless of all restraints from either gods or men, quitted their posts in confusion; the sworn and the unsworn all fled alike, no longer dreading aught but the enemies.

10.41.11The body of their infantry which survived the battle, were driven into the camp at Aquilonia. The nobility and cavalry directed their flight to Bovianum. The horse were pursued by the Roman horse, the infantry by their infantry, while the wings proceeded by different roads; the right, to the camp of the Samnites; the left, to the city.

10.41.12Volumnius succeeded first in gaining possession of the camp. At the city, Scipio met a stouter resistance; not because the conquered troops there had gained courage, but because walls were a better defence against armed men than a rampart. From these they repelled the enemy with stones.

10.41.13Scipio, considering that unless the business were effected during their first panic, and before they could recover their spirits, the attack of so strong a town would be very tedious, asked his soldiers if they could endure, without shame, that the other wing should already have taken the camp, and that they, after all their success, should be repulsed from the gates of the city?

10.41.14Then, all of them loudly declaring their determination to the contrary, he himself advanced, the foremost, to the gate, with his shield raised over his head: the rest, following under the like cover of their shields conjoined, burst into the city, and dispersing the Samnites who were near the gate, took possession of the walls, but they ventured not to push forward into the interior of the city in consequence of the smallness of their number.

10.42.1Of these transactions the consul was for some time ignorant; and was busily employed in calling home his troops, for the sun was now hastening to set, and the approach of night rendered every place suspicious and dangerous, even to victorious troops.

10.42.2Having rode forward a considerable way, he saw on the right the camp taken, and heard on the left a shouting in the city, with a confused noise of fighting, and cries of terror. This happened while the fight was going on at the gate.

10.42.3When, on riding up nearer, he saw his own men on the walls, and so much progress already made in the business, pleased at having gained, through the precipitate conduct of a few, an opportunity of striking an important blow, he ordered the troops, whom he had sent back to the camp, to be called out, and to march to the attack of the city:

10.42.4these, having made good their entrance on the nearest side, proceeded no farther, because night approached. Before morning, however, the town was abandoned by the enemy.

10.42.5There were slain of the Samnites on that day, at Aquilonia, thirty thousand three hundred and forty; taken, three thousand eight hundred and seventy, with ninety-seven military standards.

10.42.6One circumstance, respecting Papirius, is particularly mentioned by historians: that, hardly ever was any general seen in the field with a more cheerful countenance; whether this was owing to his natural temper or to his confidence of success.

10.42.7From the same firmness of mind it proceeded, that he did not suffer himself to be diverted from the war by the dispute about the auspices; and that, in the heat of the battle, when it was customary to vow temples to the immortal gods, he vowed to Jupiter the victorious, that if he should defeat the legions of the enemy, he would, before he tasted of any generous liquor, make a libation to him of a cup of wine and honey. This kind of vow proved acceptable to the gods, and they conducted the auspices to a fortunate issue.

10.43.1Matters were conducted with the same success by the other consul at Cominium: leading up his forces to the walls, at the first dawn, he invested the city on every side, and posted strong guards opposite to the gates to prevent any sally being made.

10.43.2Just as he was giving the signal, the alarming message from his colleague, touching the march of the twenty Samnite cohorts, not only caused him to delay the assault, but obliged him to call off a part of his troops, when they were formed and ready to begin the attack.

10.43.3He ordered Decius Brutus Scaeva, a lieutenant-general, with the first legion, ten auxiliary cohorts, and the cavalry, to go and oppose the said detachment;

10.43.4and in whatever place he should meet the foe, there to stop and detain them, and even to engage in battle, should opportunity offer for it; at all events not to suffer those troops to approach Cominium.

10.43.5He then commanded the scaling ladders to be brought up to the walls, on every side of the city; and, under a fence of closed shields, advanced to the gates. Thus, at the same moment, the gates were broken open, and the assault made on every part of the walls.

10.43.6Though the Samnites, before they saw the assailants on the works, had possessed courage enough to oppose their approaches to the city, yet now, when the action was no longer carried on at a distance, nor with missile weapons, but in close fight; and when those, who had with difficulty gained the walls, having overcome the disadvantage of ground, which they principally dreaded, fought with ease on equal ground, against an enemy inferior in strength, they all forsook the towers and

10.43.7walls, and being driven to the forum, they tried there for a short time, as a last effort, to retrieve the fortune of the fight;

10.43.8but soon throwing down their arms, surrendered to the consul, to the number of eleven thousand four hundred; four thousand three hundred and eighty were slain.

10.43.9Such was the course of events at Cominium, such at Aquilonia. In the middle space between the two cities, where a third battle had been expected, the enemy were not found; for, when they were within seven miles of Cominium, they were recalled by their countrymen, and had no part in either battle.

10.43.10At night-fall, when they were now within sight of their camp, and also of Aquilonia, shouts from both places reaching them with equal force induced them to halt;

10.43.11then, on the side of the camp, which had been set on fire by the Romans, the wide-spreading flames indicating with more certainty the disaster [which had happened], prevented their proceeding any farther.

10.43.12In that same spot, stretched on the ground at random under their arms, they passed the whole night in great inquietude, at one time wishing for, at another dreading the light.

10.43.13At the first dawn, while they were still undetermined to what quarter they should direct their march, they were obliged to betake themselves hastily to flight, being descried by the cavalry; who having gone in pursuit of the Samnites, that left the town in the night, saw the multitude unprotected either by a rampart or advanced guard.

10.43.14This party had likewise been perceived from the walls of Aquilonia, and the legionary cohorts now joined in the pursuit. The foot were unable to overtake them, but about two hundred and eighty of their rear guard were cut off by the cavalry.

10.43.15In their consternation they left behind them a great quantity of arms and eighteen military standards: they reached Bovianum with the rest of their party in safety, as far as could be expected after so disorderly a rout.

10.44.1The joy of both Roman armies was enhanced by the success achieved on the other side. Each consul, with the approbation of his colleague, gave to his soldiers the plunder of the town which he had taken; and, when the houses were cleared, set them on fire.

10.44.2Thus, on the same day, Aquilonia and Cominium were both reduced to ashes. The consuls then united their camps, where mutual congratulations took place between them and between their soldiers.

10.44.3Here, in the view of the two armies, Carvilius bestowed on his men commendations and presents according to the desert of each; and Papirius likewise, whose troops had been engaged in a variety of actions, in the field, in the assault of the camp, and in that of the city, presented Spurius Nautius, Spurius Papirius, his nephew, four centurions, and a company of the spearmen, with bracelets and crowns of gold: —to

10.44.4Nautius, on account of his behaviour at the head of his detachment, when he had terrified the enemy with the appearance as of a numerous army; to young Papirius, on account of his zealous exertions with the cavalry, both in the battle and in harassing the Samnites in their flight by night, when they withdrew privately from Aquilonia;

10.44.5and to the centurions and company of soldiers, because they were the first who gained possession of the gate and wall of that town. All the horsemen he presented with gorgets and bracelets of silver, on account of their distinguished conduct on many occasions.

10.44.6As the time was now come for withdrawing the army out of Samnium, the expediency was considered, as to whether they should withdraw both, or at least one.

10.44.7It was concluded, that the lower the strength of the Samnites was reduced, the greater perseverance and vigour ought to be used in prosecuting the war, so that Samnium might be given up to the succeeding consuls perfectly subjected.

10.44.8As there was now no army of the enemy which could be supposed capable of disputing the field, there remained one mode of operations, the besieging of the cities; by the destruction of which, they might be enabled to enrich their soldiers with the spoil; and, at the same time, utterly to destroy the enemy, reduced to the necessity of fighting, their all being at stake.

10.44.9The consuls, therefore, after despatching letters to the senate and people of Rome, containing accounts of the services which they had performed, led away their legions to different quarters; Papirius going to attack Saepinum, Carvilius to Volana.

10.45.1The letters of the consuls were heard with extraordinary exultation, both in the senate-house and in the assembly of the people; and, in a thanksgiving of four days' continuance, the public rejoicings were celebrated with zeal by individuals.

10.45.2These successes were not only important in themselves to the Roman people, but peculiarly seasonable; for it happened, that at the same time intelligence was brought that the Etrurians were again in arms.

10.45.3The reflection naturally occurred to people's minds, how it would have been possible, in case any misfortune had happened in Samnium, to have withstood the power of Etruria; which, being encouraged by the conspiracy of the Samnites, and seeing both the consuls, and the whole force of the Romans, employed against them, had made use of that juncture, in which the Romans had so much business on their hands, for reviving hostilities.

10.45.4Ambassadors from the allies, being introduced to the senate by the praetor Marcus Atilius, complained that their countries were wasted with fire and sword by the neighbouring Etrurians, because they had refused to revolt from the Romans; and they besought the conscript fathers to protect them from the violence and injustice of their common enemy.

10.45.5The ambassadors were answered, that the senate would take care that the allies should not repent their fidelity. That the Etrurians should shortly be in the same situation with the Samnites.

10.45.6Notwithstanding which, the business respecting Etruria would have been prosecuted with less vigour, had not information been received, that the Faliscians likewise, who had for many years lived in friendship with Rome, had united their arms with those of the Etrurians.

10.45.7The consideration of the near vicinity of that nation quickened the attention of the senate; insomuch that they passed a decree that heralds should be sent to demand satisfaction: which being refused, war was declared against the Faliscians by direction of the senate, and order of the people;

10.45.8and the consuls were desired to determine, by lots, which of them should lead an army from Samnium into Etruria.

10.45.9Carvilius had, in the mean time, taken from the Samnites Volana, Palumbinum, and Herculaneum; Volana after a siege of a few days, Palumbinum the same day on which he approached the walls.

10.45.10At Herculaneum, it is true, the consul had two regular engagements without any decisive advantage on either side, and with greater loss on his side than on that of the enemy; but afterwards, encamping on the spot, he shut them up within their works. The town was besieged and taken.

10.45.11In these three towns were taken or slain ten thousand men, of whom the prisoners composed somewhat the greater part. On the consuls casting lots for the provinces, Etruria fell to Carvilius, to the great satisfaction of the soldiers, who could no longer bear the intensity of the cold in Samnium.

10.45.12Papirius was opposed at Saepinum with a more powerful force: he had to fight often in pitched battles, often on a march, and often under the walls of the city, against the eruptions of the enemy; and could neither besiege, nor engage them on equal terms; for the Samnites not only protected themselves by walls, but likewise protected their walls with numbers of men and arms. At length, after a great deal of fighting, he forced them to submit to a regular siege.

10.45.13This he carried on with vigour, and made himself master of the city by means of his works, and by storm.

10.45.14The rage of the soldiers on this occasion caused the greatest slaughter in the taking of the town; seven thousand four hundred fell by the sword; the number of the prisoners did not amount to three thousand. The spoil, of which the quantity was very great, the whole substance of the Samnites being collected in a few cities, was given up to the soldiers.

10.46.1The snow had now entirely covered the face of the country, and they could no longer dispense with the shelter of houses: the consul therefore led home his troops from Samnium.

10.46.2While he was on his way to Rome, a triumph was decreed him with universal consent; and accordingly he triumphed while in office, and with extraordinary splendour, considering the circumstances of those times.

10.46.3The cavalry and infantry marched in the procession, adorned with presents. Great numbers of civic, vallar, and mural crowns were seen. The spoils of the Samnites were inspected with much curiosity, and compared, in respect of

10.46.4magnificence and beauty, with those taken by his father, which were well known, from being frequently exhibited as ornaments of the public places. Several prisoners of distinction, renowned for their own exploits and those of their ancestors, were led in the cavalcade. There were carried in the train two millions and thirty-three thousand asses in weight. This money was said to be produced by the sale of the prisoners. Of silver, taken in the cities, one thousand three hundred and thirty pounds.

10.46.5All the silver and brass were lodged in the treasury, no share of this part of the spoil being given to the soldiers. The ill humour in the commons was further exasperated, because the tax for the payment of the army was collected by contribution; whereas, said they, if the vain parade of conveying the produce of the spoil to the treasury had been disregarded, donations

10.46.6might have been made to the soldiers out of the spoil, and the pay of the army also supplied out of that fund. The temple of Quirinus, vowed by his father when dictator, (for that he himself had vowed it in the heat of battle, I do not find in any ancient writer, nor indeed could he in

10.46.7so short a time have finished the building of it,) the son, in the office of consul, dedicated and adorned with military spoils. And of

10.46.8these, so great was the abundance, that not only that temple and the forum were decorated with them,

10.46.9but some were also distributed among the allies and colonies in the neighbourhood, to serve as ornaments to their temples and public places. Immediately after his triumph, he led his army into winter quarters in the territory of Vescia; because that country was harassed by the Samnites. Meanwhile,

10.46.10in Etruria, the consul Carvilius having set about laying siege to Troilium, suffered four hundred and seventy of the richest inhabitants to depart; they

10.46.11had paid a large sum of money for permission to leave the place: the town, with the remaining multitude, he took by storm. He afterwards reduced, by force, five forts strongly situated, wherein were slain two thousand four hundred of the enemy, and not quite two thousand made prisoners. To the Faliscians, who sued for peace, he granted

10.46.12a truce for a year, on condition of their furnishing a hundred thousand asses in weight, and that year's

10.46.13pay for his army. This business completed, he returned home to a triumph, which, though it was less illustrious than that of his colleague, in respect of his share in the defeat of the Samnites, was yet raised to an equality with it, by

10.46.14his having put a termination to the war in Etruria. He carried into the treasury three hundred and ninety thousand asses in weight. Out of the remainder of the money accruing to the public from the spoils,

10.46.15he contracted for the building of a temple to Fors Fortuna, near to that dedicated to the same goddess by king Servius Tullius; and gave to the soldiers, out of the spoil, one hun- dred and two asses each, and double that sum to the centu- rions and horsemen, who received this donative the more gratefully, on account of the parsimony of his colleague.

10.47.1The favour of the consul saved from a trial, before the people, Postumius; who, on a prosecution being commenced against him by Marcus Scantius, plebeian tribune, evaded, as was said, the jurisdiction of the people, by procuring the commission of lieutenant-general, so the indictment against him could only be held out as a threat, and not put in force.

10.47.2The year having now elapsed, new plebeian tribunes had come into office; and for these, in consequence of some irregularity in their appointments, others had been, within five days after, substituted in their room. The lustrum was closed this year by the censors Publius Cornelius Arvina and Caius Marcius Rutilus. The number of citizens rated was two hundred and sixty-two thousand three hundred and twenty-two.

10.47.3These were the twenty-sixth pair of censors since the first institution of that office; and this the nineteenth lustrum. In this year, persons who had been presented with crowns, in consideration of meritorious behaviour in war, first began to wear them at the exhibition of the Roman games.

10.47.4Then, for the first time, palms were conferred on the victors according to a custom introduced from Greece. In the same year the paving of the road from the temple of Mars to Bovillae was completed by the curule aediles, who exhibited those games out of fines levied on the farmers of the pastures.

10.47.5Lucius Papirius presided at the consular election, and returned consuls Quintus Fabius Gurges, son of Maximus, and Decius Junius Brutus Scaeva. Papirius himself was made praetor. This year, prosperous in many particulars, was scarcely sufficient to afford consolation for one calamity, a pestilence, which afflicted both the city and country: the mortality was prodigious.

Book 10, Part 7

10.47.6To discover what end, or what remedy, was appointed by the gods for that calamity, the books were consulted: in the books it was found that Aesculapius must be brought to Rome from Epidaurus. Nor were any steps taken that year in that matter, because the consuls were fully occupied in the war, except that a supplication was performed to Aesculapius for one day.

Contents — 69 sections

Book 1, Part 1
Book 1, Part 2
Book 1, Part 3
Book 1, Part 4
Book 1, Part 5
Book 1, Part 6
Book 1, Part 7
Book 2, Part 1
Book 2, Part 2
Book 2, Part 3
Book 2, Part 4
Book 2, Part 5
Book 2, Part 6
Book 2, Part 7
Book 3, Part 1
Book 3, Part 2
Book 3, Part 3
Book 3, Part 4
Book 3, Part 5
Book 3, Part 6
Book 4, Part 1
Book 4, Part 2
Book 4, Part 3
Book 4, Part 4
Book 4, Part 5
Book 4, Part 6
Book 4, Part 7
Book 5, Part 1
Book 5, Part 2
Book 5, Part 3
Book 5, Part 4
Book 5, Part 5
Book 5, Part 6
Book 5, Part 7
Book 6, Part 1
Book 6, Part 2
Book 6, Part 3
Book 6, Part 4
Book 6, Part 5
Book 6, Part 6
Book 6, Part 7
Book 7, Part 1
Book 7, Part 2
Book 7, Part 3
Book 7, Part 4
Book 7, Part 5
Book 7, Part 6
Book 7, Part 7
Book 8, Part 1
Book 8, Part 2
Book 8, Part 3
Book 8, Part 4
Book 8, Part 5
Book 8, Part 6
Book 8, Part 7
Book 9, Part 1
Book 9, Part 2
Book 9, Part 3
Book 9, Part 4
Book 9, Part 5
Book 9, Part 6
Book 9, Part 7
Book 10, Part 1
Book 10, Part 2
Book 10, Part 3
Book 10, Part 4
Book 10, Part 5
Book 10, Part 6
Book 10, Part 7

Book 1, Part 1

1.pr.1facturusne operae pretium sim si a primordio urbis res populi Romani perscripserim nec satis scio nec, si sciam, dicere ausim,

1.pr.2quippe qui cum ueterem tum uolgatam esse rem uideam, dum noui semper scriptores aut in rebus certius aliquid allaturos se aut scribendi arte rudem uetustatem superaturos credunt.

1.pr.3utcumque erit, iuuabit tamen rerum gestarum memoriae principis terrarum populi pro uirili parte et ipsum consuluisse; et si in tanta scriptorum turba mea fama in obscuro sit, nobilitate ac magnitudine eorum me qui nomini officient meo consoler.

1.pr.4res est praeterea et immensi operis, ut quae supra septingentesimum annum repetatur et quae ab exiguis profecta initiis eo creuerit ut iam magnitudine laboret sua; et legentium plerisque haud dubito quin primae origines proximaque originibus minus praebitura uoluptatis sint, festinantibus ad haec noua quibus iam pridem praeualentis populi uires se ipsae conficiunt:

1.pr.5ego contra hoc quoque laboris praemium petam, ut me a conspectu malorum quae nostra tot per annos uidit aetas, tantisper certe dum prisca [tota] illa mente repeto, auertam, omnis expers curae quae scribentis animum, etsi non flectere a uero, sollicitum tamen efficere posset.

1.pr.6quae ante conditam condendamue urbem poeticis magis decora fabulis quam incorruptis rerum gestarum monumentis traduntur, ea nec adfirmare nec refellere in animo est.

1.pr.7datur haec uenia antiquitati ut miscendo humana diuinis primordia urbium augustiora faciat; et si cui populo licere oportet consecrare origines suas et ad deos referre auctores, ea belli gloria est populo Romano ut cum suum conditorisque sui parentem Martem potissimum ferat, tam et hoc gentes humanae patiantur aequo animo quam imperium patiuntur.

1.pr.8sed haec et his similia utcumque animaduersa aut existimata erunt haud in magno equidem ponam discrimine:

1.pr.9ad illa mihi pro se quisque acriter intendat animum, quae uita, qui mores fuerint, per quos uiros quibusque artibus domi militiaeque et partum et auctum imperium sit; labente deinde paulatim disciplina uelut desidentes primo mores sequatur animo, deinde ut magis magisque lapsi sint, tum ire coeperint praecipites, donec ad haec tempora quibus nec uitia nostra nec remedia pati possumus peruentum est.

1.pr.10hoc illud est praecipue in cognitione rerum salubre ac frugiferum. omnis te exempli documenta in inlustri posita monumento intueri; inde tibi tuaeque rei publicae quod imitere capias, inde foedum inceptu foedum exitu quod uites.

1.pr.11ceterum aut me amor negotii suscepti fallit, aut nulla unquam res publica nec maior nec sanctior nec bonis exemplis ditior fuit, nec in quam [ciuitatem] tam serae auaritia luxuriaque immigrauerint, nec ubi tantus ac tam diu paupertati ac parsimoniae honos fuerit.

1.pr.12adeo quanto rerum minus, tanto minus cupiditatis erat: nuper diuitiae auaritiam et abundantes uoluptates desiderium per luxum atque libidinem pereundi perdendique omnia inuexere. sed querellae, ne tum quidem gratae futurae cum forsitan necessariae erunt, ab initio certe tantae ordiendae rei absint:

1.pr.13cum bonis potius ominibus uotisque et precationibus deorum dearumque, si, ut poetis, nobis quoque mos esset, libentius inciperemus, ut orsis tantum operis successus prosperos darent.

1.1.1iam primum omnium satis constat Troia capta in ceteros saeuitum esse Troianos, duobus, Aeneae Antenorique, et uetusti iure hospitii et quia pacis reddendaeque Helenae semper auctores fuerant, omne ius belli Achiuos abstinuisse;

1.1.2casibus deinde uariis Antenorem cum multitudine Enetum, qui seditione ex Paphlagonia pulsi et sedes et ducem rege Pylaemene ad Troiam amisso quaerebant, uenisse in intimum maris Hadriatici sinum,

1.1.3Euganeisque qui inter mare Alpesque incolebant pulsis Enetos Troianosque eas tenuisse terras. et in quem primo egressi sunt locum Troia uocatur pagoque inde Troiano nomen est: gens uniuersa Ueneti appellati.

1.1.4Aeneam ab simili clade domo profugum sed ad maiora rerum initia ducentibus fatis, primo in Macedoniam uenisse, inde in Siciliam quaerentem sedes delatum, ab Sicilia classe ad Laurentem agrum tenuisse.

1.1.5Troia et huic loco nomen est. ibi egressi Troiani, ut quibus ab immenso prope errore nihil praeter arma et naues superesset, cum praedam ex agris agerent, Latinus rex Aboriginesque qui tum ea tenebant loca ad arcendam uim aduenarum armati ex urbe atque agris concurrunt.

1.1.6duplex inde fama est. alii proelio uictum Latinum pacem cum Aenea, deinde adfinitatem iunxisse tradunt:

1.1.7alii, cum instructae acies constitissent, priusquam signa canerent processisse Latinum inter primores ducemque aduenarum euocasse ad conloquium; percontatum deinde qui mortales essent, unde aut quo casu profecti domo quidue quaerentes in agrum Laurentinum exissent,

1.1.8postquam audierit multitudinem Troianos esse, ducem Aeneam filium Anchisae et Ueneris, cremata patria domo profugos, sedem condendaeque urbi locum quaerere, et nobilitatem admiratum gentis uirique et animum uel bello uel paci paratum, dextra data fidem futurae amicitiae sanxisse.

1.1.9inde foedus ictum inter duces, inter exercitus salutationem factam. Aeneam apud Latinum fuisse in hospitio; ibi Latinum apud penates deos domesticum publico adiunxisse foedus filia Aeneae in matrimonium data.

1.1.10ea res utique Troianis spem adfirmat tandem stabili certaque sede finiendi erroris. oppidum condunt;

1.1.11Aeneas ab nomine uxoris Lauinium appellat. breui stirpis quoque uirilis ex nouo matrimonio fuit, cui Ascanium parentes dixere nomen.

1.2.1bello deinde Aborigines Troianique simul petiti. Turnus rex Rutulorum, cui pacta Lauinia ante aduentum Aeneae fuerat, praelatum sibi aduenam aegre patiens simul Aeneae Latinoque bellum intulerat.

1.2.2neutra acies laeta ex eo certamine abiit: uicti Rutuli: uictores Aborigines Troianique ducem Latinum amisere.

1.2.3inde Turnus Rutulique diffisi rebus ad florentes opes Etruscorum Mezentiumque regem eorum confugiunt, qui Caere opulento tum oppido imperitans, iam inde ab initio minime laetus nouae origine urbis et tum nimio plus quam satis tutum esset accolis rem Troianam crescere ratus, haud grauatim socia arma Rutulis iunxit.

1.2.4Aeneas aduersus tanti belli terrorem ut animos Aboriginum sibi conciliaret nec sub eodem iure solum sed etiam nomine omnes essent, Latinos utramque gentem appellauit;

1.2.5nec deinde Aborigines Troianis studio ac fide erga regem Aeneam cessere. fretusque his animis coalescentium in dies magis duorum populorum Aeneas, quamquam tanta opibus Etruria erat ut iam non terras solum sed mare etiam per totam Italiae longitudinem ab Alpibus ad fretum Siculum fama nominis sui implesset, tamen cum moenibus bellum propulsare posset in aciem copias eduxit.

1.2.6secundum inde proelium Latinis, Aeneae etiam ultimum operum mortalium fuit. situs est, quemcumque eum dici ius fasque est super Numicum flumen: Iouem indigetem appellant.

1.3.1nondum maturus imperio Ascanius Aeneae filius erat; tamen id imperium ei ad puberem aetatem incolume mansit; tantisper tutela muliebri—tanta indoles in Lauinia erat—res Latina et regnum auitum paternumque puero stetit.

1.3.2haud ambigam—quis enim rem tam ueterem pro certo adfirmet?— hicine fuerit Ascanius an maior quam hic, Creusa matre Ilio incolumi natus comesque inde paternae fugae, quem Iulum eundem Iulia gens auctorem nominis sui nuncupat.

1.3.3is Ascanius, ubicumque et quacumque matre genitus—certe natum Aenea constat—abundante Lauinii multitudine florentem iam ut tum res erant atque opulentam urbem matri seu nouercae relinquit, nouam ipse aliam sub Albano monte condidit quae ab situ porrectae in dorso urbis Longa Alba appellata.

1.3.4inter Lauinium et Albam Longam coloniam deductam triginta ferme interfuere anni. tantum tamen opes creuerant maxime fusis Etruscis ut ne morte quidem Aeneae nec deinde inter muliebrem tutelam rudimentumque primum puerilis regni mouere arma aut Mezentius Etruscique aut ulli alii accolae ausi sint.

1.3.5pax ita conuenerat ut Etruscis Latinisque fluuius Albula, quem nunc Tiberim uocant, finis esset.

1.3.6Siluius deinde regnat Ascani filius, casu quodam in siluis natus;

1.3.7is Aeneam Siluium creat; is deinde Latinum Siluium. ab eo coloniae aliquot deductae, Prisci Latini appellati. mansit Siluiis postea omnibus cognomen, qui Albae regnarunt.

1.3.8Latino Alba ortus, Alba Atys, Atye Capys, Capye Capetus, Capeto Tiberinus, qui in traiectu Albulae amnis submersus celebre ad posteros nomen flumini dedit.

1.3.9Agrippa inde Tiberini filius, post Agrippam Romulus Siluius a patre accepto imperio regnat. Auentino fulmine ipse ictus regnum per manus tradidit. is sepultus in eo colle qui nunc pars Romanae est urbis, cognomen colli fecit. Proca deinde regnat.

1.3.10is Numitorem atque Amulium procreat; Numitori, qui stirpis maximus erat, regnum uetustum Siluiae gentis legat. plus tamen uis potuit quam uoluntas patris aut uerecundia aetatis: pulso fratre Amulius regnat.

1.3.11addit sceleri scelus: stirpem fratris uirilem interemit, fratris filiae Reae Siluiae per speciem honoris cum Uestalem eam legisset perpetua uirginitate spem partus adimit.

1.4.1sed debebatur, ut opinor, fatis tantae origo urbis maximique secundum deorum opes imperii principium.

1.4.2ui compressa Uestalis cum geminum partum edidisset, seu ita rata seu quia deus auctor culpae honestior erat, Martem incertae stirpis patrem nuncupat.

1.4.3sed nec di nec homines aut ipsam aut stirpem a crudelitate regia uindicant: sacerdos uincta in custodiam datur, pueros in profluentem aquam mitti iubet.

1.4.4forte quadam diuinitus super ripas Tiberis effusus lenibus stagnis nec adiri usquam ad iusti cursum poterat amnis et posse quamuis languida mergi aqua infantes spem ferentibus dabat.

1.4.5ita uelut defuncti regis imperio in proxima alluuie ubi nunc ficus Ruminalis est—Romularem uocatam ferunt—

1.4.6pueros exponunt. uastae tum in his locis solitudines erant. tenet fama cum fluitantem alueum, quo expositi erant pueri, tenuis in sicco aqua destituisset, lupam sitientem ex montibus qui circa sunt ad puerilem uagitum cursum flexisse; eam submissas infantibus adeo mitem praebuisse mammas ut lingua lambentem pueros magister regii pecoris inuenerit—

1.4.7Faustulo fuisse nomen ferunt—ab eo ad stabula Larentiae uxori educandos datos. sunt qui Larentiam uolgato corpore lupam inter pastores uocatam putent; inde locum fabulae ac miraculo datum.

1.4.8ita geniti itaque educati, cum primum adoleuit aetas, nec in stabulis nec ad pecora segnes uenando peragrare saltus.

1.4.9hinc robore corporibus animisque sumpto iam non feras tantum subsistere sed in latrones praeda onustos impetus facere pastoribusque rapta diuidere et cum his crescente in dies grege iuuenum seria ac iocos celebrare.

1.5.1iam tum in Palatio [monte] Lupercal hoc fuisse ludicrum ferunt, et a Pallanteo, urbe Arcadica, Pallantium, dein Palatium montem appellatum;

1.5.2ibi Euandrum, qui ex eo genere Arcadum multis ante tempestatibus tenuerit loca, sollemne allatum ex Arcadia instituisse ut nudi iuuenes Lycaeum Pana uenerantes per lusum atque lasciuiam currerent, quem Romani deinde uocarunt Inuum.

1.5.3huic deditis ludicro cum sollemne notum esset insidiatos ob iram praedae amissae latrones, cum Romulus ui se defendisset, Remum cepisse, captum regi Amulio tradidisse, ultro accusantes.

1.5.4crimini maxime dabant in Numitoris agros ab iis impetum fieri; inde eos collecta iuuenum manu hostilem in modum praedas agere.

1.5.5sic Numitori ad supplicium Remus deditur. iam inde ab initio Faustulo spes fuerat regiam stirpem apud se educari; nam et expositos iussu regis infantes sciebat et tempus quo ipse eos sustulisset ad id ipsum congruere; sed rem immaturam nisi aut per occasionem aut per necessitatem aperiri noluerat.

1.5.6necessitas prior uenit: ita metu subactus Romulo rem aperit. forte et Numitori cum in custodia Remum haberet audissetque geminos esse fratres, comparando et aetatem eorum et ipsam minime seruilem indolem, tetigerat animum memoria nepotum; sciscitandoque eodem peruenit ut haud procul esset quin Remum agnosceret. ita undique regi dolus nectitur.

1.5.7Romulus non cum globo iuuenum—nec enim erat ad uim apertam par—sed aliis alio itinere iussis certo tempore ad regiam uenire pastoribus ad regem impetum facit; et a domo Numitoris alia comparata manu adiuuat Remus. ita regem obtruncat.

1.6.1Numitor inter primum tumultum, hostes inuasisse urbem atque adortos regiam dictitans, cum pubem Albanam in arcem praesidio armisque obtinendam auocasset, postquam iuuenes perpetrata caede pergere ad se gratulantes uidit, extemplo aduocato concilio scelera in se fratris, originem nepotum, ut geniti, ut educati, ut cogniti essent, caedem deinceps tyranni seque eius auctorem ostendit.

1.6.2iuuenes per mediam contionem agmine ingressi cum auum regem salutassent, secuta ex omni multitudine consentiens uox ratum nomen imperiumque regi efficit.

1.6.3ita Numitori Albana re permissa Romulum Remumque cupido cepit in iis locis ubi expositi ubique educati erant urbis condendae. et supererat multitudo Albanorum Latinorumque; ad id pastores quoque accesserant, qui omnes facile spem facerent paruam Albam, paruum Lauinium prae ea urbe quae conderetur fore.

1.6.4interuenit deinde his cogitationibus auitum malum, regni cupido, atque inde foedum certamen coortum a satis miti principio. quoniam gemini essent nec aetatis uerecundia discrimen facere posset, ut di quorum tutelae ea loca essent auguriis legerent qui nomen nouae urbi daret, qui conditam imperio regeret, Palatium Romulus, Remus Auentinum ad inaugurandum templa capiunt.

1.7.1priori Remo augurium uenisse fertur, sex uoltures; iamque nuntiato augurio cum duplex numerus Romulo se ostendisset, utrumque regem sua multitudo consalutauerat: tempore illi praecepto, at hi numero auium regnum trahebant.

1.7.2inde cum altercatione congressi certamine irarum ad caedem uertuntur; ibi in turba ictus Remus cecidit. uolgatior fama est ludibrio fratris Remum nouos transiluisse muros; inde ab irato Romulo, cum uerbis quoque increpitans adiecisset, 'sic deinde, quicumque alius transiliet moenia mea,' interfectum.

1.7.3ita solus potitus imperio Romulus; condita urbs conditoris nomine appellata. Palatium primum, in quo ipse erat educatus, muniit. sacra dis aliis Albano ritu, Graeco Herculi, ut ab Euandro instituta erant, facit.

1.7.4Herculem in ea loca Geryone interempto boues mira specie abegisse memorant, ac prope Tiberim fluuium, qua prae se armentum agens nando traiecerat, loco herbido ut quiete et pabulo laeto reficeret boues et ipsum fessum uia procubuisse.

1.7.5ibi cum eum cibo uinoque grauatum sopor oppressisset, pastor accola eius loci, nomine Cacus, ferox uiribus, captus pulchritudine boum cum auertere eam praedam uellet, quia si agendo armentum in speluncam compulisset ipsa uestigia quaerentem dominum eo deductura erant, auersos boues eximium quemque pulchritudine caudis in speluncam traxit.

1.7.6Hercules ad primam auroram somno excitus cum gregem perlustrasset oculis et partem abesse numero sensisset, pergit ad proximam speluncam, si forte eo uestigia ferrent. quae ubi omnia foras uersa uidit nec in partem aliam ferre, confusus atque incertus animi ex loco infesto agere porro armentum occepit.

1.7.7inde cum actae boues quaedam ad desiderium, ut fit, relictarum mugissent, reddita inclusarum ex spelunca boum uox Herculem conuertit. quem cum uadentem ad speluncam Cacus ui prohibere conatus esset, ictus claua fidem pastorum nequiquam inuocans [morte] occubuit.

1.7.8Euander tum ea, profugus ex Peloponneso, auctoritate magis quam imperio regebat loca, uenerabilis uir miraculo litterarum, rei nouae inter rudes artium homines, uenerabilior diuinitate credita Carmentae matris, quam fatiloquam ante sibyllae in Italiam aduentum miratae eae gentes fuerant.

1.7.9is tum Euander concursu pastorum trepidantium circa aduenam manifestae reum caedis excitus postquam facinus facinorisque causam audiuit, habitum formamque uiri aliquantum ampliorem augustioremque humana intuens rogitat qui uir esset.

1.7.10ubi nomen patremque ac patriam accepit, 'Ioue nate, Hercules, salue,' inquit; 'te mihi mater, ueridica interpres deum, aucturum caelestium numerum cecinit, tibique aram hic dicatum iri quam opulentissima olim in terris gens maximam uocet tuoque ritu colat.'

1.7.11dextra Hercules data accipere se omen impleturumque fata ara condita ac dicata ait.

1.7.12ibi tum primum boue eximia capta de grege sacrum Herculi, adhibitis ad ministerium dapemque Potitiis ac Pinariis, quae tum familiae maxime inclitae ea loca incolebant, factum.

1.7.13forte ita euenit ut Potitii ad tempus praesto essent iisque exta apponerentur, Pinarii extis adesis ad ceteram uenirent dapem. inde institutum mansit donec Pinarium genus fuit, ne extis eorum sollemnium uescerentur.

1.7.14Potitii ab Euandro edocti antistites sacri eius per multas aetates fuerunt, donec tradito seruis publicis sollemni familiae ministerio genus omne Potitiorum interiit.

1.7.15haec tum sacra Romulus una ex omnibus peregrina suscepit, iam tum immortalitatis uirtute partae ad quam eum sua fata ducebant fautor.

1.8.1rebus diuinis rite perpetratis uocataque ad concilium multitudine quae coalescere in populi unius corpus nulla re praeterquam legibus poterat, iura dedit;

1.8.2quae ita sancta generi hominum agresti fore ratus, si se ipse uenerabilem insignibus imperii fecisset, cum cetero habitu se augustiorem, tum maxime lictoribus duodecim sumptis fecit.

1.8.3alii ab numero auium quae augurio regnum portenderant eum secutum numerum putant: me haud paenitet eorum sententiae esse quibus et apparitores hoc genus ab Etruscis finitimis, unde sella curulis, unde toga praetexta sumpta est, <et> numerum quoque ipsum ductum placet, et ita habuisse Etruscos quod ex duodecim populis communiter creato rege singulos singuli populi lictores dederint.

1.8.4crescebat interim urbs munitionibus alia atque alia appetendo loca, cum in spem magis futurae multitudinis quam ad id quod tum hominum erat munirent.

1.8.5deinde ne uana urbis magnitudo esset, adiciendae multitudinis causa uetere consilio condentium urbes, qui obscuram atque humilem conciendo ad se multitudinem natam e terra sibi prolem ementiebantur, locum qui nunc saeptus escendentibus inter duos lucos est asylum aperit.

1.8.6eo ex finitimis populis turba omnis sine discrimine, liber an seruus esset, auida nouarum rerum perfugit, idque primum ad coeptam magnitudinem roboris fuit.

1.8.7cum iam uirium haud paeniteret consilium deinde uiribus parat. centum creat senatores, siue quia is numerus satis erat, siue quia soli centum erant qui creari patres possent. patres certe ab honore patriciique progenies eorum appellati.

1.9.1iam res Romana adeo erat ualida ut cuilibet finitimarum ciuitatum bello par esset; sed penuria mulierum hominis aetatem duratura magnitudo erat, quippe quibus nec domi spes prolis nec cum finitimis conubia essent.

1.9.2tum ex consilio patrum Romulus legatos circa uicinas gentes misit qui societatem conubiumque nouo populo peterent:

1.9.3urbes quoque, ut cetera, ex infimo nasci; dein, quas sua uirtus ac di iuuent, magnas opes sibi magnumque nomen facere;

1.9.4satis scire, origini Romanae et deos adfuisse et non defuturam uirtutem; proinde ne grauarentur homines cum hominibus sanguinem ac genus miscere.

1.9.5nusquam benigne legatio audita est: adeo simul spernebant, simul tantam in medio crescentem molem sibi ac posteris suis metuebant. ac plerisque rogitantibus dimissi ecquod feminis quoque asylum aperuissent; id enim demum compar conubium fore.

1.9.6aegre id Romana pubes passa et haud dubie ad uim spectare res coepit. cui tempus locumque aptum ut daret Romulus aegritudinem animi dissimulans ludos ex industria parat Neptuno equestri sollemnes; Consualia uocat.

1.9.7indici deinde finitimis spectaculum iubet; quantoque apparatu tum sciebant aut poterant, concelebrant ut rem claram exspectatamque facerent.

1.9.8multi mortales conuenere, studio etiam uidendae nouae urbis, maxime proximi quique, Caeninenses, Crustumini, Antemnates;

1.9.9iam Sabinorum omnis multitudo cum liberis ac coniugibus uenit. inuitati hospitaliter per domos cum situm moeniaque et frequentem tectis urbem uidissent, mirantur tam breui rem Romanam creuisse.

1.9.10ubi spectaculi tempus uenit deditaeque eo mentes cum oculis erant, tum ex composito orta uis signoque dato iuuentus Romana ad rapiendas uirgines discurrit.

Book 1, Part 2

1.9.11magna pars forte in quem quaeque inciderat raptae: quasdam forma excellentes, primoribus patrum destinatas, ex plebe homines quibus datum negotium erat domos deferebant.

1.9.12unam longe ante alias specie ac pulchritudine insignem a globo Thalassi cuiusdam raptam ferunt multisque sciscitantibus cuinam eam ferrent, identidem ne quis uiolaret Thalassio ferri clamitatum; inde nuptialem hanc uocem factam.

1.9.13turbato per metum ludicro maesti parentes uirginum profugiunt, incusantes uiolati hospitii foedus deumque inuocantes cuius ad sollemne ludosque per fas ac fidem decepti uenissent.

1.9.14nec raptis aut spes de se melior aut indignatio est minor. sed ipse Romulus circumibat docebatque patrum id superbia factum qui conubium finitimis negassent; illas tamen in matrimonio, in societate fortunarum omnium ciuitatisque et quo nihil carius humano generi sit liberum fore;

1.9.15mollirent modo iras et, quibus fors corpora dedisset, darent animos; saepe ex iniuria postmodum gratiam ortam; eoque melioribus usuras uiris quod adnisurus pro se quisque sit ut, cum suam uicem functus officio sit, parentium etiam patriaeque expleat desiderium.

1.9.16accedebant blanditiae uirorum, factum purgantium cupiditate atque amore, quae maxime ad muliebre ingenium efficaces preces sunt.

1.10.1iam admodum mitigati animi raptis erant; at raptarum parentes tum maxime sordida ueste lacrimisque et querellis ciuitates concitabant. nec domi tantum indignationes continebant sed congregabantur undique ad T. Tatium regem Sabinorum, et legationes eo quod maximum Tati nomen in iis regionibus erat conueniebant.

1.10.2Caeninenses Crustuminique et Antemnates erant ad quos eius iniuriae pars pertinebat. lente agere his Tatius Sabinique uisi sunt: ipsi inter se tres populi communiter bellum parant.

1.10.3ne Crustumini quidem atque Antemnates pro ardore iraque Caeninensium satis se impigre mouent; ita per se ipsum nomen Caeninum in agrum Romanum impetum facit.

1.10.4sed effuse uastantibus fit obuius cum exercitu Romulus leuique certamine docet uanam sine uiribus iram esse. exercitum fundit fugatque, fusum persequitur: regem in proelio obtruncat et spoliat:

1.10.5duce hostium occiso urbem primo impetu capit. inde exercitu uictore reducto, ipse cum factis uir magnificus tum factorum ostentator haud minor, spolia ducis hostium caesi suspensa fabricato ad id apte ferculo gerens in Capitolium escendit; ibique ea cum ad quercum pastoribus sacram deposuisset, simul cum dono designauit templo Iouis fines cognomenque addidit deo:

1.10.6'Iuppiter Feretri' inquit, 'haec tibi uictor Romulus rex regia arma fero, templumque his regionibus quas modo animo metatus sum dedico, sedem opimis spoliis quae regibus ducibusque hostium caesis me auctorem sequentes posteri ferent.'

1.10.7haec templi est origo quod primum omnium Romae sacratum est. ita deinde dis uisum nec inritam conditoris templi uocem esse qua laturos eo spolia posteros nuncupauit nec multitudine compotum eius doni uolgari laudem. bina postea, inter tot annos, tot bella, opima parta sunt spolia: adeo rara eius fortuna decoris fuit.

1.11.1dum ea ibi Romani gerunt, Antemnatium exercitus per occasionem ac solitudinem hostiliter in fines Romanos incursionem facit. raptim et ad hos Romana legio ducta palatos in agris oppressit.

1.11.2fusi igitur primo impetu et clamore hostes, oppidum captum; duplicique uictoria ouantem Romulum Hersilia coniunx precibus raptarum fatigata orat ut parentibus earum det ueniam et in ciuitatem accipiat: ita rem coalescere concordia posse.

1.11.3facile impetratum. inde contra Crustuminos profectus bellum inferentes. ibi minus etiam quod alienis cladibus ceciderant animi certaminis fuit.

1.11.4utroque coloniae missae: plures inuenti qui propter ubertatem terrae in Crustuminum nomina darent. et Romam inde frequenter migratum est, a parentibus maxime ac propinquis raptarum.

1.11.5nouissimum ab Sabinis bellum ortum multoque id maximum fuit; nihil enim per iram aut cupiditatem actum est, nec ostenderunt bellum prius quam intulerunt.

1.11.6consilio etiam additus dolus. Sp. Tarpeius Romanae praeerat arci. huius filiam uirginem auro corrumpit Tatius ut armatos in arcem accipiat; aquam forte ea tum sacris extra moenia petitum ierat.

1.11.7accepti obrutam armis necauere, seu ut ui capta potius arx uideretur seu prodendi exempli causa ne quid usquam fidum proditori esset.

1.11.8additur fabula, quod uolgo Sabini aureas armillas magni ponderis brachio laeuo gemmatosque magna specie anulos habuerint, pepigisse eam quod in sinistris manibus haberent; eo scuta illi pro aureis donis congesta.

1.11.9sunt qui eam ex pacto tradendi quod in sinistris manibus esset derecto arma petisse dicant et fraude uisam agere sua ipsam peremptam mercede.

1.12.1tenuere tamen arcem Sabini; atque inde postero die, cum Romanus exercitus instructus quod inter Palatinum Capitolinumque collem campi est complesset, non prius descenderunt in aequum quam ira et cupiditate reciperandae arcis stimulante animos in aduersum Romani subiere.

1.12.2principes utrimque pugnam ciebant ab Sabinis Mettius Curtius ab Romanis Hostius Hostilius . hic rem Romanam iniquo loco ad prima signa animo atque audacia sustinebat.

1.12.3ut Hostius cecidit, confestim Romana inclinatur acies fusaque est. ad ueterem portam Palati Romulus et ipse turba fugientium actus,

1.12.4arma ad caelum tollens, 'Iuppiter, tuis' inquit 'iussus auibus hic in Palatio prima urbi fundamenta ieci. arcem iam scelere emptam Sabini habent; inde huc armati superata media ualle tendunt;

1.12.5at tu, pater deum hominumque, hinc saltem arce hostes;

1.12.6deme terrorem Romanis fugamque foedam siste. hic ego tibi templum Statori Ioui, quod monumentum sit posteris tua praesenti ope seruatam urbem esse, uoueo.'

1.12.7haec precatus, ueluti sensisset auditas preces, 'hinc' inquit, 'Romani, Iuppiter optimus maximus resistere atque iterare pugnam iubet.' restitere Romani tamquam caelesti uoce iussi: ipse ad primores Romulus prouolat.

1.12.8Mettius Curtius ab Sabinis princeps ab arce decucurrerat et effusos egerat Romanos toto quantum foro spatium est. nec procul iam a porta Palati erat, clamitans: 'uicimus perfidos hospites, imbelles hostes; iam sciunt longe aliud esse uirgines rapere, aliud pugnare cum uiris.'

1.12.9in eum haec gloriantem cum globo ferocissimorum iuuenum Romulus impetum facit. ex equo tum forte Mettius pugnabat; eo pelli facilius fuit. pulsum Romani persequuntur; et alia Romana acies, audacia regis accensa, fundit Sabinos.

1.12.10Mettius in paludem sese strepitu sequentium trepidante equo coniecit; auerteratque ea res etiam Sabinos tanti periculo uiri. et ille quidem adnuentibus ac uocantibus suis fauore multorum addito animo euadit: Romani Sabinique in media conualle duorum montium redintegrant proelium; sed res Romana erat superior.

1.13.1tum Sabinae mulieres, quarum ex iniuria bellum ortum erat, crinibus passis scissaque ueste, uicto malis muliebri pauore, ausae se inter tela uolantia inferre, ex transuerso impetu facto dirimere infestas acies,

1.13.2dirimere iras, hinc patres, hinc uiros orantes, ne sanguine se nefando soceri generique respergerent, ne parricidio macularent partus suos, nepotum illi, hi liberum progeniem.

1.13.3'si adfinitatis inter uos, si conubii piget, in nos uertite iras; nos causa belli, nos uolnerum ac caedium uiris ac parentibus sumus; melius peribimus quam sine alteris uestrum uiduae aut orbae uiuemus.' mouet res cum multitudinem tum duces;

1.13.4silentium et repentina fit quies; inde ad foedus faciendum duces prodeunt. nec pacem modo sed ciuitatem unam ex duabus faciunt. regnum consociant: imperium omne conferunt Romam.

1.13.5ita geminata urbe ut Sabinis tamen aliquid daretur Quirites a Curibus appellati. monumentum eius pugnae, ubi primum ex profunda emersus palude equus Curtium in uado statuit, Curtium lacum appellarunt.

1.13.6ex bello tam tristi laeta repente pax cariores Sabinas uiris ac parentibus et ante omnes Romulo ipsi fecit. itaque cum populum in curias triginta diuideret, nomina earum curiis imposuit.

1.13.7id non traditur, cum haud dubie aliquanto numerus maior hoc mulierum fuerit, aetate an dignitatibus suis uirorumue an sorte lectae sint, quae nomina curiis darent.

1.13.8eodem tempore et centuriae tres equitum conscriptae sunt. Ramnenses ab Romulo, ab T. Tatio Titienses appellati: Lucerum nominis et originis causa incerta est. inde non modo commune sed concors etiam regnum duobus regibus fuit.

1.14.1post aliquot annos propinqui regis Tati legatos Laurentium pulsant; cumque Laurentes iure gentium agerent, apud Tatium gratia suorum et preces plus poterant.

1.14.2igitur illorum poenam in se uertit; nam Lauinii cum ad sollemne sacrificium eo uenisset concursu facto interficitur.

1.14.3eam rem minus aegre quam dignum erat tulisse Romulum ferunt, seu ob infidam societatem regni seu quia haud iniuria caesum credebat. itaque bello quidem abstinuit; ut tamen expiarentur legatorum iniuriae regisque caedes, foedus inter Romam Lauiniumque urbes renouatum est.

1.14.4et cum his quidem insperata pax erat: aliud multo propius atque in ipsis prope portis bellum ortum. Fidenates nimis uicinas prope se conualescere opes rati, priusquam tantum roboris esset quantum futurum apparebat, occupant bellum facere. iuuentute armata immissa uastatur agri quod inter urbem ac Fidenas est;

1.14.5inde ad laeuam uersi quia dextra Tiberis arcebat, cum magna trepidatione agrestium populantur, tumultusque repens ex agris in urbem inlatus pro nuntio fuit.

1.14.6excitus Romulus—neque enim dilationem pati tam uicinum bellum poterat—exercitum educit, castra a Fidenis mille passuum locat.

1.14.7ibi modico praesidio relicto, egressus omnibus copiis partem militum locis circa densa obsita uirgulta obscuris subsidere in insidiis iussit: cum parte maiore atque omni equitatu profectus, id quod quaerebat, tumultuoso et minaci genere pugnae adequitando ipsis prope portis hostem exciuit. fugae quoque, quae simulanda erat, eadem equestris pugna causam minus mirabilem dedit.

1.14.8et cum, uelut inter pugnae fugaeque consilium trepidante equitatu, pedes quoque referret gradum, plenis repente portis effusi hostes impulsa Romana acie studio instandi sequendique trahuntur ad locum insidiarum.

1.14.9inde subito exorti Romani transuersam inuadunt hostium aciem; addunt pauorem mota e castris signa eorum qui in praesidio relicti fuerant. ita multiplici terrore perculsi Fidenates prius paene, quam Romulus quique <auehi> cum eo uisi erant circumagerent frenis equos, terga uertunt;

1.14.10multoque effusius, quippe uera fuga, qui simulantes paulo ante secuti erant oppidum repetebant.

1.14.11non tamen eripuere se hosti: haerens in tergo Romanus, priusquam fores portarum obicerentur, uelut agmine uno inrumpit.

1.15.1belli Fidenatis contagione inritati Ueientium animi et consanguinitate—nam Fidenates quoque Etrusci fuerunt—et quod ipsa propinquitas loci, si Romana arma omnibus infesta finitimis essent, stimulabat. in fines Romanos excucurrerunt populabundi magis quam iusti more belli.

1.15.2itaque non castris positis, non exspectato hostium exercitu, raptam ex agris praedam portantes Ueios rediere. Romanus contra postquam hostem in agris non inuenit, dimicationi ultimae instructus intentusque Tiberim transit.

1.15.3quem postquam castra ponere et ad urbem accessurum Ueientes audiuere, obuiam egressi ut potius acie decernerent quam inclusi de tectis moenibusque dimicarent.

1.15.4ibi uiribus nulla arte adiutis, tantum ueterani robore exercitus rex Romanus uicit; persecutusque fusos ad moenia hostes, urbe ualida muris ac situ ipso munita abstinuit, agros rediens uastat, ulciscendi magis quam praedae studio;

1.15.5eaque clade haud minus quam aduersa pugna subacti Ueientes pacem petitum oratores Romam mittunt. agri parte multatis in centum annos indutiae datae.

1.15.6haec ferme Romulo regnante domi militiaeque gesta, quorum nihil absonum fidei diuinae originis diuinitatisque post mortem creditae fuit, non animus in regno auito reciperando, non condendae urbis consilium, non bello ac pace firmandae.

1.15.7ab illo enim profecto uiribus datis tantum ualuit ut in quadraginta deinde annos tutam pacem haberet.

1.15.8multitudini tamen gratior fuit quam patribus, longe ante alios acceptissimus militum animis; trecentosque armatos ad custodiam corporis quos Celeres appellauit non in bello solum sed etiam in pace habuit.

1.16.1his immortalibus editis operibus cum ad exercitum recensendum contionem in campo ad Caprae paludem haberet, subito coorta tempestas cum magno fragore tonitribusque tam denso regem operuit nimbo ut conspectum eius contioni abstulerit; nec deinde in terris Romulus fuit.

1.16.2Romana pubes sedato tandem pauore postquam ex tam turbido die serena et tranquilla lux rediit, ubi uacuam sedem regiam uidit, etsi satis credebat patribus qui proximi steterant sublimem raptum procella, tamen uelut orbitatis metu icta maestum aliquamdiu silentium obtinuit.

1.16.3deinde a paucis initio facto, deum deo natum, regem parentemque urbis Romanae saluere uniuersi Romulum iubent; pacem precibus exposcunt, uti uolens propitius suam semper sospitet progeniem.

1.16.4fuisse credo tum quoque aliquos qui discerptum regem patrum manibus taciti arguerent; manauit enim haec quoque sed perobscura fama; illam alteram admiratio uiri et pauor praesens nobilitauit.

1.16.5et consilio etiam unius hominis addita rei dicitur fides. namque Proculus Iulius , sollicita ciuitate desiderio regis et infensa patribus, grauis, ut traditur, quamuis magnae rei auctor in contionem prodit.

1.16.6'Romulus' inquit, 'Quirites, parens urbis huius, prima hodierna luce caelo repente delapsus se mihi obuium dedit. cum perfusus horrore uenerabundusque adstitissem petens precibus ut contra intueri fas esset,

1.16.7"abi, nuntia" inquit "Romanis, caelestes ita uelle ut mea Roma caput orbis terrarum sit; proinde rem militarem colant sciantque et ita posteris tradant nullas opes humanas armis Romanis resistere posse.

1.16.8'haec' inquit 'locutus sublimis abiit.'" mirum quantum illi uiro nuntianti haec fidei fuerit, quamque desiderium Romuli apud plebem exercitumque facta fide immortalitatis lenitum sit.

1.17.1patrum interim animos certamen regni ac cupido uersabat; necdum †a singulis, quia nemo magno opere eminebat in nouo populo, peruenerat: factionibus inter ordines certabatur†.

1.17.2oriundi ab Sabinis, ne quia post Tati mortem ab sua parte non erat regnatum, in societate aequa possessionem imperii amitterent, sui corporis creari regem uolebant: Romani ueteres peregrinum regem aspernabantur.

1.17.3in uariis uoluntatibus regnari tamen omnes uolebant, libertatis dulcedine nondum experta.

1.17.4timor deinde patres incessit ne ciuitatem sine imperio, exercitum sine duce, multarum circa ciuitatium inritatis animis, uis aliqua externa adoriretur. et esse igitur aliquod caput placebat, et nemo alteri concedere in animum inducebat.

1.17.5ita rem inter se centum patres, decem decuriis factis singulisque in singulas decurias creatis qui summae rerum praeessent consociant.

1.17.6decem imperitabant: unus cum insignibus imperii et lictoribus erat: quinque dierum spatio finiebatur imperium ac per omnes in orbem ibat, annuumque interuallum regni fuit. id ab re quod nunc quoque tenet nomen interregnum appellatum.

1.17.7fremere deinde plebs multiplicatam seruitutem, centum pro uno dominos factos; nec ultra nisi regem et ab ipsis creatum uidebantur passuri.

1.17.8cum sensissent ea moueri patres, offerendum ultro rati quod amissuri erant, ita gratiam ineunt summa potestate populo permissa ut non plus darent iuris quam detinerent.

1.17.9decreuerunt enim ut cum populus regem iussisset, id sic ratum esset si patres auctores fierent. hodie quoque in legibus magistratibusque rogandis usurpatur idem ius, ui adempta: priusquam populus suffragium ineat, in incertum comitiorum euentum patres auctores fiunt.

1.17.10tum interrex contione aduocata, 'quod bonum, faustum felixque sit' inquit, 'Quirites, regem create: ita patribus uisum est. patres deinde, si dignum qui secundus ab Romulo numeretur crearitis, auctores fient.'

1.17.11adeo id gratum plebi fuit ut, ne uicti beneficio uiderentur, id modo sciscerent iuberentque ut senatus decerneret qui Romae regnaret.

1.18.1inclita iustitia religioque ea tempestate Numae Pompili erat. Curibus Sabinis habitabat, consultissimus uir, ut in illa quisquam esse aetate poterat, omnis diuini atque humani iuris.

1.18.2auctorem doctrinae eius, quia non exstat alius, falso Samium Pythagoram edunt, quem Seruio Tullio regnante Romae centum amplius post annos in ultima Italiae ora circa Metapontum Heracleamque et Crotona iuuenum aemulantium studia coetus habuisse constat.

1.18.3ex quibus locis, etsi eiusdem aetatis fuisset, quae fama in Sabinos? aut quo linguae commercio quemquam ad cupiditatem discendi exciuisset? quoue praesidio unus per tot gentes dissonas sermone moribusque peruenisset?

1.18.4suopte igitur ingenio temperatum animum uirtutibus fuisse opinor magis instructumque non tam peregrinis artibus quam disciplina tetrica ac tristi ueterum Sabinorum, quo genere nullum quondam incorruptius fuit.

1.18.5audito nomine Numae patres Romani, quamquam inclinari opes ad Sabinos rege inde sumpto uidebantur, tamen neque se quisquam nec factionis suae alium nec denique patrum aut ciuium quemquam praeferre illi uiro ausi, ad unum omnes Numae Pompilio regnum deferendum decernunt.

1.18.6accitus, sicut Romulus augurato urbe condenda regnum adeptus est, de se quoque deos consuli iussit. inde ab augure, cui deinde honoris ergo publicum id perpetuumque sacerdotium fuit, deductus in arcem, in lapide ad meridiem uersus consedit.

1.18.7augur ad laeuam eius capite uelato sedem cepit, dextra manu baculum sine nodo aduncum tenens, quem lituum appellarunt. inde ubi prospectu in urbem agrumque capto deos precatus regiones ab oriente ad occasum determinauit, dextras ad meridiem partes, laeuas ad septentrionem esse dixit;

1.18.8signum contra quo longissime conspectum oculi ferebant animo finiuit; tum lituo in laeuam manum translato, dextra in caput Numae imposita, ita precatus est:

1.18.9Iuppiter pater, si est fas hunc Numam Pompilium cuius ego caput teneo regem Romae esse, ut tu signa nobis certa adclarassis inter eos fines quos feci.'

1.18.10tum peregit uerbis auspicia quae mitti uellet. quibus missis declaratus rex Numa de templo descendit.

1.19.1qui regno ita potitus urbem nouam conditam ui et armis, iure eam legibusque ac moribus de integro condere parat.

1.19.2quibus cum inter bella adsuescere uideret non posse—quippe efferari militia animos—, mitigandum ferocem populum armorum desuetudine ratus, Ianum ad infimum Argiletum indicem pacis bellique fecit, apertus ut in armis esse ciuitatem,

1.19.3clausus pacatos circa omnes populos significaret.—bis deinde post Numae regnum clausus fuit, semel T. Manlio consule post Punicum primum perfectum bellum, iterum, quod nostrae aetati di dederunt ut uideremus, post bellum Actiacum ab imperatore Caesare Augusto pace terra marique parta.—

1.19.4clauso eo cum omnium circa finitimorum societate ac foederibus iunxisset animos, positis externorum periculorum curis, ne luxuriarent otio animi quos metus hostium disciplinaque militaris continuerat, omnium primum, rem ad multitudinem imperitam et illis saeculis rudem efficacissimam, deorum metum iniciendum ratus est.

1.19.5qui cum descendere ad animos sine aliquo commento miraculi non posset, simulat sibi cum dea Egeria congressus nocturnos esse; eius se monitu quae acceptissima dis essent sacra instituere, sacerdotes suos cuique deorum praeficere.

Book 1, Part 3

1.19.6atque omnium primum ad cursus lunae in duodecim menses discribit annum; quem quia tricenos dies singulis mensibus luna non explet desuntque sex dies solido anno qui solstitiali circumagitur orbe, intercalariis mensibus interponendis ita dispensauit, ut uicesimo anno ad metam eandem solis unde orsi essent, plenis omnium annorum spatiis dies congruerent.

1.19.7idem nefastos dies fastosque fecit quia aliquando nihil cum populo agi utile futurum erat.

1.20.1tum sacerdotibus creandis animum adiecit, quamquam ipse plurima sacra obibat, ea maxime quae nunc ad Dialem flaminem pertinent.

1.20.2sed quia in ciuitate bellicosa plures Romuli quam Numae similes reges putabat fore iturosque ipsos ad bella, ne sacra regiae uicis desererentur flaminem Ioui adsiduum sacerdotem creauit insignique eum ueste et curuli regia sella adornauit. huic duos flamines adiecit, Marti unum,

1.20.3alterum Quirino, uirginesque Uestae legit, Alba oriundum sacerdotium et genti conditoris haud alienum. his ut adsiduae templi antistites essent stipendium de publico statuit; uirginitate aliisque caerimoniis uenerabiles ac sanctas fecit.

1.20.4Salios item duodecim Marti Gradiuo legit, tunicaeque pictae insigne dedit et super tunicam aeneum pectori tegumen; caelestiaque arma, quae ancilia appellantur, ferre ac per urbem ire canentes carmina cum tripudiis sollemnique saltatu iussit.

1.20.5pontificem deinde Numam Marcium Marci filium ex patribus legit eique sacra omnia exscripta exsignataque attribuit, quibus hostiis, quibus diebus, ad quae templa sacra fierent, atque unde in eos sumptus pecunia erogaretur.

1.20.6cetera quoque omnia publica priuataque sacra pontificis scitis subiecit, ut esset quo consultum plebes ueniret, ne quid diuini iuris neglegendo patrios ritus peregrinosque adsciscendo turbaretur;

1.20.7nec caelestes modo caerimonias, sed iusta quoque funebria placandosque manes ut idem pontifex edoceret, quaeque prodigia fulminibus alioue quo uisu missa susciperentur atque curarentur. ad ea elicienda ex mentibus diuinis Ioui Elicio aram in Auentino dicauit deumque consuluit auguriis, quae suscipienda essent.

1.21.1ad haec consultanda procurandaque multitudine omni a ui et armis conuersa, et animi aliquid agendo occupati erant, et deorum adsidua insidens cura, cum interesse rebus humanis caeleste numen uideretur, ea pietate omnium pectora imbuerat ut fides ac ius iurandum †proximo† legum ac poenarum metu ciuitatem regerent.

1.21.2et cum ipsi se homines in regis uelut unici exempli mores formarent, tum finitimi etiam populi, qui antea castra non urbem positam in medio ad sollicitandam omnium pacem crediderant, in eam uerecundiam adducti sunt, ut ciuitatem totam in cultum uersam deorum uiolari ducerent nefas.

1.21.3lucus erat quem medium ex opaco specu fons perenni rigabat aqua. quo quia se persaepe Numa sine arbitris uelut ad congressum deae inferebat, Camenis eum lucum sacrauit, quod earum ibi concilia cum coniuge sua Egeria essent.

1.21.4et [soli] Fidei sollemne instituit. ad id sacrarium flamines bigis curru arcuato uehi iussit manuque ad digitos usque inuoluta rem diuinam facere, significantes fidem tutandam sedemque eius etiam in dexteris sacratam esse.

1.21.5multa alia sacrificia locaque sacris faciendis quae Argeos pontifices uocant dedicauit. omnium tamen maximum eius operum fuit tutela per omne regni tempus haud minor pacis quam regni.

1.21.6ita duo deinceps reges, alius alia uia, ille bello, hic pace, ciuitatem auxerunt. Romulus septem et triginta regnauit annos, Numa tres et quadraginta. cum ualida tum temperata et belli et pacis artibus erat ciuitas.

1.22.1Numae morte ad interregnum res rediit. inde Tullum Hostilium, nepotem Hostili, cuius in infima arce clara pugna aduersus Sabinos fuerat, regem populus iussit; patres auctores facti.

1.22.2hic non solum proximo regi dissimilis sed ferocior etiam quam Romulus fuit. cum aetas uiresque tum auita quoque gloria animum stimulabat. senescere igitur ciuitatem otio ratus undique materiam excitandi belli quaerebat.

1.22.3forte euenit ut agrestes Romani ex Albano agro, Albani ex Romano praedas in uicem agerent.

1.22.4imperitabat tum Gaius Cluilius Albae. utrimque legati fere sub idem tempus ad res repetendas missi. Tullus praeceperat suis ne quid prius quam mandata agerent; satis sciebat negaturum Albanum; ita pie bellum indici posse.

1.22.5ab Albanis socordius res acta; excepti hospitio ab Tullo blande ac benigne, comiter regis conuiuium celebrant. tantisper Romani et res repetiuerant priores et neganti Albano bellum in tricesimum diem indixerant. haec renuntiant Tullo.

1.22.6tum legatis Tullus dicendi potestatem quid petentes uenerint facit. illi omnium ignari primum purgando terunt tempus: se inuitos quicquam quod minus placeat Tullo dicturos, sed imperio subigi; res repetitum se uenisse; ni reddantur bellum indicere iussos.

1.22.7ad haec Tullus 'nuntiate' inquit, 'regi uestro regem Romanum deos facere testes, uter prius populus res repetentes legatos aspernatus dimiserit, ut in eum omnes expetant huiusce clades belli.'

1.23.1haec nuntiant domum Albani. et bellum utrimque summa ope parabatur, ciuili simillimum bello, prope inter parentes natosque, Troianam utramque prolem, cum Lauinium ab Troia, ab Lauinio Alba, ab Albanorum stirpe regum oriundi Romani essent.

1.23.2euentus tamen belli minus miserabilem dimicationem fecit, quod nec acie certatum est et tectis modo dirutis alterius urbis duo populi in unum confusi sunt.

1.23.3Albani priores ingenti exercitu in agrum Romanum impetum fecere. castra ab urbe haud plus quinque milia passuum locant, fossa circumdant; fossa Cluilia ab nomine ducis per aliquot saecula appellata est, donec cum re nomen quoque uetustate aboleuit.

1.23.4in his castris Cluilius Albanus rex moritur; dictatorem Albani Mettium Fufetium creant. interim Tellus ferox, praecipue morte regis, magnumque deorum numen ab ipso capite orsum in omne nomen Albanum expetiturum poenas ob bellum impium dictitans, nocte praeteritis hostium castris, infesto exercitu in agrum Albanum pergit.

1.23.5ea res ab statiuis exciuit Mettium. ducit quam proxime ad hostem potest; inde legatum praemissum nuntiare Tullo iubet priusquam dimicent opus esse conloquio; si secum congressus sit, satis scire ea se allaturum quae nihilo minus ad rem Romanam quam ad Albanam pertineant.

1.23.6haud aspernatus Tullus, tamen si uana adferantur in aciem educit. exeunt contra et Albani. postquam instructi utrimque stabant, cum paucis procerum in medium duces procedunt.

1.23.7ibi infit Albanus: 'iniurias et non redditas res ex foedere quae repetitae sint, et ego regem nostrum Cluilium causam huiusce esse belli audisse uideor, nec te dubito, Tulle, eadem prae te ferre; sed si uera potius quam dictu speciosa dicenda sunt, cupido imperii duos cognatos uicinosque populos ad arma stimulat.

1.23.8neque, recte an perperam, interpretor. fuerit ista eius deliberatio qui bellum suscepit: me Albani gerendo bello ducem creauere. illud te, Tulle, monitum uelim: Etrusca res quanta circa nos teque maxime sit, quo propior es [Uolscis] hoc magis scis. multum illi terra, plurimum mari pollent.

1.23.9memor esto, iam cum signum pugnae dabis, has duas acies spectaculo fore ut fessos confectosque simul uictorem ac uictum adgrediantur. itaque si nos di amant, quoniam non contenti libertate certa in dubiam imperii seruitiique aleam imus, ineamus aliquam uiam qua utri utris imperent sine magna clade, sine multo sanguine utriusque populi decerni possit.'

1.23.10haud displicet res Tullo quamquam cum indole animi tum spe uictoriae ferocior erat. quaerentibus utrimque ratio initur cui et fortuna ipsa praebuit materiam.

1.24.1forte in duobus tum exercitibus erant trigemini fratres, nec aetate nec uiribus dispares. Horatios Curiatiosque fuisse satis constat, nec ferme res antiqua alia est nobilior; tamen in re tam clara nominum error manet, utrius populi Horatii, utrius Curiatii fuerint. auctores utroque trahunt; plures tamen inuenio qui Romanos Horatios uocent; hos ut sequar inclinat animus.

1.24.2cum trigeminis agunt reges ut pro sua quisque patria dimicent ferro; ibi imperium fore unde uictoria fuerit. nihil recusatur; tempus et locus conuenit.

1.24.3priusquam dimicarent foedus ictum inter Romanos et Albanos est his legibus ut cuiusque populi ciues eo certamine uicissent, is alteri populo cum bona pace imperitaret. foedera alia aliis legibus, ceterum eodem modo omnia fiunt.

1.24.4tum ita factum accepimus, nec ullius uetustior foederis memoria est. fetialis regem Tullum ita rogauit: 'iubesne me, rex, cum patre patrato populi Albani foedus ferire?' iubente rege, 'sagmina' inquit 'te, rex, posco.' rex ait: 'pura tollito.'

1.24.5fetialis ex arce graminis herbam puram attulit. postea regem ita rogauit: 'rex, facisne me tu regium nuntium populi Romani Quiritium, uasa comitesque meos?' rex respondit: 'quod sine fraude mea populique Romani Quiritium fiat, facio.'

1.24.6fetialis erat M. Ualerius ; is patrem patratum Sp. Fusium fecit, uerbena caput capillosque tangens. pater patratus ad ius iurandum patrandum, id est, sanciendum fit foedus; multisque id uerbis, quae longo effata carmine non operae est referre, peragit.

1.24.7legibus deinde recitatis, 'audi' inquit, 'Iuppiter; audi, pater patrate populi Albani; audi tu, populus Albanus. ut illa palam prima postrema ex illis tabulis ceraue recitata sunt sine dolo malo, utique ea hic hodie rectissime intellecta sunt, illis legibus populus Romanus prior non deficiet.

1.24.8si prior defexit publico consilio dolo malo, tum tu ille Diespiter populum Romanum sic ferito ut ego hunc porcum hic hodie feriam; tantoque magis ferito quanto magis potes pollesque.'

1.24.9id ubi dixit porcum saxo silice percussit. sua item carmina Albani suumque ius iurandum per suum dictatorem suosque sacerdotes peregerunt.

1.25.1foedere icto trigemini, sicut conuenerat, arma capiunt. cum sui utrosque adhortarentur, deos patrios, patriam ac parentes, quidquid ciuium domi, quidquid in exercitu sit, illorum tunc arma, illorum intueri manus, feroces et suopte ingenio et pleni adhortantium uocibus in medium inter duas acies procedunt.

1.25.2consederant utrimque pro castris duo exercitus, periculi magis praesentis quam curae expertes; quippe imperium agebatur in tam paucorum uirtute atque fortuna positum. itaque ergo erecti suspensique in minime gratum spectaculum animo incenduntur.

1.25.3datur signum infestisque armis uelut acies terni iuuenes magnorum exercituum animos gerentes concurrunt. nec his nec illis periculum suum, publicum imperium seruitiumque obuersatur animo futuraque ea deinde patriae fortuna quam ipsi fecissent.

1.25.4ut primo statim concursu increpuere arma micantesque fulsere gladii, horror ingens spectantes perstringit et neutro inclinata spe torpebat uox spiritusque.

1.25.5consertis deinde manibus cum iam non motus tantum corporum agitatioque anceps telorum armorumque sed uolnera quoque et sanguis spectaculo essent, duo Romani super alium alius, uolneratis tribus Albanis, exspirantes corruerunt.

1.25.6ad quorum casum cum conclamasset gaudio Albanus exercitus, Romanas legiones iam spes tota, nondum tamen cura deseruerat, exanimes uice unius quem tres Curiatii circumsteterant.

1.25.7forte is integer fuit, ut uniuersis solus nequaquam par, sic aduersus singulos ferox. ergo ut segregaret pugnam eorum capessit fugam, ita ratus secuturos ut quemque uolnere adfectum corpus sineret.

1.25.8iam aliquantum spatii ex eo loco ubi pugnatum est aufugerat, cum respiciens uidet magnis interuallis sequentes, unum haud procul ab sese abesse.

1.25.9in eum magno impetu rediit; et dum Albanus exercitus inclamat Curiatiis uti opem ferant fratri, iam Horatius caeso hoste uictor secundam pugnam petebat. tunc clamore qualis ex insperato fauentium solet Romani adiuuant militem suum;

1.25.10et ille defungi proelio festinat. prius itaque quam alter— nec procul aberat—consequi posset, et alterum Curiatium conficit;

1.25.11iamque aequato Marte singuli supererant, sed nec spe nec uiribus pares. alterum intactum ferro corpus et geminata uictoria ferocem in certamen tertium dabat: alter fessum uolnere, fessum cursu trahens corpus uictusque fratrum ante se strage uictori obicitur hosti. nec illud proelium fuit.

1.25.12Romanus exsultans 'duos' inquit, 'fratrum manibus dedi; tertium causae belli huiusce, ut Romanus Albano imperet, dabo.' male sustinenti arma gladium superne iugulo defigit, iacentem spoliat.

1.25.13Romani ouantes ac gratulantes Horatium accipiunt, eo maiore cum gaudio, quo prope metum res fuerat. ad sepulturam inde suorum nequaquam paribus animis uertuntur, quippe imperio alteri aucti, alteri dicionis alienae facti.

1.25.14sepulcra exstant quo quisque loco cecidit, duo Romana uno loco propius Albam, tria Albana Romam uersus sed distantia locis ut et pugnatum est.

1.26.1priusquam inde digrederentur, roganti Mettio ex foedere icto quid imperaret, imperat Tullus uti iuuentutem in armis habeat: usurum se eorum opera si bellum cum Ueientibus foret.

1.26.2ita exercitus inde domos abducti. princeps Horatius ibat, trigemina spolia prae se gerens; cui soror uirgo, quae desponsa uni ex Curiatiis fuerat, obuia ante portam Capenam fuit, cognitoque super umeros fratris paludamento sponsi quod ipsa confecerat, soluit crines et flebiliter nomine sponsum mortuum appellat.

1.26.3mouet feroci iuueni animum comploratio sororis in uictoria sua tantoque gaudio publico. stricto itaque gladio simul uerbis increpans transfigit puellam.

1.26.4'abi hinc cum immaturo amore ad sponsum,' inquit, 'oblita fratrum mortuorum uiuique, oblita patriae. sic eat quaecumque Romana lugebit hostem.'

1.26.5atrox uisum id facinus patribus plebique, sed recens meritum facto obstabat. tamen raptus in ius ad regem. rex ne ipse tam tristis ingratique ad uolgus iudicii ac secundum iudicium supplicii auctor esset, concilio populi aduocato 'duumuiros' inquit, 'qui Horatio perduellionem iudicent, secundum legem facio.' lex horrendi carminis erat:

1.26.6'duumuiri perduellionem iudicent; si a duumuiris prouocarit, prouocatione certato; si uincent, caput obnubito; infelici arbori reste suspendito; uerberato uel intra pomerium uel extra pomerium.'

1.26.7hac lege duumuiri creati, qui se absoluere non rebantur ea lege ne innoxium quidem posse, cum condemnassent, tum alter ex iis 'Publi Horati, tibi perduellionem iudico' inquit. 'i, lictor, colliga manus.'

1.26.8accesserat lictor iniciebatque laqueum. tum Horatius auctore Tullo, clemente legis interprete, 'prouoco' inquit. itaque prouocatione certatum ad populum est.

1.26.9moti homines sunt in eo iudicio maxime P. Horatio patre proclamante se filiam iure caesam iudicare; ni ita esset, patrio iure in filium animaduersurum fuisse. orabat deinde ne se quem paulo ante cum egregia stirpe conspexissent orbum liberis facerent.

1.26.10inter haec senex iuuenem amplexus, spolia Curiatiorum fixa eo loco qui nunc Pila Horatia appellatur ostentans, 'huncine' aiebat, 'quem modo decoratum ouantemque uictoria incedentem uidistis, Quirites, eum sub furca uinctum inter uerbera et cruciatus uidere potestis? quod uix Albanorum oculi tam deforme spectaculum ferre possent.

1.26.11i, lictor, colliga manus, quae paulo ante armatae imperium populo Romano pepererunt. i, caput obnube liberatoris urbis huius; arbore infelici suspende; uerbera uel intra pomerium, modo inter illa pila et spolia hostium, uel extra pomerium, modo inter sepulcra Curiatiorum; quo enim ducere hunc iuuenem potestis ubi non sua decora eum a tanta foeditate supplicii uindicent?'

1.26.12non tulit populus nec patris lacrimas nec ipsius parem in omni periculo animum, absolueruntque admiratione magis uirtutis quam iure causae. itaque ut caedes manifesta aliquo tamen piaculo lueretur, imperatum patri ut filium expiaret pecunia publica.

1.26.13is quibusdam piacularibus sacrificiis factis quae deinde genti Horatiae tradita sunt, transmisso per uiam tigillo, capite adoperto uelut sub iugum misit iuuenem. id hodie quoque publice semper refectum manet; sororium tigillum uocant.

1.26.14Horatiae sepulcrum, quo loco corruerat icta, constructum est saxo quadrato.

1.27.1nec diu pax Albana mansit. inuidia uolgi quod tribus militibus fortuna publica commissa fuerit, uanum ingenium dictatoris corrupit, et quoniam recta consilia haud bene euenerant, prauis reconciliare popularium animos coepit.

1.27.2igitur ut prius in bello pacem, sic in pace bellum quaerens, quia suae ciuitati animorum plus quam uirium cernebat esse, ad bellum palam atque ex edicto gerundum alios concitat populos, suis per speciem societatis proditionem reseruat.

1.27.3Fidenates, colonia Romana, Ueientibus sociis consilii adsumptis, pacto transitionis Albanorum ad bellum atque arma incitantur.

1.27.4cum Fidenae aperte descissent, Tullus Mettio exercituque eius ab Alba accito contra hostes ducit. ubi Anienem transiit, ad confluentes conlocat castra. inter eum locum et Fidenas Ueientium exercitus Tiberim transierat.

1.27.5hi et in acie prope flumen tenuere dextrum cornu; in sinistro Fidenates propius montes consistunt. Tullus aduersus Ueientem hostem derigit suos, Albanos contra legionem Fidenatium conlocat. Albano non plus animi erat quam fidei. nec manere ergo nec transire aperte ausus sensim ad montes succedit;

1.27.6inde ubi satis subisse sese ratus est, erigit totam aciem, fluctuansque animo ut tereret tempus ordines explicat. consilium erat qua fortuna rem daret, ea inclinare uires.

1.27.7miraculo primo esse Romanis qui proximi steterant ut nudari latera sua sociorum digressu senserunt; inde eques citato equo nuntiat regi abire Albanos. Tullus in re trepida duodecim uouit Salios fanaque Pallori ac Pauori.

1.27.8equitem clara increpans uoce ut hostes exaudirent, redire in proelium iubet: nihil trepidatione opus esse; suo iussu circumduci Albanum exercitum ut Fidenatium nuda terga inuadant;

1.27.9idem imperat ut hastas equites erigerent. id factum magnae parti peditum Romanorum conspectum abeuntis Albani exercitus intersaepsit; qui uiderant, id quod ab rege auditum erat rati, eo acrius pugnant. terror ad hostes transit; et audiuerant clara uoce dictum, et magna pars Fidenatium, ut quibus coloni additi Romani essent, Latine sciebant.

1.27.10itaque ne subito ex collibus decursu Albanorum intercluderentur ab oppido, terga uertunt. instat Tullus fusoque Fidenatium cornu in Ueientem alieno pauore perculsum ferocior redit. nec illi tulere impetum, sed ab effusa fuga flumen obiectum ab tergo arcebat.

1.27.11quo postquam fuga inclinauit, alii arma foede iactantes in aquam caeci ruebant, alii dum cunctantur in ripis inter fugae pugnaeque consilium oppressi. non alia ante Romana pugna atrocior fuit.

1.28.1tum Albanus exercitus, spectator certaminis, deductus in campos. Mettius Tullo deuictos hostes gratulatur; contra Tullus Mettium benigne adloquitur. quod bene uertat, castra Albanos Romanis castris iungere iubet; sacrificium lustrale in diem posterum parat.

1.28.2ubi inluxit, paratis omnibus ut adsolet, uocari ad contionem utrumque exercitum iubet. praecones ab extremo orsi primos exciuere Albanos. hi nouitate etiam rei moti ut regem Romanum contionantem audirent proximi constitere.

1.28.3ex composito armata circumdatur Romana legio; centurionibus datum negotium erat ut sine mora imperia exsequerentur.

1.28.4tum ita Tullus infit: 'Romani, si unquam ante alias ullo in bello fuit quod primum dis immortalibus gratias ageretis, deinde uestrae ipsorum uirtuti, hesternum id proelium fuit. dimicatum est enim non magis cum hostibus quam, quae dimicatio maior atque periculosior est, cum proditione ac perfidia sociorum.

1.28.5nam ne uos falsa opinio teneat, iniussu meo Albani subiere ad montes, nec imperium illud meum sed consilium et imperii simulatio fuit, ut nec uobis, ignorantibus deseri uos, auerteretur a certamine animus, et hostibus, circumueniri se ab tergo ratis, terror ac fuga iniceretur.

1.28.6nec ea culpa quam arguo omnium Albanorum est: ducem secuti sunt, ut et uos, si quo ego inde agmen declinare uoluissem, fecissetis. Mettius ille est ductor itineris huius, Mettius idem huius machinator belli, Mettius foederis Romani Albanique ruptor. audeat deinde talia alius, nisi in hunc insigne iam documentum mortalibus dedero.'

1.28.7centuriones armati Mettium circumsistunt; rex cetera ut orsus erat peragit: 'quod bonum faustum felixque sit populo Romano ac mihi uobisque, Albani, populum omnem Albanum Romam traducere in animo est, ciuitatem dare plebi, primores in patres legere, unam urbem, unam rem publicam facere; ut ex uno quondam in duos populos diuisa Albana res est, sic nunc in unum redeat.' ad haec Albana pubes,

1.28.8inermis ab armatis saepta, in uariis uoluntatibus communi tamen metu cogente, silentium tenet.

1.28.9tum Tullus 'Metti Fufeti' inquit, 'si ipse discere posses fidem ac foedera seruare, uiuo tibi ea disciplina a me adhibita esset; nunc quoniam tuum insanabile ingenium est, at tu tuo supplicio doce humanum genus ea sancta credere quae a te uiolata sunt. ut igitur paulo ante animum inter Fidenatem Romanamque rem ancipitem gessisti, ita iam corpus passim distrahendum dabis.'

1.28.10exinde duabus admotis quadrigis, in currus earum distentum inligat Mettium; deinde in diuersum iter equi concitati, lacerum in utroque curru corpus, qua inhaeserant uinculis membra, portantes.

1.28.11auertere omnes ab tanta foeditate spectaculi oculos. primum ultimumque illud supplicium apud Romanos exempli parum memoris legum humanarum fuit: in aliis gloriari licet nulli gentium mitiores placuisse poenas.

1.29.1inter haec iam praemissi Albam erant equites qui multitudinem traducerent Romam. legiones deinde ductae ad diruendam urbem.

1.29.2quae ubi intrauere portas, non quidem fuit tumultus ille nec pauor qualis captarum esse urbium solet, cum effractis portis stratisue ariete muris aut arce ui capta clamor hostilis et cursus per urbem armatorum omnia ferro flammaque miscet;

Book 1, Part 4

1.29.3sed silentium triste ac tacita maestitia ita defixit omnium animos, ut prae metu [obliti] quid relinquerent, quid secum ferrent deficiente consilio rogitantesque alii alios, nunc in liminibus starent, nunc errabundi domos suas ultimum illud uisuri peruagarentur.

1.29.4ut uero iam equitum clamor exire iubentium instabat, iam fragor tectorum quae diruebantur ultimis urbis partibus audiebatur puluisque ex distantibus locis ortus uelut nube inducta omnia impleuerat, raptim quibus quisque poterat elatis, cum larem ac penates tectaque in quibus natus quisque educatusque esset relinquentes exirent,

1.29.5iam continens agmen migrantium impleuerat uias, et conspectus aliorum mutua miseratione integrabat lacrimas, uocesque etiam miserabiles exaudiebantur, mulierum praecipue, cum obsessa ab armatis templa augusta praeterirent ac uelut captos relinquerent deos.

1.29.6egressis urbe Albanis Romanus passim publica priuataque omnia tecta adaequat solo, unaque hora quadringentorum annorum opus quibus Alba steterat excidio ac ruinis dedit. templis tamen deum—ita enim edictum ab rege fuerat—temperatum est.

1.30.1Roma interim crescit Albae ruinis. duplicatur ciuium numerus; Caelius additur urbi mons, et quo frequentius habitaretur eam sedem Tullus regiae capit ibique habitauit.

1.30.2principes Albanorum in patres ut ea quoque pars rei publicae cresceret legit, Iulios, Seruilios, Quinctios, Geganios, Curiatios, Cloelios; templumque ordini ab se aucto curiam fecit quae Hostilia usque ad patrum nostrorum aetatem appellata est.

1.30.3et ut omnium ordinum uiribus aliquid ex nouo populo adiceretur equitum decem turmas ex Albanis legit, legiones et ueteres eodem supplemento expleuit et nouas scripsit.

1.30.4hac fiducia uirium Tullus Sabinis bellum indicit, genti ea tempestate secundum Etruscos opulentissimae uiris armisque. utrimque iniuriae factae ac res nequiquam erant repetitae.

1.30.5Tullus ad Feroniae fanum mercatu frequenti negotiatores Romanos comprehensos querebatur, Sabini suos prius in lucum confugisse ac Romae retentos. hae causae belli ferebantur.

1.30.6Sabini haud parum memores et suarum uirium partem Romae ab Tatio locatam et Romanam rem nuper etiam adiectione populi Albani auctam, circumspicere et ipsi externa auxilia.

1.30.7Etruria erat uicina, proximi Etruscorum Ueientes. inde ob residuas bellorum iras maxime sollicitatis ad defectionem animis uoluntarios traxere, et apud uagos quosdam ex inopi plebe etiam merces ualuit: publico auxilio nullo adiuti sunt ualuitque apud Ueientes—nam de ceteris minus mirum est—pacta cum Romulo indutiarum fides.

1.30.8cum bellum utrimque summa ope pararent uertique in eo res uideretur utri prius arma inferrent, occupat Tullus in agrum Sabinum transire.

1.30.9pugna atrox ad siluam Malitiosam fuit, ubi et peditum quidem robore, ceterum equitatu aucto nuper plurimum Romana acies ualuit.

1.30.10ab equitibus repente inuectis turbati ordines sunt Sabinorum, nec pugna deinde illis constare nec fuga explicari sine magna caede potuit.

1.31.1deuictis Sabinis cum in magna gloria magnisque opibus regnum Tulli ac tota res Romana esset, nuntiatum regi patribusque est in monte Albano lapidibus pluuisse.

1.31.2quod cum credi uix posset, missis ad id uisendum prodigium in conspectu haud aliter quam cum grandinem uenti glomeratam in terras agunt crebri cecidere caelo lapides.

1.31.3uisi etiam audire uocem ingentem ex summi cacuminis luco ut patrio ritu sacra Albani facerent, quae uelut dis quoque simul cum patria relictis obliuioni dederant, et aut Romana sacra susceperant aut fortunae, ut fit, obirati cultum reliquerant deum.

1.31.4Romanis quoque ab eodem prodigio nouendiale sacrum publice susceptum est, seu uoce caelesti ex Albano monte missa—nam id quoque traditur—seu haruspicum monitu; mansit certe sollemne ut quandoque idem prodigium nuntiaretur feriae per nouem dies agerentur.

1.31.5haud ita multo post pestilentia laboratum est. unde cum pigritia militandi oreretur, nulla tamen ab armis quies dabatur a bellicoso rege, salubriora etiam credente militiae quam domi iuuenum corpora esse, donec ipse quoque longinquo morbo est implicitus.

1.31.6tunc adeo fracti simul cum corpore sunt spiritus illi feroces ut qui nihil ante ratus esset minus regium quam sacris dedere animum, repente omnibus magnis paruisque superstitionibus obnoxius degeret religionibusque etiam populum impleret.

1.31.7uolgo iam homines eum statum rerum qui sub Numa rege fuerat requirentes, unam opem aegris corporibus relictam si pax ueniaque ab dis impetrata esset credebant.

1.31.8ipsum regem tradunt uoluentem commentarios Numae, cum ibi quaedam occulta sollemnia sacrificia Ioui Elicio facta inuenisset, operatum his sacris se abdidisse; sed non rite initum aut curatum id sacrum esse, nec solum nullam ei oblatam caelestium speciem sed ira Iouis sollicitati praua religione fulmine ictum cum domo conflagrasse. Tullus magna gloria belli regnauit annos duos et triginta.

1.32.1mortuo Tullo res, ut institutum iam inde ab initio erat, ad patres redierat hique interregem nominauerant. quo comitia habente Ancum Marcium regem populus creauit; patres fuere auctores. Numae Pompili regis nepos filia ortus Ancus Marcius erat.

1.32.2qui ut regnare coepit et auitae gloriae memor et quia proximum regnum, cetera egregium, ab una parte haud satis prosperum fuerat aut neglectis religionibus aut praue cultis, longe antiquissimum ratus sacra publica ut ab Numa instituta erant facere, omnia ea ex commentariis regiis pontificem in album elata proponere in publico iubet. inde et ciuibus otii cupidis et finitimis ciuitatibus facta spes in aui mores atque instituta regem abiturum.

1.32.3igitur Latini cum quibus Tullo regnante ictum foedus erat sustulerant animos, et cum incursionem in agrum Romanum fecissent repetentibus res Romanis superbe responsum reddunt, desidem Romanum regem inter sacella et aras acturum esse regnum rati.

1.32.4medium erat in Anco ingenium, et Numae et Romuli memor; et praeterquam quod aui regno magis necessariam fuisse pacem credebat cum in nouo tum feroci populo, etiam quod illi contigisset otium sine iniuria id se haud facile habiturum; temptari patientiam et temptatam contemni, temporaque esse Tullo regi aptiora quam Numae.

1.32.5ut tamen, quoniam Numa in pace religiones instituisset, a se bellicae caerimoniae proderentur, nec gererentur solum sed etiam indicerentur bella aliquo ritu, ius ab antiqua gente Aequicolis quod nunc fetiales habent descripsit, quo res repetuntur.

1.32.6legatus ubi ad fines eorum uenit unde res repetuntur, capite uelato filo—lanae uelamen est—'audi, Iuppiter' inquit; 'audite, fines'—cuiuscumque gentis sunt, nominat—; 'audiat fas. ego sum publicus nuntius populi Romani; iuste pieque legatus uenio, uerbisque meis fides sit.' peragit deinde postulata.

1.32.7inde Iouem testem facit: 'si ego iniuste impieque illos homines illasque res dedier mihi exposco, tum patriae compotem me nunquam siris esse.' haec,

1.32.8cum fines suprascandit, haec, quicumque ei primus uir obuius fuerit, haec portam ingrediens, haec forum ingressus, paucis uerbis carminis concipiendique iuris iurandi mutatis, peragit.

1.32.9si non deduntur quos exposcit diebus tribus et triginta—tot enim sollemnes sunt—peractis bellum ita indicit: 'audi, Iuppiter, et tu, Iane Quirine, dique omnes caelestes, uosque terrestres uosque inferni, audite;

1.32.10ego uos testor populum illum'—quicumque est, nominat—'iniustum esse neque ius persoluere; sed de istis rebus in patria maiores natu consulemus, quo pacto ius nostrum adipiscamur.' cum †. . . . .† nuntius Romam ad consulendum redit.

1.32.11confestim rex his ferme uerbis patres consulebat: 'quarum rerum litium causarum condixit pater patratus populi Romani Quiritium patri patrato Priscorum Latinorum hominibusque Priscis Latinis, quas res nec dederunt [nec soluerunt] nec fecerunt, quas res dari fieri [solui] oportuit, dic' inquit ei quem primum sententiam rogabat, 'quid censes?' tum ille:

1.32.12'puro pioque duello quaerendas censeo, itaque consentio consciscoque.' inde ordine alii rogabantur; quandoque pars maior eorum qui aderant in eandem sententiam ibat, bellum erat consensum. fieri solitum ut fetialis hastam ferratam aut praeustam sanguineam ad fines eorum ferret et non minus tribus puberibus praesentibus diceret:

1.32.13'quod populi Priscorum Latinorum hominesque Prisci Latini aduersus populum Romanum Quiritium fecerunt deliquerunt, quod populus Romanus Quiritium bellum cum Priscis Latinis iussit esse senatusque populi Romani Quiritium censuit consensit consciuit ut bellum cum Priscis Latinis fieret, ob eam rem ego populusque Romanus populis Priscorum Latinorum hominibusque Priscis Latinis bellum indico facioque.'

1.32.14id ubi dixisset, hastam in fines eorum emittebat. hoc tum modo ab Latinis repetitae res ac bellum indictum, moremque eum posteri acceperunt.

1.33.1Ancus demandata cura sacrorum flaminibus sacerdotibusque aliis, exercitu nouo conscripto profectus, Politorium, urbem Latinorum, ui cepit; secutusque morem regum priorum, qui rem Romanam auxerant hostibus in ciuitatem accipiendis, multitudinem omnem Romam traduxit.

1.33.2et cum circa Palatium, sedem ueterum Romanorum, Sabini Capitolium atque arcem, Caelium montem Albani implessent, Auentinum nouae multitudini datum. additi eodem haud ita multo post, Tellenis Ficanaque captis, noui ciues.

1.33.3Politorium inde rursus bello repetitum quod uacuum occupauerant Prisci Latini, eaque causa diruendae urbis eius fuit Romanis ne hostium semper receptaculum esset.

1.33.4postremo omni bello Latino Medulliam compulso, aliquamdiu ibi Marte incerto, uaria uictoria pugnatum est; nam et urbs tuta munitionibus praesidioque firmata ualido erat, et castris in aperto positis aliquotiens exercitus Latinus comminus cum Romanis signa contulerat.

1.33.5ad ultimum omnibus copiis conisus Ancus acie primum uincit; inde ingenti praeda potens Romam redit, tum quoque multis milibus Latinorum in ciuitatem acceptis, quibus, ut iungeretur Palatio Auentinum, ad Murciae datae sedes.

1.33.6Ianiculum quoque adiectum, non inopia loci sed ne quando ea arx hostium esset. id non muro solum sed etiam ob commoditatem itineris ponte sublicio, tum primum in Tiberi facto, coniungi urbi placuit.

1.33.7Quiritium quoque fossa, haud paruum munimentum a planioribus aditu locis, Anci regis opus est.

1.33.8ingenti incremento rebus auctis, cum in tanta multitudine hominum, discrimine recte an perperam facti confuso, facinora clandestina fierent, carcer ad terrorem increscentis audaciae media urbe imminens foro aedificatur.

1.33.9nec urbs tantum hoc rege creuit sed etiam ager finesque. Silua Maesia Ueientibus adempta usque ad mare imperium prolatum et in ore Tiberis Ostia urbs condita, salinae circa factae, egregieque rebus bello gestis aedis Iouis Feretri amplificata.

1.34.1Anco regnante Lucumo, uir impiger ac diuitiis potens, Romam commigrauit cupidine maxime ac spe magni honoris, cuius adipiscendi Tarquiniis—nam ibi quoque peregrina stirpe oriundus erat—facultas non fuerat.

1.34.2Demarati Corinthii filius erat, qui ob seditiones domo profugus cum Tarquiniis forte consedisset, uxore ibi ducta duos filios genuit. nomina his Lucumo atque Arruns fuerunt. Lucumo superfuit patri bonorum omnium heres: Arruns prior quam pater moritur uxore grauida relicta.

1.34.3nec diu manet superstes filio pater; qui cum, ignorans nurum uentrem ferre, immemor in testando nepotis decessisset, puero post aui mortem in nullam sortem bonorum nato ab inopia Egerio inditum nomen.

1.34.4Lucumoni contra, omnium heredi bonorum, cum diuitiae iam animos facerent, auxit ducta in matrimonium Tanaquil, summo loco nata et quae haud facile iis in quibus nata erat humiliora sineret ea quo innupsisset.

1.34.5spernentibus Etruscis Lucumonem exsule aduena ortum, ferre indignitatem non potuit, oblitaque ingenitae erga patriam caritatis dummodo uirum honoratum uideret, consilium migrandi ab Tarquiniis cepit.

1.34.6Roma est ad id potissima uisa: in nouo populo, ubi omnis repentina atque ex uirtute nobilitas sit, futurum locum forti ac strenuo uiro; regnasse Tatium Sabinum, arcessitum in regnum Numam a Curibus, et Ancum Sabina matre ortum nobilemque una imagine Numae esse.

1.34.7facile persuadet ut cupido honorum et cui Tarquinii materna tantum patria esset.

1.34.8sublatis itaque rebus amigrant Romam. ad Ianiculum forte uentum erat; ibi ei carpento sedenti cum uxore aquila suspensis demissa leuiter alis pilleum aufert, superque carpentum cum magno clangore uolitans rursus uelut ministerio diuinitus missa capiti apte reponit; inde sublimis abiit.

1.34.9accepisse id augurium laeta dicitur Tanaquil, perita ut uolgo Etrusci caelestium prodigiorum mulier. excelsa et alta sperare complexa uirum iubet: eam alitem ea regione caeli et eius dei nuntiam uenisse; circa summum culmen hominis auspicium fecisse; leuasse humano superpositum capiti decus ut diuinitus eidem redderet.

1.34.10has spes cogitationesque secum portantes urbem ingressi sunt, domicilioque ibi comparato L. Tarquinium Priscum edidere nomen.

1.34.11Romanis conspicuum eum nouitas diuitiaeque faciebant; et ipse fortunam benigno adloquio, comitate inuitandi beneficiisque quos poterat sibi conciliando adiuuabat, donec in regiam quoque de eo fama perlata est.

1.34.12notitiamque eam breui apud regem liberaliter dextereque obeundo officia in familiaris amicitiae adduxerat iura, ut publicis pariter ac priuatis consiliis bello domique interesset et per omnia expertus postremo tutor etiam liberis regis testamento institueretur.

1.35.1regnauit Ancus annos quattuor et uiginti, cuilibet superiorum regum belli pacisque et artibus et gloria par. iam filii prope puberem aetatem erant. eo magis Tarquinius instare ut quam primum comitia regi creando fierent.

1.35.2quibus indictis sub tempus pueros uenatum ablegauit. isque primus et petisse ambitiose regnum et orationem dicitur habuisse ad conciliandos plebis animos compositam:

1.35.3[cum] se non rem nouam petere, quippe qui non primus, quod quisquam indignari mirariue posset, sed tertius Romae peregrinus regnum adfectet; et Tatium non ex peregrino solum sed etiam ex hoste regem factum, et Numam ignarum urbis, non petentem, in regnum ultro accitum:

1.35.4se ex quo sui potens fuerit Romam cum coniuge ac fortunis omnibus commigrasse; maiorem partem aetatis eius qua ciuilibus officiis fungantur homines, Romae se quam in uetere patria uixisse;

1.35.5domi militiaeque sub haud paenitendo magistro, ipso Anco rege, Romana se iura, Romanos ritus didicisse; obsequio et obseruantia in regem cum omnibus, benignitate erga alios cum rege ipso certasse.

1.35.6haec eum haud falsa memorantem ingenti consensu populus Romanus regnare iussit. ergo uirum cetera egregium secuta, quam in petendo habuerat, etiam regnantem ambitio est; nec minus regni sui firmandi quam augendae rei publicae memor centum in patres legit qui deinde minorum gentium sunt appellati, factio haud dubia regis cuius beneficio in curiam uenerant.

1.35.7bellum primum cum Latinis gessit et oppidum ibi Apiolas ui cepit; praedaque inde maiore quam quanta belli fama fuerat reuecta ludos opulentius instructiusque quam priores reges fecit.

1.35.8tum primum circo qui nunc maximus dicitur designatus locus est. loca diuisa patribus equitibusque ubi spectacula sibi quisque facerent;

1.35.9fori appellati; spectauere furcis duodenos ab terra spectacula alta sustinentibus pedes. ludicrum fuit equi pugilesque ex Etruria maxime acciti. sollemnes deinde annui mansere ludi, Romani magnique uarie appellati.

1.35.10ab eodem rege et circa forum priuatis aedificanda diuisa sunt loca; porticus tabernaeque factae.

1.36.1muro quoque lapideo circumdare urbem parabat cum Sabinum bellum coeptis interuenit. adeoque ea subita res fuit ut prius Anienem transirent hostes quam obuiam ire ac prohibere exercitus Romanus posset.

1.36.2itaque trepidatum Romae est; et primo dubia uictoria, magna utrimque caede pugnatum est. reductis deinde in castra hostium copiis datoque spatio Romanis ad comparandum de integro bellum, Tarquinius equitem maxime suis deesse uiribus ratus ad Ramnes, Titienses, Luceres, quas centurias Romulus scripserat, addere alias constituit suoque insignes relinquere nomine.

1.36.3id quia inaugurato Romulus fecerat, negare Attus Nauius , inclitus ea tempestate augur, neque mutari neque nouum constitui nisi aues addixissent posse.

1.36.4ex eo ira regi mota; eludensque artem ut ferunt, 'age dum' inquit, 'diuine tu, inaugura fierine possit quod nunc ego mente concipio.' cum ille augurio rem expertus profecto futuram dixisset, 'atqui hoc animo agitaui' inquit, 'te nouacula cotem discissurum. cape haec et perage quod aues tuae fieri posse portendunt.' tum illum haud cunctanter discidisse cotem ferunt.

1.36.5statua Atti capite uelato, quo in loco res acta est in comitio in gradibus ipsis ad laeuam curiae fuit; cotem quoque eodem loco sitam fuisse memorant ut esset ad posteros miraculi eius monumentum.

1.36.6auguriis certe sacerdotioque augurum tantus honos accessit ut nihil belli domique postea nisi auspicato gereretur, concilia populi, exercitus uocati, summa rerum, ubi aues non admisissent, dirimerentur.

1.36.7neque tum Tarquinius de equitum centuriis quicquam mutauit; numero alterum tantum adiecit, ut mille et octingenti equites in tribus centuriis essent.

1.36.8posteriores modo sub iisdem nominibus qui additi erant appellati sunt; quas nunc quia geminatae sunt sex uocant centurias.

1.37.1hac parte copiarum aucta iterum cum Sabinis confligitur. sed praeterquam quod uiribus creuerat Romanus exercitus, ex occulto etiam additur dolus, missis qui magnam uim lignorum, in Anienis ripa iacentem, ardentem in flumen conicerent; uentoque iuuante accensa ligna et pleraque [in] ratibus impacta sublicis<que> cum haererent, pontem incendunt.

1.37.2ea quoque res in pugna terrorem attulit Sabinis, et fusis eadem fugam impedit; multique mortales cum hostem effugissent in flumine ipso periere, quorum fluitantia arma ad urbem cognita in Tiberi prius paene quam nuntiari posset insignem uictoriam fecere.

1.37.3eo proelio praecipua equitum gloria fuit; utrimque ab cornibus positos, cum iam pelleretur media peditum suorum acies, ita incurrisse ab lateribus ferunt, ut non sisterent modo Sabinas legiones ferociter instantes cedentibus, sed subito in fugam auerterent.

1.37.4montes effuso cursu Sabini petebant, et pauci tenuere: maxima pars, ut ante dictum est, ab equitibus in flumen acti sunt.

1.37.5Tarquinius, instandum perterritis ratus, praeda captiuisque Romam missis, spoliis hostium—id uotum Uolcano erat—ingenti cumulo accensis, pergit porro in agrum Sabinum exercitum inducere;

1.37.6et quamquam male gesta res erat nec gesturos melius sperare poterant, tamen, quia consulendi res non dabat spatium, ire obuiam Sabini tumultuario milite; iterumque ibi fusi, perditis iam prope rebus pacem petiere.

1.38.1Collatia et quidquid citra Collatiam agri erat Sabinis ademptum; Egerius—fratris hic filius erat regis—Collatiae in praesidio relictus. deditosque Collatinos ita accipio eamque deditionis formulam esse:

1.38.2rex interrogauit: 'estisne uos legati oratoresque missi a populo Collatino ut uos populumque Collatinum dederetis?'—'sumus.'—'estne populus Collatinus in sua potestate?'—'est.'—'deditisne uos populumque Collatinum, urbem, agros, aquam, terminos, delubra, utensilia, diuina humanaque omnia, in meam populique Romani dicionem?'—'dedimus.'—'at ego recipio.'

1.38.3bello Sabino perfecto Tarquinius triumphans Romam redit.

1.38.4inde Priscis Latinis bellum fecit; ubi nusquam ad uniuersae rei dimicationem uentum est, ad singula oppida circumferendo arma omne nomen Latinum domuit. Corniculum, Ficulea uetus, Cameria, Crustumerium, Ameriola, Medullia, Nomentum, haec de Priscis Latinis aut qui ad Latinos defecerant, capta oppida.

1.38.5pax deinde est facta. maiore inde animo pacis opera incohata quam quanta mole gesserat bella, ut non quietior populus domi esset quam militiae fuisset.

1.38.6nam et muro lapideo, cuius exordium operis Sabino bello turbatum erat, urbem qua nondum munierat cingere parat, et infima urbis loca circa forum aliasque interiectas collibus conualles, quia ex planis locis haud facile euehebant aquas, cloacis fastigio in Tiberim ductis siccat,

1.38.7et aream ad aedem in Capitolio Iouis quam uouerat bello Sabino, iam praesagiente animo futuram olim amplitudinem loci, occupat fundamentis.

1.39.1eo tempore in regia prodigium uisu euentuque mirabile fuit. puero dormienti, cui Seruio Tullio fuit nomen, caput arsisse ferunt multorum in conspectu;

1.39.2plurimo igitur clamore inde ad tantae rei miraculum orto excitos reges, et cum quidam familiarium aquam ad restinguendum ferret, ab regina retentum, sedatoque eam tumultu moueri uetuisse puerum donec sua sponte experrectus esset; mox cum somno et flammam abisse.

1.39.3tum abducto in secretum uiro Tanaquil 'uiden tu puerum hunc' inquit, 'quem tam humili cultu educamus? scire licet hunc lumen quondam rebus nostris dubiis futurum praesidiumque regiae adflictae; proinde materiam ingentis publice priuatimque decoris omni indulgentia nostra nutriamus.'

1.39.4inde puerum liberum loco coeptum haberi erudirique artibus quibus ingenia ad magnae fortunae cultum excitantur. euenit facile quod dis cordi esset: iuuenis euasit uere indolis regiae nec, cum quaereretur gener Tarquinio, quisquam Romanae iuuentutis ulla arte conferri potuit, filiamque ei suam rex despondit.

1.39.5hic quacumque de causa tantus illi honos habitus credere prohibet serua natum eum paruumque ipsum seruisse. eorum magis sententiae sum qui Corniculo capto Ser. Tulli , qui princeps in illa urbe fuerat, grauidam uiro occiso uxorem, cum inter reliquas captiuas cognita esset, ob unicam nobilitatem ab regina Romana prohibitam ferunt seruitio partum Romae edidisse Prisci Tarquini <in> domo;

Book 1, Part 5

1.39.6inde tanto beneficio et inter mulieres familiaritatem auctam et puerum, ut in domo a paruo eductum, in caritate atque honore fuisse; fortunam matris, quod capta patria in hostium manus uenerit, ut serua natus crederetur fecisse.

1.40.1duodequadragesimo ferme anno ex quo regnare coeperat Tarquinius, non apud regem modo sed apud patres plebemque longe maximo honore Ser. Tullius erat.

1.40.2tum Anci filii duo etsi antea semper pro indignissimo habuerant se patrio regno tutoris fraude pulsos, regnare Romae aduenam non modo uicinae sed ne Italicae quidem stirpis, tum impensius iis indignitas crescere si ne ab Tarquinio quidem ad se rediret regnum,

1.40.3sed praeceps inde porro ad seruitia caderet, ut in eadem ciuitate post centesimum fere annum quam Romulus deo prognatus deus ipse tenuerit regnum donec in terris fuerit, id seruus serua natus possideat. cum commune Romani nominis tum praecipue id domus suae dedecus fore, si Anci regis uirili stirpe salua non modo aduenis sed seruis etiam regnum Romae pateret.

1.40.4ferro igitur eam arcere contumeliam statuunt; sed et iniuriae dolor in Tarquinium ipsum magis quam in Seruium eos stimulabat, et quia grauior ultor caedis, si superesset, rex futurus erat quam priuatus; tum Seruio occiso, quemcumque alium generum delegisset, eundem regni heredem facturus uidebatur; ob haec ipsi regi insidiae parantur.

1.40.5ex pastoribus duo ferocissimi delecti ad facinus, quibus consueti erant uterque agrestibus ferramentis, in uestibulo regiae quam potuere tumultuosissime specie rixae in se omnes apparitores regios conuertunt; inde, cum ambo regem appellarent clamorque eorum penitus in regiam peruenisset, uocati ad regem pergunt.

1.40.6primo uterque uociferari et certatim alter alteri obstrepere; coerciti ab lictore et iussi in uicem dicere tandem obloqui desistunt; unus rem ex composito orditur.

1.40.7cum intentus in eum se rex totus auerteret, alter elatam securim in caput deiecit, relictoque in uolnere telo ambo se foras eiciunt.

1.41.1Tarquinium moribundum cum qui circa erant excepissent, illos fugientes lictores comprehendunt. clamor inde concursusque populi, mirantium quid rei esset. Tanaquil inter tumultum claudi regiam iubet, arbitros eiecit. simul quae curando uolneri opus sunt, tamquam spes subesset, sedulo comparat, simul si destituat spes, alia praesidia molitur.

1.41.2Seruio propere accito cum paene exsanguem uirum ostendisset, dextram tenens orat ne inultam mortem soceri, ne socrum inimicis ludibrio esse sinat.

1.41.3'tuum est' inquit, 'Serui, si uir es, regnum, non eorum qui alienis manibus pessimum facinus fecere. erige te deosque duces sequere qui clarum hoc fore caput diuino quondam circumfuso igni portenderunt. nunc te illa caelestis excitet flamma; nunc expergiscere uere. et nos peregrini regnauimus; qui sis, non unde natus sis reputa. si tua re subita consilia torpent, at tu mea consilia sequere.'

1.41.4cum clamor impetusque multitudinis uix sustineri posset, ex superiore parte aedium per fenestras in Nouam uiam uersas—habitabat enim rex ad Iouis Statoris—populum Tanaquil adloquitur.

1.41.5iubet bono animo esse; sopitum fuisse regem subito ictu; ferrum haud alte in corpus descendisse; iam ad se redisse; inspectum uolnus absterso cruore; omnia salubria esse; confidere propediem ipsum eos uisuros; interim Ser. Tullio iubere populum dicto audientem esse; eum iura redditurum obiturumque alia regis munia esse.

1.41.6Seruius cum trabea et lictoribus prodit ac sede regia sedens alia decernit, de aliis consulturum se regem esse simulat. itaque per aliquot dies cum iam exspirasset Tarquinius celata morte per speciem alienae fungendae uicis suas opes firmauit; tum demum palam factum est comploratione in regia orta. Seruius praesidio firmo munitus, primus iniussu populi, uoluntate patrum regnauit.

1.41.7Anci liberi iam tum comprensis sceleris ministris ut uiuere regem et tantas esse opes Serui nuntiatum est, Suessam Pometiam exsulatum ierant.

1.42.1nec iam publicis magis consiliis Seruius quam priuatis munire opes, et ne, qualis Anci liberum animus aduersus Tarquinium fuerat, talis aduersus se Tarquini liberum esset, duas filias iuuenibus regiis, Lucio atque Arrunti Tarquiniis iungit;

1.42.2nec rupit tamen fati necessitatem humanis consiliis quin inuidia regni etiam inter domesticos infida omnia atque infesta faceret. peropportune ad praesentis quietem status bellum cum Ueientibus—iam enim indutiae exierant—aliisque Etruscis sumptum.

1.42.3in eo bello et uirtus et fortuna enituit Tulli; fusoque ingenti hostium exercitu haud dubius rex, seu patrum seu plebis animos periclitaretur, Romam rediit.

1.42.4adgrediturque inde ad pacis longe maximum opus, ut quemadmodum Numa diuini auctor iuris fuisset, ita Seruium conditorem omnis in ciuitate discriminis ordinumque quibus inter gradus dignitatis fortunaeque aliquid interlucet posteri fama ferrent.

1.42.5censum enim instituit, rem saluberrimam tanto futuro imperio, ex quo belli pacisque munia non uiritim, ut ante, sed pro habitu pecuniarum fierent; tum classes centuriasque et hunc ordinem ex censu discripsit, uel paci decorum uel bello.

1.43.1ex iis qui centum milium aeris aut maiorem censum haberent octoginta confecit centurias, quadragenas seniorum ac iuniorum;

1.43.2prima classis omnes appellati; seniores ad urbis custodiam ut praesto essent, iuuenes ut foris bella gererent; arma his imperata galea, clipeum, ocreae, lorica, omnia ex aere; haec ut tegumenta corporis essent: tela in hostem hastaque et gladius.

1.43.3additae huic classi duae fabrum centuriae quae sine armis stipendia facerent; datum munus ut machinas in bello ferrent.

1.43.4secunda classis intra centum usque ad quinque et septuaginta milium censum instituta, et ex iis, senioribus iunioribusque, uiginti conscriptae centuriae; arma imperata scutum pro clipeo et praeter loricam omnia eadem.

1.43.5tertiae classis [in] quinquaginta milium censum esse uoluit; totidem centuriae et hae eodemque discrimine aetatium factae; nec de armis quicquam mutatum, ocreae tantum ademptae.

1.43.6in quarta classe census quinque et uiginti milium, totidem centuriae factae, arma mutata:

1.43.7nihil praeter hastam et uerutum datum. quinta classis aucta; centuriae triginta factae; fundas lapidesque missiles hi secum gerebant; [in] his accensi cornicines tubicinesque in duas centurias distributi; undecim milibus haec classis censebatur.

1.43.8hoc minor census reliquam multitudinem habuit; inde una centuria facta est, immunis militia. ita pedestri exercitu ornato distributoque, equitum ex primoribus ciuitatis duodecim scripsit centurias;

1.43.9sex item alias centurias, tribus ab Romulo institutis, sub iisdem quibus inauguratae erant nominibus fecit. ad equos emendos dena milia aeris ex publico data, et, quibus equos alerent, uiduae attributae quae bina milia aeris in annos singulos penderent. haec omnia in dites a pauperibus inclinata onera.

1.43.10deinde est honos additus. non enim, ut ab Romulo traditum ceteri seruauerant reges, uiritim suffragium eadem ui eodemque iure promisce omnibus datum est; sed gradus facti, ut neque exclusus quisquam suffragio uideretur et uis omnis penes primores ciuitatis esset;

1.43.11equites enim uocabantur primi, octoginta inde primae classis centuriae; ibi si uariaret —quod raro incidebat—secundae classis; nec fere unquam infra ita descenderunt ut ad infimos peruenirent.

1.43.12nec mirari oportet hunc ordinem qui nunc est post expletas quinque et triginta tribus, duplicato earum numero centuriis iuniorum seniorumque, ad institutam ab Ser. Tullio summam non conuenire.

1.43.13quadrifariam enim urbe diuisa [regionibus] collibus qui habitabantur, partes eas tribus appellauit, ut ego arbitror, ab tributo; nam eius quoque aequaliter ex censu conferendi ab eodem inita ratio est; neque eae tribus ad centuriarum distributionem numerumque quicquam pertinuere.

1.44.1censu perfecto quem maturauerat metu legis de incensis latae cum uinculorum minis mortisque, edixit ut omnes ciues Romani, equites peditesque, in suis quisque centuriis, in campo Martio prima luce adessent.

1.44.2ibi instructum exercitum omnem suouetaurilibus lustrauit, idque conditum lustrum appellatum, quia is censendo finis factus est. milia octoginta eo lustro ciuium censa dicuntur; adicit scriptorum antiquissimus Fabius Pictor, eorum qui arma ferre possent eum numerum fuisse.

1.44.3ad eam multitudinem urbs quoque amplificanda uisa est. addit duos colles, Quirinalem Uiminalemque; Uiminalem inde deinceps auget Esquiliis; ibique ipse, ut loco dignitas fieret, habitat; aggere et fossis et muro circumdat urbem; ita pomerium profert.

1.44.4pomerium uerbi uim solam intuentes postmoerium interpretantur esse; est autem magis circamoerium, locus quem in condendis urbibus quondam Etrusci qua murum ducturi erant certis circa terminis inaugurato consecrabant, ut neque interiore parte aedificia moenibus continuarentur, quae nunc uolgo etiam coniungunt, et extrinsecus puri aliquid ab humano cultu pateret soli.

1.44.5hoc spatium quod neque habitari neque arari fas erat, non magis quod post murum esset quam quod murus post id, pomerium Romani appellarunt; et in urbis incremento semper quantum moenia processura erant tantum termini hi consecrati proferebantur.

1.45.1aucta ciuitate magnitudine urbis, formatis omnibus domi et ad belli et ad pacis usus, ne semper armis opes adquirerentur, consilio augere imperium conatus est, simul et aliquod addere urbi decus.

1.45.2iam tum erat inclitum Dianae Ephesiae fanum; id communiter a ciuitatibus Asiae factum fama ferebat. eum consensum deosque consociatos laudare mire Seruius inter proceres Latinorum, cum quibus publice priuatimque hospitia amicitiasque de industria iunxerat. saepe iterando eadem perpulit tandem, ut Romae fanum Dianae populi Latini cum populo Romano facerent.

1.45.3ea erat confessio caput rerum Romam esse, de quo totiens armis certatum fuerat. id quamquam omissum iam ex omnium cura Latinorum ob rem totiens infeliciter temptatam armis uidebatur, uni se ex Sabinis fors dare uisa est priuato consilio imperii reciperandi.

1.45.4bos in Sabinis nata cuidam patri familiae dicitur miranda magnitudine ac specie; fixa per multas aetates cornua in uestibulo templi Dianae monumentum ei fuere miraculo.

1.45.5habita, ut erat, res prodigii loco est, et cecinere uates cuius ciuitatis eam ciuis Dianae immolasset, ibi fore imperium;

1.45.6idque carmen peruenerat ad antistitem fani Dianae Sabinusque ut prima apta dies sacrificio uisa est, bouem Romam actam deducit ad fanum Dianae et ante aram statuit. ibi antistes Romanus, cum eum magnitudo uictimae celebrata fama mouisset, memor responsi Sabinum ita adloquitur: 'quidnam tu, hospes, paras?' inquit, 'inceste sacrificium Dianae facere? quin tu ante uiuo perfunderis flumine? infima ualle praefluit Tiberis.'

1.45.7religione tactus hospes, qui omnia, ut prodigio responderet euentus, cuperet rite facta, extemplo descendit ad Tiberim; interea Romanus immolat Dianae bouem. id mire gratum regi atque ciuitati fuit.

1.46.1Seruius quamquam iam usu haud dubie regnum possederat, tamen quia interdum iactari uoces a iuuene Tarquinio audiebat se iniussu populi regnare, conciliata prius uoluntate plebis agro capto ex hostibus uiritim diuiso, ausus est ferre ad populum uellent iuberentne se regnare; tantoque consensu quanto haud quisquam alius ante rex est declaratus.

1.46.2neque ea res Tarquinio spem adfectandi regni minuit; immo eo impensius quia de agro plebis aduersa patrum uoluntate senserat agi, criminandi Serui apud patres crescendique in curia sibi occasionem datam ratus est, et ipse iuuenis ardentis animi et domi uxore Tullia inquietum animum stimulante.

1.46.3tulit enim et Romana regia sceleris tragici exemplum, ut taedio regum maturior ueniret libertas ultimumque regnum esset quod scelere partum foret.

1.46.4hic L. Tarquinius —Prisci Tarquini regis filius neposne fuerit parum liquet; pluribus tamen auctoribus filium ediderim—fratrem habuerat Arruntem Tarquinium mitis ingenii iuuenem.

1.46.5his duobus, ut ante dictum est, duae Tulliae regis filiae nupserant, et ipsae longe dispares moribus. forte ita inciderat ne duo uiolenta ingenia matrimonio iungerentur fortuna, credo, populi Romani, quo diuturnius Serui regnum esset constituique ciuitatis mores possent.

1.46.6angebatur ferox Tullia nihil materiae in uiro neque ad cupiditatem neque ad audaciam esse; tota in alterum auersa Tarquinium eum mirari, eum uirum dicere ac regio sanguine ortum: spernere sororem, quod uirum nacta muliebri cessaret audacia.

1.46.7contrahit celeriter similitudo eos, ut fere fit: malum malo aptissimum; sed initium turbandi omnia a femina ortum est. ea secretis uiri alieni adsuefacta sermonibus nullis uerborum contumeliis parcere de uiro ad fratrem, de sorore ad uirum; et se rectius uiduam et illum caelibem futurum fuisse contendere, quam cum impari iungi ut elanguescendum aliena ignauia esset;

1.46.8si sibi eum quo digna esset di dedissent uirum, domi se propediem uisuram regnum fuisse quod apud patrem uideat.

1.46.9celeriter adulescentem suae temeritatis implet; [Arruns Tarquinius et Tullia minor] prope continuatis funeribus cum domos uacuas nouo matrimonio fecissent, iunguntur nuptiis, magis non prohibente Seruio quam adprobante.

1.47.1tum uero in dies infestior Tulli senectus, infestius coepit regnum esse; iam enim ab scelere ad aliud spectare mulier scelus. nec nocte nec interdiu uirum conquiescere pati, ne gratuita praeterita parricidia essent:

1.47.2non sibi defuisse cui nupta diceretur, nec cum quo tacita seruiret; defuisse qui se regno dignum putaret, qui meminisset se esse Prisci Tarquini filium, qui habere quam sperare regnum mallet.

1.47.3'si tu is es cui nuptam esse me arbitror, et uirum et regem appello; sin minus, eo nunc peius mutata res est quod istic cum ignauia est scelus.

1.47.4quin accingeris? non tibi ab Corintho nec ab Tarquiniis, ut patri tuo, peregrina regna moliri necesse est: di te penates patriique et patris imago et domus regia et in domo regale solium et nomen Tarquinium creat uocatque regem.

1.47.5aut si ad haec parum est animi, quid frustraris ciuitatem? quid te ut regium iuuenem conspici sinis? facesse hinc Tarquinios aut Corinthum; deuoluere retro ad stirpem, fratri similior quam patri.'

1.47.6his aliisque increpando iuuenem instigat, nec conquiescere ipsa potest si, cum Tanaquil, peregrina mulier, tantum moliri potuisset animo ut duo continua regna uiro ac deinceps genero dedisset, ipsa regio semine orta nullum momentum in dando adimendoque regno faceret.

1.47.7his muliebribus instinctus furiis Tarquinius circumire et prensare minorum maxime gentium patres; admonere paterni beneficii ac pro eo gratiam repetere; allicere donis iuuenes; cum de se ingentia pollicendo tum regis criminibus omnibus locis crescere.

1.47.8postremo ut iam agendae rei tempus uisum est, stipatus agmine armatorum in forum inrupit. inde omnibus perculsis pauore, in regia sede pro curia sedens patres in curiam per praeconem ad regem Tarquinium citari iussit.

1.47.9conuenere extemplo, alii iam ante ad hoc praeparati, alii metu ne non uenisse fraudi esset, nouitate ac miraculo attoniti et iam de Seruio actum rati.

1.47.10ibi Tarquinius maledicta ab stirpe ultima orsus: seruum seruaque natum post mortem indignam parentis sui, non interregno, ut antea, inito, non comitiis habitis, non per suffragium populi, non auctoribus patribus, muliebri dono regnum occupasse.

1.47.11ita natum, ita creatum regem, fautorem infimi generis hominum ex quo ipse sit, odio alienae honestatis ereptum primoribus agrum sordidissimo cuique diuisisse;

1.47.12omnia onera quae communia quondam fuerint inclinasse in primores ciuitatis; instituisse censum ut insignis ad inuidiam locupletiorum fortuna esset et parata unde, ubi uellet, egentissimis largiretur.

1.48.1huic orationi Seruius cum interuenisset trepido nuntio excitatus, extemplo a uestibulo curiae magna uoce 'quid hoc' inquit, 'Tarquini, rei est? qua tu audacia me uiuo

1.48.2uocare ausus es patres aut in sede considere mea?' cum ille ferociter ad haec—se patris sui tenere sedem; multo quam seruum potiorem filium regis regni heredem; satis illum diu per licentiam eludentem insultasse dominis—, clamor ab utriusque fautoribus oritur et concursus populi fiebat in curiam, apparebatque regnaturum qui uicisset.

1.48.3tum Tarquinius necessitate iam et ipsa cogente ultima audere, multo et aetate et uiribus ualidior, medium arripit Seruium elatumque e curia in inferiorem partem per gradus deiecit; inde ad cogendum senatum in curiam rediit.

1.48.4fit fuga regis apparitorum atque comitum; ipse prope exsanguis cum sine regio comitatu domum se reciperet ab iis qui missi ab Tarquinio fugientem consecuti erant interficitur.

1.48.5creditur, quia non abhorret a cetero scelere, admonitu Tulliae id factum. carpento certe, id quod satis constat, in forum inuecta nec reuerita coetum uirorum euocauit uirum e curia regemque prima appellauit.

1.48.6a quo facessere iussa ex tanto tumultu cum se domum reciperet peruenissetque ad summum Cyprium uicum, ubi Dianium nuper fuit, flectenti carpentum dextra in Urbium cliuum ut in collem Esquiliarum eueheretur, restitit pauidus atque inhibuit frenos is qui iumenta agebat iacentemque dominae Seruium trucidatum ostendit.

1.48.7foedum inhumanumque inde traditur scelus monumentoque locus est—Sceleratum uicum uocant—quo amens, agitantibus furiis sororis ac uiri, Tullia per patris corpus carpentum egisse fertur, partemque sanguinis ac caedis paternae cruento uehiculo, contaminata ipsa respersaque, tulisse ad penates suos uirique sui, quibus iratis malo regni principio similes propediem exitus sequerentur.

1.48.8Ser. Tullius regnauit annos quattuor et quadraginta ita ut bono etiam moderatoque succedenti regi difficilis aemulatio esset; ceterum id quoque ad gloriam accessit quod cum illo simul iusta ac legitima regna occiderunt.

1.48.9id ipsum tam mite ac tam moderatum imperium tamen quia unius esset deponere eum in animo habuisse quidam auctores sunt, ni scelus intestinum liberandae patriae consilia agitanti interuenisset.

1.49.1inde L. Tarquinius regnare occepit, cui Superbo cognomen facta indiderunt, quia socerum gener sepultura prohibuit,

1.49.2Romulum quoque insepultum perisse dictitans, primoresque patrum, quos Serui rebus fauisse credebat, interfecit; conscius deinde male quaerendi regni ab se ipso aduersus se exemplum capi posse, armatis corpus circumsaepsit;

1.49.3neque enim ad ius regni quicquam praeter uim habebat ut qui neque populi iussu neque auctoribus patribus regnaret.

1.49.4eo accedebat ut in caritate ciuium nihil spei reponenti metu regnum tutandum esset. quem ut pluribus incuteret cognitiones capitalium rerum sine consiliis per se solus exercebat,

1.49.5perque eam causam occidere, in exsilium agere, bonis multare poterat non suspectos modo aut inuisos sed unde nihil aliud quam praedam sperare posset.

1.49.6praecipue ita patrum numero imminuto statuit nullos in patres legere, quo contemptior paucitate ipsa ordo esset minusque per se nihil agi indignarentur.

1.49.7hic enim regum primus traditum a prioribus morem de omnibus senatum consulendi soluit; domesticis consiliis rem publicam administrauit; bellum, pacem, foedera, societates per se ipse, cum quibus uoluit, iniussu populi ac senatus, fecit diremitque.

1.49.8Latinorum sibi maxime gentem conciliabat ut peregrinis quoque opibus tutior inter ciues esset, neque hospitia modo cum primoribus eorum sed adfinitates quoque iungebat.

1.49.9Octauio Mamilio Tusculano—is longe princeps Latini nominis erat, si famae credimus, ab Ulixe deaque Circa oriundus—, ei Mamilio filiam nuptum dat, perque eas nuptias multos sibi cognatos amicosque eius conciliat.

1.50.1iam magna Tarquini auctoritas inter Latinorum proceres erat, cum in diem certam ut ad lucum Ferentinae conueniant indicit: esse, quae agere de rebus communibus uelit.

1.50.2conueniunt frequentes prima luce: ipse Tarquinius diem quidem seruauit, sed paulo ante quam sol occideret uenit. multa ibi toto die in concilio uariis iactata sermonibus erant.

1.50.3Turnus Herdonius ab Aricia ferociter in absentem Tarquinium erat inuectus: haud mirum esse Superbo inditum Romae cognomen.—iam enim ita clam quidem mussitantes, uolgo tamen eum appellabant.—an quicquam superbius esse quam ludificari sic omne nomen Latinum?

1.50.4longe ab domo excitis, ipsum, qui concilium indixerit, non adesse. temptari profecto patientiam ut, si iugum acceperint, obnoxios premat. cui enim non apparere, adfectare eum imperium in Latinos?

1.50.5quod si sui bene crediderint ciues, aut si creditum illud et non raptum parricidio sit, credere et Latinos quamquam ne sic quidem alienigenae debere:

1.50.6sin suos eius paeniteat, quippe qui alii super alios trucidentur exsulatum eant bona amittant, quid spei melioris Latinis portendi? si se audiant, domum suam quemque inde abituros neque magis obseruaturos diem concilii quam ipse qui indixerit obseruet.

1.50.7haec atque alia eodem pertinentia seditiosus facinorosusque homo hisque artibus opes domi nactus cum maxime dissereret, interuenit Tarquinius.

1.50.8is finis orationi fuit; auersi omnes ad Tarquinium salutandum. qui silentio facto monitus a proximis ut purgaret se quod id temporis uenisset, disceptatorem ait se sumptum inter patrem et filium cura reconciliandi eos in gratiam moratum esse, et quia ea res exemisset illum diem, postero die acturum quae constituisset.

1.50.9ne id quidem ab Turno tulisse tacitum ferunt; dixisse enim nullam breuiorem esse cognitionem quam inter patrem et filium paucisque transigi uerbis posse: ni pareat patri, habiturum infortunium esse.

Book 1, Part 6

1.51.1haec Aricinus in regem Romanum increpans ex concilio abiit. quam rem Tarquinius aliquanto quam uidebatur aegrius ferens confestim Turno necem machinatur, ut eundem terrorem quo ciuium animos domi oppresserat Latinis iniceret.

1.51.2et quia pro imperio palam interfici non poterat, oblato falso crimine insontem oppressit. per aduersae factionis quosdam Aricinos seruum Turni auro corrupit, ut in deuersorium eius uim magnam gladiorum inferri clam sineret.

1.51.3ea cum una nocte perfecta essent, Tarquinius paulo ante lucem accitis ad se principibus Latinorum quasi re noua perturbatus, moram suam hesternam uelut deorum quadam prouidentia inlatam ait saluti sibi atque illis fuisse.

1.51.4ab Turno dici sibi et primoribus populorum parari necem ut Latinorum solus imperium teneat. adgressurum fuisse hesterno die in concilio; dilatam rem esse, quod auctor concilii afuerit quem maxime peteret.

1.51.5inde illam absentis insectationem esse natam quod morando spem destituerit. non dubitare, si uera deferantur, quin prima luce, ubi uentum in concilium sit, instructus cum coniuratorum manu armatusque uenturus sit.

1.51.6dici gladiorum ingentem esse numerum ad eum conuectum. id uanum necne sit, extemplo sciri posse. rogare eos ut inde secum ad Turnum ueniant.

1.51.7suspectam fecit rem et ingenium Turni ferox et oratio hesterna et mora Tarquini, quod uidebatur ob eam differri caedes potuisse. eunt inclinatis quidem ad credendum animis, tamen, nisi gladiis deprehensis, cetera uana existimaturi.

1.51.8ubi est eo uentum, Turnum ex somno excitatum circumsistunt custodes; comprehensisque seruis qui caritate domini uim parabant, cum gladii abditi ex omnibus locis deuerticuli protraherentur, enimuero manifesta res uisa iniectaeque Turno catenae; et confestim Latinorum concilium magno cum tumultu aduocatur.

1.51.9ibi tam atrox inuidia orta est gladiis in medio positis, ut indicta causa, nouo genere leti, deiectus ad caput aquae Ferentinae crate superne iniecta saxisque congestis mergeretur.

1.52.1reuocatis deinde ad concilium Latinis Tarquinius conlaudatisque qui Turnum nouantem res pro manifesto parricidio merita poena adfecissent, ita uerba fecit:

1.52.2posse quidem se uetusto iure agere, quod, cum omnes Latini ab Alba oriundi sint, [in] eo foedere teneantur, quo sub Tullo res omnis Albana cum colonis suis in Romanum cesserit imperium;

1.52.3ceterum se utilitatis id magis omnium causa censere ut renouetur id foedus, secundaque potius fortuna populi Romani ut participes Latini fruantur quam urbium excidia uastationesque agrorum, quas Anco prius, patre deinde suo regnante perpessi sint, semper aut exspectent aut patiantur.

1.52.4haud difficulter persuasum Latinis, quamquam in eo foedere superior Romana res erat; ceterum et capita nominis Latini stare ac sentire cum rege uidebant, et [Turnus] sui cuique periculi, si aduersatus esset, recens erat documentum.

1.52.5ita renouatum foedus, indictumque iunioribus Latinorum ut ex foedere die certa ad lucum Ferentinae armati frequentes adessent.

1.52.6qui ubi ad edictum Romani regis ex omnibus populis conuenere, ne ducem suum neue secretum imperium propriaue signa haberent, miscuit manipulos ex Latinis Romanisque ut ex binis singulos faceret binosque ex singulis; ita geminatis manipulis centuriones imposuit.

1.53.1nec ut iniustus in pace rex, ita dux belli prauus fuit; quin ea arte aequasset superiores reges ni degeneratum in aliis huic quoque decori offecisset.

1.53.2is primus Uolscis bellum in ducentos amplius post suam aetatem annos mouit, Suessamque Pometiam ex iis ui cepit.

1.53.3ubi cum diuendita praeda quadraginta talenta argenti refecisset, concepit animo eam amplitudinem Iouis templi quae digna deum hominumque rege, quae Romano imperio, quae ipsius etiam loci maiestate esset; captiuam pecuniam in aedificationem eius templi seposuit.

1.53.4excepit deinde lentius spe bellum, quo Gabios, propinquam urbem, nequiquam ui adortus, cum obsidendi quoque urbem spes pulso a moenibus adempta esset, postremo minime arte Romana, fraude ac dolo, adgressus est.

1.53.5nam cum uelut posito bello fundamentis templi iaciendis aliisque urbanis operibus intentum se esse simularet, Sextus filius eius, qui minimus ex tribus erat, transfugit ex composito Gabios, patris in se saeuitiam intolerabilem conquerens:

1.53.6iam ab alienis in suos uertisse superbiam et liberorum quoque eum frequentiae taedere, ut quam in curia solitudinem fecerit domi quoque faciat, ne quam stirpem, ne quem heredem regni relinquat.

1.53.7se quidem inter tela et gladios patris elapsum nihil usquam sibi tutum nisi apud hostes L. Tarquini credidisse. nam ne errarent, manere iis bellum quod positum simuletur, et per occasionem eum incautos inuasurum.

1.53.8quod si apud eos supplicibus locus non sit, pererraturum se omne Latium, Uolscosque se inde et Aequos et Hernicos petiturum donec ad eos perueniat qui a patrum crudelibus atque impiis suppliciis tegere liberos sciant.

1.53.9forsitan etiam ardoris aliquid ad bellum armaque se aduersus superbissimum regem ac ferocissimum populum inuenturum.

1.53.10cum si nihil morarentur infensus ira porro inde abiturus uideretur, benigne ab Gabinis excipitur. uetant mirari si, qualis in ciues, qualis in socios, talis ad ultimum in liberos esset;

1.53.11in se ipsum postremo saeuiturum, si alia desint. sibi uero gratum aduentum eius esse, futurumque credere breui ut illo adiuuante a portis Gabinis sub Romana moenia bellum transferatur.

1.54.1inde in consilia publica adhiberi. ubi cum de aliis rebus adsentire se ueteribus Gabinis diceret quibus eae notiores essent, ipse identidem belli auctor esse et in eo sibi praecipuam prudentiam adsumere quod utriusque populi uires nosset, sciretque inuisam profecto superbiam regiam ciuibus esse quam ferre ne liberi quidem potuissent.

1.54.2ita cum sensim ad rebellandum primores Gabinorum incitaret, ipse cum promptissimis iuuenum praedatum atque in expeditiones iret et dictis factisque omnibus ad fallendum instructis uana adcresceret fides, dux ad ultimum belli legitur.

1.54.3ibi cum, inscia multitudine quid ageretur, proelia parua inter Romam Gabiosque fierent quibus plerumque Gabina res superior esset, tum certatim summi infimique Gabinorum Sex. Tarquinium dono deum sibi missum ducem credere.

1.54.4apud milites uero obeundo pericula ac labores pariter, praedam munifice largiendo tanta caritate esse ut non pater Tarquinius potentior Romae quam filius Gabiis esset.

1.54.5itaque postquam satis uirium conlectum ad omnes conatus uidebat, tum ex suis unum sciscitatum Romam ad patrem mittit quidnam se facere uellet, quando quidem ut omnia unus publice Gabiis posset ei di dedissent.

1.54.6huic nuntio, quia, credo, dubiae fidei uidebatur, nihil uoce responsum est; rex uelut deliberabundus in hortum aedium transit sequente nuntio filii; ibi inambulans tacitus summa papauerum capita dicitur baculo decussisse.

1.54.7interrogando exspectandoque responsum nuntius fessus, ut re imperfecta, redit Gabios; quae dixerit ipse quaeque uiderit refert; seu ira seu odio seu superbia insita ingenio nullam eum uocem emisisse.

1.54.8Sexto ubi quid uellet parens quidue praeciperet tacitis ambagibus patuit, primores ciuitatis criminando alios apud populum, alios sua ipsos inuidia opportunos interemit. multi palam, quidam in quibus minus speciosa criminatio erat futura clam interfecti.

1.54.9patuit quibusdam uolentibus fuga, aut in exsilium acti sunt, absentiumque bona iuxta atque interemptorum diuisui fuere.

1.54.10largitiones inde praedaeque; et dulcedine priuati commodi sensus malorum publicorum adimi, donec orba consilio auxilioque Gabina res regi Romano sine ulla dimicatione in manum traditur.

1.55.1Gabiis receptis Tarquinius pacem cum Aequorum gente fecit, foedus cum Tuscis renouauit. inde ad negotia urbana animum conuertit; quorum erat primum ut Iouis templum in monte Tarpeio monumentum regni sui nominisque relinqueret: Tarquinios reges ambos patrem uouisse, filium perfecisse.

1.55.2et ut libera a ceteris religionibus area esset tota Iouis templique eius quod inaedificaretur, exaugurare fana sacellaque statuit quae aliquod ibi, a Tatio rege primum in ipso discrimine aduersus Romulum pugnae uota, consecrata inaugurataque postea fuerant.

1.55.3inter principia condendi huius operis mouisse numen ad indicandam tanti imperii molem traditur deos; nam cum omnium sacellorum exaugurationes admitterent aues, in Termini fano non addixere;

1.55.4idque omen auguriumque ita acceptum est non motam Termini sedem unumque eum deorum non euocatum sacratis sibi finibus firma stabiliaque cuncta portendere.

1.55.5hoc perpetuitatis auspicio accepto, secutum aliud magnitudinem imperii portendens prodigium est: caput humanum integra facie aperientibus fundamenta templi dicitur apparuisse.

1.55.6quae uisa species haud per ambages arcem eam imperii caputque rerum fore portendebat; idque ita cecinere uates quique in urbe erant quosque ad eam rem consultandam ex Etruria acciuerant.

1.55.7augebatur ad impensas regis animus; itaque Pometinae manubiae, quae perducendo ad culmen operi destinatae erant, uix in fundamenta suppeditauere.

1.55.8eo magis Fabio, praeterquam quod antiquior est, crediderim quadraginta ea sola talenta fuisse,

1.55.9quam Pisoni, qui quadraginta milia pondo argenti seposita in eam rem scribit, summam pecuniae neque ex unius tum urbis praeda sperandam et nullius ne horum quidem operum fundamenta non exsuperaturam.

1.56.1intentus perficiendo templo, fabris undique ex Etruria accitis, non pecunia solum ad id publica est usus sed operis etiam ex plebe. qui cum haud paruus et ipse militiae adderetur labor, minus tamen plebs grauabatur se templa deum exaedificare manibus suis quam postquam et ad alia,

1.56.2ut specie minora, sic laboris aliquanto maioris traducebantur opera, foros in circo faciendos cloacamque maximam, receptaculum omnium purgamentorum urbis, sub terra agendam; quibus duobus operibus uix noua haec magnificentia quicquam adaequare potuit.

1.56.3his laboribus exercita plebe, quia et urbi multitudinem, ubi usus non esset, oneri rebatur esse et colonis mittendis occupari latius imperii fines uolebat, Signiam Circeiosque colonos misit, praesidia urbi futura terra marique.

1.56.4haec agenti portentum terribile uisum: anguis ex columna lignea elapsus cum terrorem fugamque in regia fecisset, ipsius regis non tam subito pauore perculit pectus quam anxiis impleuit curis.

1.56.5itaque cum ad publica prodigia Etrusci tantum uates adhiberentur, hoc uelut domestico exterritus uisu Delphos ad maxime inclitum in terris oraculum mittere statuit.

1.56.6neque responsa sortium ulli alii committere ausus, duos filios per ignotas ea tempestate terras, ignotiora maria in Graeciam misit.

1.56.7Titus et Arruns profecti; comes iis additus L. Iunius Brutus , Tarquinia, sorore regis, natus, iuuenis longe alius ingenii quam cuius simulationem induerat. is cum primores ciuitatis, in quibus fratrem suum, ab auunculo interfectum audisset, neque in animo suo quicquam regi timendum neque in fortuna concupiscendum relinquere statuit contemptuque tutus esse ubi in iure parum praesidii esset.

1.56.8ergo ex industria factus ad imitationem stultitiae, cum se suaque praedae esse regi sineret, Bruti quoque haud abnuit cognomen ut sub eius obtentu cognominis liberator ille populi Romani animus latens opperiretur tempora sua.

1.56.9is tum ab Tarquiniis ductus Delphos, ludibrium uerius quam comes, aureum baculum inclusum corneo cauato ad id baculo tulisse donum Apollini dicitur, per ambages effigiem ingenii sui.

1.56.10quo postquam uentum est, perfectis patris mandatis cupido incessit animos iuuenum sciscitandi ad quem eorum regnum Romanum esset uenturum. ex infimo specu uocem redditam ferunt: imperium summum Romae habebit qui uestrum primus, o iuuenes, osculum matri tulerit.

1.56.11Tarquinii ut Sextus, qui Romae relictus fuerat, ignarus responsi expersque imperii esset, rem summa ope taceri iubent; ipsi inter se uter prior, cum Romam redisset, matri osculum daret, sorti permittunt.

1.56.12Brutus alio ratus spectare Pythicam uocem, uelut si prolapsus cecidisset, terram osculo contigit, scilicet quod ea communis mater omnium mortalium esset.

1.56.13reditum inde Romam, ubi aduersus Rutulos bellum summa ui parabatur.

1.57.1Ardeam Rutuli habebant, gens, ut in ea regione atque in ea aetate, diuitiis praepollens; eaque ipsa causa belli fuit, quod rex Romanus cum ipse ditari, exhaustus magnificentia publicorum operum, tum praeda delenire popularium animos studebat,

1.57.2praeter aliam superbiam regno infestos etiam quod se in fabrorum ministeriis ac seruili tam diu habitos opere ab rege indignabantur.

1.57.3temptata res est, si primo impetu capi Ardea posset: ubi id parum processit, obsidione munitionibusque coepti premi hostes.

1.57.4in his statiuis, ut fit longo magis quam acri bello, satis liberi commeatus erant, primoribus tamen magis quam militibus;

1.57.5regii quidem iuuenes interdum otium conuiuiis comisationibusque inter se terebant.

1.57.6forte potantibus his apud Sex. Tarquinium , ubi et Collatinus cenabat Tarquinius, Egeri filius, incidit de uxoribus mentio. suam quisque laudare miris modis;

1.57.7inde certamine accenso Collatinus negat uerbis opus esse; paucis id quidem horis posse sciri quantum ceteris praestet Lucretia sua. 'quin, si uigor iuuentae inest, conscendimus equos inuisimusque praesentes nostrarum ingenia? id cuique spectatissimum sit quod necopinato uiri aduentu occurrerit oculis.'

1.57.8incaluerant uino; 'age sane' omnes; citatis equis auolant Romam. quo cum primis se intendentibus tenebris peruenissent, pergunt inde Collatiam,

1.57.9ubi Lucretiam haudquaquam ut regias nurus, quas in conuiuio luxuque cum aequalibus uiderant tempus terentes sed nocte sera deditam lanae inter lucubrantes ancillas in medio aedium sedentem inueniunt.

1.57.10muliebris certaminis laus penes Lucretiam fuit. adueniens uir Tarquiniique excepti benigne; uictor maritus comiter inuitat regios iuuenes. ibi Sex. Tarquinium mala libido Lucretiae per uim stuprandae capit; cum forma tum spectata castitas incitat.

1.57.11et tum quidem ab nocturno iuuenali ludo in castra redeunt.

1.58.1paucis interiectis diebus Sex. Tarquinius inscio Collatino cum comite uno Collatiam uenit.

1.58.2ubi exceptus benigne ab ignaris consilii cum post cenam in hospitale cubiculum deductus esset, amore ardens, postquam satis tuta circa sopitique omnes uidebantur, stricto gladio ad dormientem Lucretiam uenit sinistraque manu mulieris pectore oppresso 'tace, Lucretia' inquit; ' Sex. Tarquinius sum; ferrum in manu est; moriere, si emiseris uocem.'

1.58.3cum pauida ex somno mulier nullam opem, prope mortem imminentem uideret, tum Tarquinius fateri amorem, orare, miscere precibus minas, uersare in omnes partes muliebrem animum.

1.58.4ubi obstinatam uidebat et ne mortis quidem metu inclinari, addit ad metum dedecus: cum mortua iugulatum seruum nudum positurum ait, ut in sordido adulterio necata dicatur.

1.58.5quo terrore cum uicisset obstinatam pudicitiam uelut <ui> uictrix libido, profectusque inde Tarquinius ferox expugnato decore muliebri esset, Lucretia maesta tanto malo nuntium Romam eundem ad patrem Ardeamque ad uirum mittit, ut cum singulis fidelibus amicis ueniant; ita facto maturatoque opus esse; rem atrocem incidisse.

1.58.6Sp. Lucretius cum P. Ualerio Uolesi filio , Collatinus cum L. Iunio Bruto uenit, cum quo forte Romam rediens ab nuntio uxoris erat conuentus.

1.58.7Lucretiam sedentem maestam in cubiculo inueniunt. aduentu suorum lacrimae obortae, quaerentique uiro 'satin salue?' 'minime' inquit; 'quid enim salui est mulieri amissa pudicitia? uestigia uiri alieni, Collatine, in lecto sunt tuo; ceterum corpus est tantum uiolatum, animus insons; mors testis erit. sed date dexteras fidemque haud impune adultero fore.

1.58.8Sex. est Tarquinius qui hostis pro hospite priore nocte ui armatus mihi sibique, si uos uiri estis, pestiferum hinc abstulit gaudium.'

1.58.9dant ordine omnes fidem; consolantur aegram animi auertendo noxam ab coacta in auctorem delicti: mentem peccare, non corpus, et unde consilium afuerit culpam abesse.

1.58.10'uos' inquit 'uideritis quid illi debeatur: ego me etsi peccato absoluo, supplicio non libero; nec ulla deinde impudica Lucretiae exemplo uiuet.' cultrum,

1.58.11quem sub ueste abditum habebat, eum in corde defigit, prolapsaque in uolnus moribunda cecidit.

1.58.12conclamat uir paterque;

1.59.1Brutus illis luctu occupatis cultrum ex uolnere Lucretiae extractum, manantem cruore prae se tenens, 'per hunc' inquit 'castissimum ante regiam iniuriam sanguinem iuro, uosque, di, testes facio me L. Tarquinium Superbum cum scelerata coniuge et omni liberorum stirpe ferro igni quacumque dehinc ui possim exsecuturum, nec illos nec alium quemquam regnare Romae passurum.'

1.59.2cultrum deinde Collatino tradit, inde Lucretio ac Ualerio, stupentibus miraculo rei, unde nouum in Bruti pectore ingenium. ut praeceptum erat iurant; totique ab luctu uersi in iram, Brutum iam inde ad expugnandum regnum uocantem sequuntur ducem.

1.59.3elatum domo Lucretiae corpus in forum deferunt, concientque miraculo, ut fit, rei nouae atque indignitate homines.

1.59.4pro se quisque scelus regium ac uim queruntur. mouet cum patris maestitia, tum Brutus castigator lacrimarum atque inertium querellarum auctorque quod uiros, quod Romanos deceret, arma capiendi aduersus hostilia ausos.

1.59.5ferocissimus quisque iuuenum cum armis uoluntarius adest; sequitur et cetera iuuentus. inde patre praeside relicto Collatiae [ad portas] custodibusque datis ne quis eum motum regibus nuntiaret, ceteri armati duce Bruto Romam profecti.

1.59.6ubi eo uentum est, quacumque incedit armata multitudo, pauorem ac tumultum facit; rursus ubi anteire primores ciuitatis uident, quidquid sit haud temere esse rentur.

1.59.7nec minorem motum animorum Romae tam atrox res facit quam Collatiae fecerat; ergo ex omnibus locis urbis in forum curritur. quo simul uentum est, praeco ad tribunum celerum, in quo tum magistratu forte Brutus erat, populum aduocauit.

1.59.8ibi oratio habita nequaquam eius pectoris ingeniique quod simulatum ad eam diem fuerat, de ui ac libidine Sex. Tarquini , de stupro infando Lucretiae et miserabili caede, de orbitate Tricipitini cui morte filiae causa mortis indignior ac miserabilior esset.

1.59.9addita superbia ipsius regis miseriaeque et labores plebis in fossas cloacasque exhauriendas demersae; Romanos homines, uictores omnium circa populorum, opifices ac lapicidas pro bellatoribus factos.

1.59.10indigna Ser. Tulli regis memorata caedes et inuecta corpori patris nefando uehiculo filia, inuocatique ultores parentum di.

1.59.11his atrocioribusque, credo, aliis, quae praesens rerum indignitas haudquaquam relatu scriptoribus facilia subicit, memoratis incensam multitudinem perpulit ut imperium regi abrogaret exsulesque esse iuberet L. Tarquinium cum coniuge ac liberis.

1.59.12ipse iunioribus qui ultro nomina dabant lectis armatisque, ad concitandum inde aduersus regem exercitum Ardeam in castra est profectus: imperium in urbe Lucretio, praefecto urbis iam ante ab rege instituto, relinquit.

Book 1, Part 7

1.59.13inter hunc tumultum Tullia domo profugit exsecrantibus quacumque incedebat inuocantibusque parentum furias uiris mulieribusque.

1.60.1harum rerum nuntiis in castra perlatis cum re noua trepidus rex pergeret Romam ad comprimendos motus, flexit uiam Brutus—senserat enim aduentum—ne obuius fieret; eodemque fere tempore, diuersis itineribus, Brutus Ardeam, Tarquinius Romam uenerunt.

1.60.2Tarquinio clausae portae exsiliumque indictum: liberatorem urbis laeta castra accepere, exactique inde liberi regis. duo patrem secuti sunt qui exsulatum Caere in Etruscos ierunt. Sex. Tarquinius Gabios tamquam in suum regnum profectus ab ultoribus ueterum simultatium, quas sibi ipse caedibus rapinisque concierat, est interfectus.

1.60.3L. Tarquinius Superbus regnauit annos quinque et uiginti. regnatum Romae ab condita urbe ad liberatam annos ducentos quadraginta quattuor. duo consules inde comitiis centuriatis a praefecto urbis ex commentariis Ser. Tulli creati sunt, L. Iunius Brutus et L. Tarquinius Collatinus .

Book 2, Part 1

2.1.1liberi iam hinc populi Romani res pace belloque gestas, annuos magistratus, imperiaque legum potentiora quam hominum peragam.

2.1.2quae libertas ut laetior esset proximi regis superbia fecerat. nam priores ita regnarunt ut haud immerito omnes deinceps conditores partium certe urbis, quas nouas ipsi sedes ab se auctae multitudinis addiderunt,

2.1.3numerentur; neque ambigitur quin Brutus idem qui tantum gloriae superbo exacto rege meruit pessimo publico id facturus fuerit, si libertatis immaturae cupidine priorum regum alicui regnum extorsisset.

2.1.4quid enim futurum fuit, si illa pastorum conuenarumque plebs, transfuga ex suis populis, sub tutela inuiolati templi aut libertatem aut certe impunitatem adepta, soluta regio metu agitari coepta esset tribuniciis procellis,

2.1.5et in aliena urbe cum patribus serere certamina, priusquam pignera coniugum ac liberorum caritasque ipsius soli, cui longo tempore adsuescitur, animos eorum consociasset?

2.1.6dissipatae res nondum adultae discordia forent, quas fouit tranquilla moderatio imperii eoque nutriendo perduxit ut bonam frugem libertatis maturis iam uiribus ferre possent.

2.1.7libertatis autem originem inde magis quia annuum imperium consulare factum est quam quod deminutum quicquam sit ex regia potestate numeres.

2.1.8omnia iura, omnia insignia primi consules tenuere; id modo cautum est ne, si ambo fasces haberent, duplicatus terror uideretur. Brutus prior, concedente collega, fasces habuit; qui non acrior uindex libertatis fuerat quam deinde custos fuit.

2.1.9omnium primum auidum nouae libertatis populum, ne postmodum flecti precibus aut donis regiis posset, iure iurando adegit neminem Romae passuros regnare.

2.1.10deinde quo plus uirium in senatu frequentia etiam ordinis faceret, caedibus regis deminutum patrum numerum primoribus equestris gradus lectis ad trecentorum summam expleuit,

2.1.11traditumque inde fertur ut in senatum uocarentur qui patres quique conscripti essent; conscriptos uidelicet [nouum senatum] appellabant lectos. id mirum quantum profuit ad concordiam ciuitatis iungendosque patribus plebis animos.

2.2.1rerum deinde diuinarum habita cura; et quia quaedam publica sacra per ipsos reges factitata erant, necubi regum desiderium esset, regem sacrificolum creant.

2.2.2id sacerdotium pontifici subiecere, ne additus nomini honos aliquid libertati, cuius tunc prima erat cura, officeret. ac nescio an nimium undique eam minimisque rebus muniendo modum excesserint.

2.2.3consulis enim alterius, cum nihil aliud offenderet, nomen inuisum ciuitati fuit: nimium Tarquinios regno adsuesse; initium a Prisco factum; regnasse dein Ser. Tullium ; ne interuallo quidem facto oblitum, tamquam alieni, regni, Superbum Tarquinium uelut hereditatem gentis scelere ac ui repetisse; pulso Superbo penes Collatinum imperium esse. nescire Tarquinios priuatos uiuere; non placere nomen, periculosum libertati esse.

2.2.4hinc primo sensim temptantium animos sermo per totam ciuitatem est datus, sollicitamque suspicione plebem Brutus ad contionem uocat.

2.2.5ibi omnium primum ius iurandum populi recitat neminem regnare passuros nec esse Romae unde periculum libertati foret; id summa ope tuendum esse, neque ullam rem quae eo pertineat contemnendam. inuitum se dicere hominis causa, nec dicturum fuisse ni caritas rei publicae uinceret:

2.2.6non credere populum Romanum solidam libertatem reciperatam esse; regium genus, regium nomen non solum in ciuitate sed etiam in imperio esse; id officere, id obstare libertati.

2.2.7'hunc tu' inquit 'tua uoluntate, L. Tarquini , remoue metum. meminimus, fatemur: eiecisti reges; absolue beneficium tuum, aufer hinc regium nomen. res tuas tibi non solum reddent ciues tui auctore me, sed si quid deest munifice augebunt. amicus abi; exonera ciuitatem uano forsitan metu; ita persuasum est animis cum gente

2.2.8Tarquinia regnum hinc abiturum.' consuli primo tam nouae rei ac subitae admiratio incluserat uocem; dicere deinde incipientem primores ciuitatis circumsistunt, eadem multis precibus orant.

2.2.9et ceteri quidem mouebant minus: postquam Sp. Lucretius , maior aetate ac dignitate, socer praeterea ipsius, agere uarie rogando alternis suadendoque coepit ut uinci se consensu ciuitatis pateretur,

2.2.10timens consul ne postmodum priuato sibi eadem illa cum bonorum amissione additaque alia insuper ignominia acciderent, abdicauit se consulatu rebusque suis omnibus Lauinium translatis ciuitate cessit.

2.2.11Brutus ex senatus consulto ad populum tulit ut omnes Tarquiniae gentis exsules essent; collegam sibi comitiis centuriatis creauit P. Ualerium , quo adiutore reges eiecerat.

2.3.1cum haud cuiquam in dubio esset bellum ab Tarquiniis imminere, id quidem spe omnium serius fuit; ceterum, id quod non timebant, per dolum ac proditionem prope libertas amissa est.

2.3.2erant in Romana iuuentute adulescentes aliquot, nec ii tenui loco orti, quorum in regno libido solutior fuerat, aequales sodalesque adulescentium Tarquiniorum, adsueti more regio uiuere.

2.3.3eam tum, aequato iure omnium, licentiam quaerentes, libertatem aliorum in suam uertisse seruitutem inter se conquerebantur: regem hominem esse, a quo impetres, ubi ius, ubi iniuria opus sit; esse gratiae locum, esse beneficio; et irasci et ignoscere posse; inter amicum atque inimicum discrimen nosse;

2.3.4leges rem surdam, inexorabilem esse, salubriorem melioremque inopi quam potenti; nihil laxamenti nec ueniae habere, si modum excesseris; periculosum esse in tot humanis erroribus sola innocentia uiuere.

2.3.5ita iam sua sponte aegris animis legati ab regibus superueniunt, sine mentione reditus bona tantum repetentes. eorum uerba postquam in senatu audita sunt, per aliquot dies ea consultatio tenuit, ne non reddita belli causa, reddita belli materia et adiumentum essent.

2.3.6interim legati alia moliri; aperte bona repetentes clam reciperandi regni consilia struere; et tamquam ad id quod agi uidebatur ambientes, nobilium adulescentium animos pertemptant.

2.3.7a quibus placide oratio accepta est, iis litteras ab Tarquiniis reddunt et de accipiendis clam nocte in urbem regibus conloquuntur.

2.4.1Uitelliis Aquiliisque fratribus primo commissa res est. Uitelliorum soror consuli nupta Bruto erat, iamque ex eo matrimonio adulescentes erant liberi, Titus Tiberiusque; eos quoque in societatem consilii auunculi adsumunt.

2.4.2praeterea aliquot nobiles adulescentes conscii adsumpti, quorum uetustate memoria abiit.

2.4.3interim cum in senatu uicisset sententia quae censebat reddenda bona, eamque ipsam causam morae in urbe haberent legati quod spatium ad uehicula comparanda a consulibus sumpsissent quibus regum asportarent res, omne id tempus cum coniuratis consultando absumunt, euincuntque instando ut litterae sibi ad Tarquinios darentur:

2.4.4nam aliter qui credituros eos non uana ab legatis super rebus tantis adferri? datae litterae ut pignus fidei essent, manifestum facinus fecerunt.

2.4.5nam cum pridie quam legati ad Tarquinios proficiscerentur cenatum forte apud Uitellios esset, coniuratique ibi, remotis arbitris, multa inter se de nouo, ut fit, consilio egissent, sermonem eorum ex seruis unus excepit,

2.4.6qui iam antea id senserat agi, sed eam occasionem, ut litterae legatis darentur quae deprehensae rem coarguere possent, exspectabat. postquam datas sensit, rem ad consules detulit.

2.4.7consules ad deprehendendos legatos coniuratosque profecti domo sine tumultu rem omnem oppressere; litterarum in primis habita cura ne interciderent. proditoribus extemplo in uincla coniectis, de legatis paululum addubitatum est; et quamquam uisi sunt commisisse ut hostium loco essent, ius tamen gentium ualuit.

2.5.1de bonis regiis, quae reddi ante censuerant, res integra refertur ad patres. ibi uicit ira; uetuere reddi, uetuere in publicum redigi.

2.5.2diripienda plebi sunt data, ut contacta regia praeda spem in perpetuum cum iis pacis amitteret. ager Tarquiniorum qui inter urbem ac Tiberim fuit, consecratus Marti, Martius deinde campus fuit.

2.5.3forte ibi tum seges farris dicitur fuisse matura messi. quem campi fructum quia religiosum erat consumere, desectam cum stramento segetem magna uis hominum simul immissa corbibus fudere in Tiberim tenui fluentem aqua, ut mediis caloribus solet. ita in uadis haesitantes frumenti aceruos sedisse inlitos limo;

2.5.4insulam inde paulatim, et aliis quae fert temere flumen eodem inuectis, factam; postea credo additas moles manuque adiutum, ut tam eminens area firmaque templis quoque ac porticibus sustinendis esset.

2.5.5direptis bonis regum damnati proditores sumptumque supplicium, conspectius eo quod poenae capiendae ministerium patri de liberis consulatus imposuit, et qui spectator erat amouendus, eum ipsum fortuna exactorem supplicii dedit.

2.5.6stabant deligati ad palum nobilissimi iuuenes; sed a ceteris, uelut ab ignotis capitibus, consulis liberi omnium in se auerterant oculos, miserebatque non poenae magis homines quam sceleris quo poenam meriti essent:

2.5.7illos eo potissimum anno patriam liberatam, patrem liberatorem, consulatum ortum ex domo Iunia, patres, plebem, quidquid deorum hominumque Romanorum esset, induxisse in animum ut superbo quondam regi, tum infesto exsuli proderent.

2.5.8consules in sedem processere suam, missique lictores ad sumendum supplicium. nudatos uirgis caedunt securique feriunt, cum inter omne tempus pater uoltusque et os eius spectaculo esset, eminente animo patrio inter publicae poenae ministerium.

2.5.9secundum poenam nocentium, ut in utramque partem arcendis sceleribus exemplum nobile esset, praemium indici pecunia ex aerario, libertas et ciuitas data.

2.5.10ille primum dicitur uindicta liberatus; quidam uindictae quoque nomen tractum ab illo putant; Uindicio ipsi nomen fuisse. post illum obseruatum ut qui ita liberati essent in ciuitatem accepti uiderentur.

2.6.1his sicut acta erant nuntiatis incensus Tarquinius non dolore solum tantae ad inritum cadentis spei sed etiam odio iraque, postquam dolo uiam obsaeptam uidit, bellum aperte moliendum ratus circumire supplex Etruriae urbes;

2.6.2orare maxime Ueientes Tarquiniensesque, ne <ex> se ortum, eiusdem sanguinis, extorrem, egentem ex tanto modo regno cum liberis adulescentibus ante oculos suos perire sinerent: alios peregre in regnum Romam accitos: se regem, augentem bello Romanum imperium, a proximis scelerata coniuratione pulsum.

2.6.3eos inter se, quia nemo unus satis dignus regno uisus sit, partes regni rapuisse; bona sua diripienda populo dedisse, ne quis expers sceleris esset. patriam se regnumque suum repetere et persequi ingratos ciues uelle. ferrent opem, adiuuarent; suas quoque ueteres iniurias ultum irent, totiens caesas legiones, agrum ademptum.

2.6.4haec mouerunt Ueientes, ac pro se quisque Romano saltem duce ignominias demendas belloque amissa repetenda minaciter fremunt. Tarquinienses nomen ac cognatio mouet: pulchrum uidebatur suos Romae regnare.

2.6.5ita duo duarum ciuitatium exercitus ad repetendum regnum belloque persequendos Romanos secuti Tarquinium. postquam in agrum Romanum uentum est, obuiam hosti consules eunt.

2.6.6Ualerius quadrato agmine peditem ducit: Brutus ad explorandum cum equitatu antecessit. eodem modo primus eques hostium agminis fuit; praeerat Arruns Tarquinius filius regis, rex ipse cum legionibus sequebatur.

2.6.7Arruns ubi ex lictoribus procul consulem esse, deinde iam propius ac certius facie quoque Brutum cognouit, inflammatus ira 'ille est uir' inquit, 'qui nos extorres expulit patria. ipse en ille nostris decoratus insignibus magnifice incedit. di regum ultores adeste.'

2.6.8concitat calcaribus equum atque in ipsum infestus consulem derigit. sensit in se iri Brutus; decorum erat tum ipsis capessere pugnam ducibus; auide itaque se certamini offert;

2.6.9adeoque infestis animis concurrerunt, neuter dum hostem uolneraret sui protegendi corporis memor, ut contrario ictu per parmam uterque transfixus duabus haerentes hastis moribundi ex equis lapsi sint.

2.6.10simul et cetera equestris pugna coepit, neque ita multo post et pedites superueniunt. ibi uaria uictoria et uelut aequo Marte pugnatum est; dextera utrimque cornua uicere, laeua superata.

2.6.11Ueientes, uinci ab Romano milite adsueti, fusi fugatique: Tarquiniensis, nouus hostis, non stetit solum, sed etiam ab sua parte Romanum pepulit.

2.7.1ita cum pugnatum esset, tantus terror Tarquinium atque Etruscos incessit ut omissa inrita re nocte ambo exercitus, Ueiens Tarquiniensisque, suas quisque abirent domos.

2.7.2adiciunt miracula huic pugnae: silentio proximae noctis ex silua Arsia ingentem editam uocem; Siluani uocem eam creditam; haec dicta: uno plus Tuscorum cecidisse in acie;

2.7.3uincere bello Romanum. ita certe inde abiere, Romani ut uictores, Etrusci pro uictis; nam postquam inluxit nec quisquam hostium in conspectu erat, P. Ualerius consul spolia legit triumphansque inde Romam rediit.

2.7.4collegae funus quanto tum potuit apparatu fecit; sed multo maius morti decus publica fuit maestitia, eo ante omnia insignis quia matronae annum ut parentem eum luxerunt, quod tam acer ultor uiolatae pudicitiae fuisset.

2.7.5consuli deinde qui superfuerat, ut sunt mutabiles uolgi animi, ex fauore non inuidia modo sed suspicio etiam cum atroci crimine orta.

2.7.6regnum eum adfectare fama ferebat, quia nec collegam subrogauerat in locum Bruti et aedificabat in summa Uelia: ibi alto atque munito loco arcem inexpugnabilem fieri.

2.7.7haec dicta uolgo creditaque cum indignitate angerent consulis animum, uocato ad concilium populo submissis fascibus in contionem escendit. gratum multitudini spectaculum fuit, submissa sibi esse imperii insignia confessionemque factam populi quam consulis maiestatem uimque maiorem esse.

2.7.8ibi audire iussis consul laudare fortunam collegae, quod liberata patria, in summo honore, pro re publica dimicans, matura gloria necdum se uertente in inuidiam, mortem occubuisset: se superstitem gloriae suae ad crimen atque inuidiam superesse; ex liberatore patriae ad Aquilios se Uitelliosque recidisse.

2.7.9'nunquamne ergo' inquit, 'ulla adeo uobis spectata uirtus erit, ut suspicione uiolari nequeat? ego me, illum acerrimum regum hostem, ipsum cupiditatis regni crimen subiturum timerem?

2.7.10ego si in ipsa arce Capitolioque habitarem, metui me crederem posse a ciuibus meis? tam leui momento mea apud uos fama pendet? adeone est fundata leuiter fides ut ubi sim quam qui sim magis referat?

2.7.11non obstabunt Publi Ualeri aedes libertati uestrae, Quirites; tuta erit uobis Uelia; deferam non in planum modo aedes sed colli etiam subiciam, ut uos supra suspectum me ciuem habitetis; in Uelia aedificent quibus melius quam P. Ualerio creditur libertas.' delata confestim materia omnis infra Ueliam et,

2.7.12ubi nunc Uicae Potae <aedes> est, domus in infimo cliuo aedificata.

2.8.1latae deinde leges, non solum quae regni suspicione consulem absoluerent, sed quae adeo in contrarium uerterent ut popularem etiam facerent; inde cognomen factum Publicolae est.

2.8.2ante omnes de prouocatione aduersus magistratus ad populum sacrandoque cum bonis capite eius qui regni occupandi consilia inisset gratae in uolgus leges fuere.

2.8.3quas cum solus pertulisset, ut sua unius in his gratia esset, tum deinde comitia collegae subrogando habuit.

2.8.4creatus Sp. Lucretius consul, qui magno natu, non sufficientibus iam uiribus ad consularia munera obeunda, intra paucos dies moritur. suffectus in Lucreti locum M. Horatius Puluillus .

2.8.5apud quosdam ueteres auctores non inuenio Lucretium consulem; Bruto statim Horatium suggerunt; credo, quia nulla gesta res insignem fecerit consulatum, memoria intercidisse.

2.8.6nondum dedicata erat in Capitolio Iouis aedes; Ualerius Horatiusque consules sortiti uter dedicaret. Horatio sorte euenit: Publicola ad Ueientium bellum profectus.

2.8.7aegrius quam dignum erat tulere Ualeri necessarii dedicationem tam incliti templi Horatio dari. id omnibus modis impedire conati, postquam alia frustra temptata erant, postem iam tenenti consuli foedum inter precationem deum nuntium incutiunt, mortuum eius filium esse, funestaque familia dedicare eum templum non posse.

2.8.8non crediderit factum an tantum animo roboris fuerit, nec traditur certum nec interpretatio est facilis. nihil aliud ad eum nuntium a proposito auersus quam ut cadauer efferri iuberet, tenens postem precationem peragit et dedicat templum.

2.8.9haec post exactos reges domi militiaeque gesta primo anno.

2.9.1inde P. Ualerius iterum T. Lucretius consules facti. iam Tarquinii ad Lartem Porsennam, Clusinum regem, perfugerant. ibi miscendo consilium precesque nunc orabant, ne se, oriundos ex Etruscis, eiusdem sanguinis nominisque, egentes exsulare pateretur,

2.9.2nunc monebant etiam ne orientem morem pellendi reges inultum sineret. satis libertatem ipsam habere dulcedinis.

2.9.3nisi quanta ui ciuitates eam expetant tanta regna reges defendant, aequari summa infimis; nihil excelsum, nihil quod supra cetera emineat, in ciuitatibus fore; adesse finem regnis, rei inter deos hominesque pulcherrimae.

2.9.4Porsenna cum regem esse Romae <tutum>, tum Etruscae gentis regem, amplum Tuscis ratus, Romam infesto exercitu uenit.

2.9.5non unquam alias ante tantus terror senatum inuasit; adeo ualida res tum Clusina erat magnumque Porsennae nomen. nec hostes modo timebant sed suosmet ipsi ciues, ne Romana plebs, metu perculsa, receptis in urbem regibus uel cum seruitute pacem acciperet.

2.9.6multa igitur blandimenta plebi per id tempus ab senatu data. annonae in primis habita cura, et ad frumentum comparandum missi alii in Uolscos, alii Cumas. salis quoque uendendi arbitrium, quia impenso pretio uenibat, in publicum omne sumptum, ademptum priuatis; portoriisque et tributo plebes liberata, ut diuites conferrent qui oneri ferendo essent: pauperes satis stipendii pendere, si liberos educent.

2.9.7itaque haec indulgentia patrum asperis postmodum rebus in obsidione ac fame adeo concordem ciuitatem tenuit, ut regium nomen non summi magis quam infimi horrerent,

2.9.8nec quisquam unus malis artibus postea tam popularis esset quam tum bene imperando uniuersus senatus fuit.

2.10.1cum hostes adessent, pro se quisque in urbem ex agris demigrant; urbem ipsam saepiunt praesidiis. alia muris, alia Tiberi obiecto uidebantur tuta:

2.10.2pons sublicius iter paene hostibus dedit, ni unus uir fuisset, Horatius Cocles; id munimentum illo die fortuna urbis Romanae habuit.

2.10.3qui positus forte in statione pontis cum captum repentino impetu Ianiculum atque inde citatos decurrere hostes uidisset trepidamque turbam suorum arma ordinesque relinquere, reprehensans singulos, obsistens obtestansque deum et hominum fidem testabatur nequiquam deserto praesidio eos fugere;

2.10.4si transitum [pontem] a tergo reliquissent, iam plus hostium in Palatio Capitolioque quam in Ianiculo fore. itaque monere, praedicere ut pontem ferro, igni, quacumque ui possint, interrumpant: se impetum hostium, quantum corpore uno posset obsisti, excepturum.

2.10.5uadit inde in primum aditum pontis, insignisque inter conspecta cedentium pugna terga obuersis comminus ad ineundum proelium armis, ipso miraculo audaciae obstupefecit hostes.

2.10.6duos tamen cum eo pudor tenuit, Sp. Larcium ac T. Herminium , ambos claros genere factisque.

2.10.7cum his primam periculi procellam et quod tumultuosissimum pugnae erat parumper sustinuit; deinde eos quoque ipsos exigua parte pontis relicta reuocantibus qui rescindebant cedere in tutum coegit.

2.10.8circumferens inde truces minaciter oculos ad proceres Etruscorum nunc singulos prouocare, nunc increpare omnes: seruitia regum superborum, suae libertatis immemores alienam oppugnatum uenire.

2.10.9cunctati aliquamdiu sunt, dum alius alium, ut proelium incipiant, circumspectant; pudor deinde commouit aciem, et clamore sublato undique in unum hostem tela coniciunt.

2.10.10quae cum in obiecto cuncta scuto haesissent, neque ille minus obstinatus ingenti pontem obtineret gradu, iam impetu conabantur detrudere uirum, cum simul fragor rupti pontis, simul clamor Romanorum, alacritate perfecti operis sublatus, pauore subito impetum sustinuit.

2.10.11tum Cocles 'Tiberine pater' inquit, 'te sancte precor, haec arma et hunc militem propitio flumine accipias.' ita sic armatus in Tiberim desiluit multisque superincidentibus telis incolumis ad suos tranauit, rem ausus plus famae habituram ad posteros quam fidei.

2.10.12grata erga tantam uirtutem ciuitas fuit; statua in comitio posita; agri quantum uno die circumarauit, datum.

2.10.13priuata quoque inter publicos honores studia eminebant; nam in magna inopia pro domesticis copiis unusquisque ei aliquid, fraudans se ipse uictu suo, contulit.

2.11.1Porsinna primo conatu repulsus, consiliis ab oppugnanda urbe ad obsidendam uersis, praesidio in Ianiculo locato, ipse in plano ripisque Tiberis castra posuit,

2.11.2nauibus undique accitis et ad custodiam ne quid Romam frumenti subuehi sineret, et ut praedatum milites trans flumen per occasiones aliis atque aliis locis traiceret;

2.11.3breuique adeo infestum omnem Romanum agrum reddidit ut non cetera solum ex agris sed pecus quoque omne in urbem compelleretur, neque quisquam extra portas propellere auderet.

2.11.4hoc tantum licentiae Etruscis non metu magis quam consilio concessum. namque Ualerius consul intentus in occasionem multos simul et effusos improuiso adoriundi, in paruis rebus neglegens ultor, grauem se ad maiora uindicem seruabat.

2.11.5itaque ut eliceret praedatores, edicit suis postero die frequentes porta Esquilina, quae auersissima ab hoste erat, expellerent pecus, scituros id hostes ratus, quod in obsidione et fame seruitia infida transfugerent.

2.11.6et sciere perfugae indicio; multoque plures, ut in spem uniuersae praedae, flumen traiciunt.

2.11.7P. Ualerius inde T. Herminium cum modicis copiis ad secundum lapidem Gabina uia occultum considere iubet, Sp. Larcium cum expedita iuuentute ad portam Collinam stare donec hostis praetereat; inde se obicere ne sit ad flumen reditus.

2.11.8consulum alter T. Lucretius porta Naeuia cum aliquot manipulis militum egressus; ipse Ualerius Caelio monte cohortes delectas educit, hique primi apparuere hosti.

Book 2, Part 2

2.11.9Herminius ubi tumultum sensit, concurrit ex insidiis, uersisque in Lucretium Etruscis terga caedit; dextra laeuaque, hinc a porta Collina, illinc ab Naeuia, redditus clamor;

2.11.10ita caesi in medio praedatores, neque ad pugnam uiribus pares et ad fugam saeptis omnibus uiis. finisque ille tam effuse euagandi Etruscis fuit.

2.12.1obsidio erat nihilo minus et frumenti cum summa caritate inopia, sedendoque expugnaturum se urbem spem Porsinna habebat,

2.12.2cum C. Mucius , adulescens nobilis, cui indignum uidebatur populum Romanum seruientem cum sub regibus esset nullo bello nec ab hostibus ullis obsessum esse, liberum eundem populum ab iisdem Etruscis obsideri quorum

2.12.3saepe exercitus fuderit,—itaque magno audacique aliquo facinore eam indignitatem uindicandam ratus, primo sua sponte penetrare in hostium castra constituit;

2.12.4dein metuens ne si consulum iniussu et ignaris omnibus iret, forte deprehensus a custodibus Romanis retraheretur ut transfuga, fortuna tum urbis crimen adfirmante, senatum adit.

2.12.5'transire Tiberim' inquit, 'patres, et intrare, si possim, castra hostium uolo, non praedo nec populationum in uicem ultor; maius si di iuuant in animo est facinus.' adprobant patres; abdito intra uestem ferro proficiscitur.

2.12.6ubi eo uenit, in confertissima turba prope regium tribunal constitit.

2.12.7ibi cum stipendium militibus forte daretur et scriba cum rege sedens pari fere ornatu multa ageret eum<que> milites uolgo adirent, timens sciscitari uter Porsinna esset, ne ignorando regem semet ipse aperiret quis esset, quo temere traxit fortuna facinus, scribam pro rege obtruncat.

2.12.8uadentem inde qua per trepidam turbam cruento mucrone sibi ipse fecerat uiam, cum concursu ad clamorem facto comprehensum regii satellites retraxissent, ante tribunal regis destitutus, tum quoque inter tantas fortunae minas metuendus magis quam metuens,

2.12.9'Romanus sum' inquit, 'ciuis; C. Mucium uocant. hostis hostem occidere uolui, nec ad mortem minus animi est, quam fuit ad caedem; et facere et pati fortia Romanum est.

2.12.10nec unus in te ego hos animos gessi; longus post me ordo est idem petentium decus. proinde in hoc discrimen, si iuuat, accingere, ut in singulas horas capite dimices tuo, ferrum hostemque in uestibulo habeas regiae. hoc tibi iuuentus Romana indicimus bellum.

2.12.11nullam aciem, nullum proelium timueris; uni tibi et cum singulis res erit.'

2.12.12cum rex simul ira infensus periculoque conterritus circumdari ignes minitabundus iuberet nisi expromeret propere quas insidiarum sibi minas per ambages iaceret,

2.12.13'en tibi' inquit, 'ut sentias quam uile corpus sit iis qui magnam gloriam uident'; dextramque accenso ad sacrificium foculo inicit. quam cum uelut alienato ab sensu torreret animo, prope attonitus miraculo rex cum ab sede sua prosiluisset amouerique ab altaribus iuuenem iussisset,

2.12.14'tu uero abi' inquit, 'in te magis quam in me hostilia ausus. iuberem macte uirtute esse, si pro mea patria ista uirtus staret; nunc iure belli liberum te, intactum inuiolatumque hinc dimitto.'

2.12.15tunc Mucius, quasi remunerans meritum, 'quando quidem' inquit, 'est apud te uirtuti honos, ut beneficio tuleris a me quod minis nequisti, trecenti coniurauimus principes iuuentutis Romanae ut in te hac uia grassaremur.

2.12.16mea prima sors fuit; ceteri ut cuiusque ceciderit primi quoad te opportunum fortuna dederit, suo quisque tempore aderunt.'

2.13.1Mucium dimissum, cui postea Scaeuolae a clade dextrae manus cognomen inditum, legati a Porsinna Romam secuti sunt;

2.13.2adeo mouerat eum et primi periculi casus, <a> quo nihil se praeter errorem insidiatoris texisset, et subeunda dimicatio totiens quot coniurati superessent, ut pacis condiciones ultro ferret Romanis.

2.13.3iactatum in condicionibus nequiquam de Tarquiniis in regnum restituendis, magis quia id negare ipse nequiuerat Tarquiniis quam quod negatum iri sibi ab Romanis ignoraret.

2.13.4de agro Ueientibus restituendo impetratum, expressaque necessitas obsides dandi Romanis, si Ianiculo praesidium deduci uellent. his condicionibus composita pace, exercitum ab Ianiculo deduxit Porsinna et agro Romano excessit.

2.13.5patres C. Mucio uirtutis causa trans Tiberim agrum dono dedere, quae postea sunt Mucia prata appellata.

2.13.6ergo ita honorata uirtute, feminae quoque ad publica decora excitatae, et Cloelia uirgo una ex obsidibus, cum castra Etruscorum forte haud procul ripa Tiberis locata essent, frustrata custodes, dux agminis uirginum inter tela hostium Tiberim tranauit, sospitesque omnes Romam ad propinquos restituit.

2.13.7quod ubi regi nuntiatum est, primo incensus ira oratores Romam misit ad Cloeliam obsidem deposcendam: alias haud magni facere.

2.13.8deinde in admirationem uersus, supra Coclites Muciosque dicere id facinus esse, et prae se ferre quemadmodum si non dedatur obses, pro rupto foedus se habiturum, sic deditam <intactam> inuiolatamque ad suos remissurum.

2.13.9utrimque constitit fides; et Romani pignus pacis ex foedere restituerunt, et apud regem Etruscum non tuta solum sed honorata etiam uirtus fuit, laudatamque uirginem parte obsidum se donare dixit; ipsa quos uellet legeret.

2.13.10productis omnibus elegisse impubes dicitur; quod et uirginitati decorum et consensu obsidum ipsorum probabile erat eam aetatem potissimum liberari ab hoste quae maxime opportuna iniuriae esset.

2.13.11pace redintegrata Romani nouam in femina uirtutem nouo genere honoris, statua equestri, donauere; in summa Sacra uia fuit posita uirgo insidens equo.

2.14.1huic tam pacatae profectioni ab urbe regis Etrusci abhorrens mos traditus ab antiquis usque ad nostram aetatem inter cetera sollemnia manet, bona Porsennae regis uendendi.

2.14.2cuius originem moris necesse est aut inter bellum natam esse neque omissam in pace, aut a mitiore creuisse principio quam hic prae se ferat titulus bona hostiliter uendendi.

2.14.3proximum uero est ex iis quae traduntur Porsennam discedentem ab Ianiculo castra opulenta, conuecto ex propinquis ac fertilibus Etruriae aruis commeatu, Romanis dono dedisse, inopi tum urbe ab longinqua obsidione;

2.14.4ea deinde, ne populo immisso diriperentur hostiliter, uenisse, bonaque Porsennae appellata, gratiam muneris magis significante titulo quam auctionem fortunae regiae quae ne in potestate quidem populi Romani esset.

2.14.5omisso Romano bello Porsenna, ne frustra in ea loca exercitus adductus uideretur, cum parte copiarum filium Arruntem Ariciam oppugnatum mittit.

2.14.6primo Aricinos res necopinata perculerat; arcessita deinde auxilia et a Latinis populis et a Cumis tantum spei fecere, ut acie decernere auderent. proelio inito, adeo concitato impetu se intulerant Etrusci ut funderent ipso incursu Aricinos:

2.14.7Cumanae cohortes arte aduersus uim usae declinauere paululum, effuseque praelatos hostes conuersis signis ab tergo adortae sunt.

2.14.8ita in medio prope iam uictores caesi Etrusci. pars perexigua, duce amisso, quia nullum propius perfugium erat, Romam inermes et fortuna et specie supplicum delati sunt.

2.14.9ibi benigne excepti diuisique in hospitia. curatis uolneribus, alii profecti domos, nuntii hospitalium beneficiorum: multos Romae hospitum urbisque caritas tenuit. his locus ad habitandum datus quem deinde Tuscum uicum appellarunt.

2.15.1Sp. < Larcius inde et> T. Herminius , P. Lucretius inde et P. Ualerius Publicola consules facti. eo anno postremum legati a Porsenna de reducendo in regnum Tarquinio uenerunt; quibus cum responsum esset missurum ad regem senatum legatos, missi confestim honoratissimus quisque ex patribus.

2.15.2non quin breuiter reddi responsum potuerit non recipi reges, ideo potius delectos patrum ad eum missos quam legatis eius Romae daretur responsum, sed ut in perpetuum mentio eius rei finiretur, neu in tantis mutuis beneficiis in uicem animi sollicitarentur, cum ille peteret quod contra libertatem populi Romani esset, Romani, nisi in perniciem suam faciles esse uellent, negarent cui nihil negatum uellent.

2.15.3non in regno populum Romanum sed in libertate esse. ita induxisse in animum, hostibus portas potius quam regibus patefacere; ea esse uota omnium ut qui libertati erit in illa urbe finis, idem urbi sit.

2.15.4proinde si saluam esse uellet Romam, ut patiatur liberam esse orare.

2.15.5rex uerecundia uictus 'quando id certum atque obstinatum est' inquit, 'neque ego obtundam saepius eadem nequiquam agendo, nec Tarquinios spe auxilii, quod nullum in me est, frustrabor. alium hinc, seu bello opus est seu quiete, exsilio quaerant locum, ne quid meam uobiscum pacem distineat.' dictis facta amiciora adiecit;

2.15.6obsidum quod reliquum erat reddidit; agrum Ueientem, foedere ad Ianiculum icto ademptum, restituit.

2.15.7Tarquinius spe omni reditus incisa exsulatum ad generum Mamilium Octauium Tusculum abiit. Romanis pax fida [ita] cum Porsenna fuit.

2.16.1consules M. Ualerius P. Postumius . eo anno bene pugnatum cum Sabinis; consules triumpharunt. maiore inde mole Sabini bellum parabant.

2.16.2aduersus eos et ne quid simul ab Tusculo, unde etsi non apertum, suspectum tamen bellum erat, repentini periculi oreretur, P. Ualerius quartum T. Lucretius iterum consules facti.

2.16.3seditio inter belli pacisque auctores orta in Sabinis aliquantum inde uirium transtulit ad Romanos.

2.16.4namque Attius Clausus, cui postea Appio Claudio fuit Romae nomen, cum pacis ipse auctor a turbatoribus belli premeretur nec par factioni esset, ab Inregillo, magna clientium comitatus manu, Romam transfugit.

2.16.5his ciuitas data agerque trans Anienem; Uetus Claudia tribus—additis postea nouis tribulibus—qui ex eo uenirent agro appellati. Appius inter patres lectus, haud ita multo post in principum dignationem peruenit.

2.16.6consules infesto exercitu in agrum Sabinum profecti cum ita uastatione, dein proelio adflixissent opes hostium ut diu nihil inde rebellionis timeri posset, triumphantes Romam redierunt.

2.16.7P. Ualerius , omnium consensu princeps belli pacisque artibus, anno post Agrippa Menenio P. Postumio consulibus moritur, gloria ingenti, copiis familiaribus adeo exiguis, ut funeri sumptus deesset; de publico est datus. luxere matronae ut Brutum.

2.16.8eodem anno duae coloniae Latinae, Pometia et Cora, ad Auruncos deficiunt. cum Auruncis bellum initum; fusoque ingenti exercitu, qui se ingredientibus fines consulibus ferociter obtulerat, omne Auruncum bellum Pometiam compulsum est.

2.16.9nec magis post proelium quam in proelio caedibus temperatum est; et caesi aliquanto plures erant quam capti, et captos passim trucidauerunt; ne ab obsidibus quidem, qui trecenti accepti numero erant, ira belli abstinuit. et hoc anno Romae triumphatum.

2.17.1secuti consules Opiter Uerginius Sp. Cassius Pometiam primo ui, deinde uineis aliisque operibus oppugnarunt.

2.17.2in quos Aurunci magis iam inexpiabili odio quam spe aliqua aut occasione coorti, cum plures igni quam ferro armati excucurrissent, caede incendioque cuncta complent.

2.17.3uineis incensis, multis hostium uolneratis et occisis, consulum quoque alterum—sed utrum auctores non adiciunt—graui uolnere ex equo deiectum prope interfecerunt.

2.17.4Romam inde male gesta re reditum; inter multos saucios consul spe incerta uitae relatus. interiecto deinde haud magno spatio, quod uolneribus curandis supplendoque exercitui satis esset, cum ira maiore, tum uiribus etiam auctis Pometiae arma inlata.

2.17.5et cum uineis refectis aliaque mole belli iam in eo esset ut in muros euaderet miles, deditio est facta.

2.17.6ceterum nihilo minus foeda, dedita urbe, quam si capta foret, Aurunci passi; principes securi percussi, sub corona uenierunt coloni alii, oppidum dirutum, ager ueniit.

2.17.7consules magis ob iras grauiter ultas quam ob magnitudinem perfecti belli triumpharunt.

2.18.1insequens annus Postumum Cominium et T. Largium consules habuit.

2.18.2eo anno Romae, cum per ludos ab Sabinorum iuuentute per lasciuiam scorta raperentur, concursu hominum rixa ac prope proelium fuit, paruaque ex re ad rebellionem spectare [res] uidebatur.

2.18.3[supra belli Latini metum.] id quoque accesserat quod triginta iam coniurasse populos concitante Octauio Mamilio satis constabat.

2.18.4in hac tantarum expectatione rerum sollicita ciuitate, dictatoris primum creandi mentio orta. sed nec quibus consulibus quia ex factione Tarquiniana essent—id quoque enim traditur—parum creditum sit, nec quis primum dictator creatus sit, satis constat.

2.18.5apud ueterrimos tamen auctores T. Largium dictatorem primum, Sp. Cassium magistrum equitum creatos inuenio. consulares legere; ita lex iubebat de dictatore creando lata.

2.18.6eo magis adducor ut credam Largium, qui consularis erat, potius quam M'. Ualerium Marci filium Uolesi nepotem , qui nondum consul fuerat, moderatorem et magistrum consulibus appositum;

2.18.7quin si maxime ex ea familia legi dictatorem uellent, patrem multo potius M. Ualerium spectatae uirtutis et consularem uirum legissent.

2.18.8creato dictatore primum Romae, postquam praeferri secures uiderunt, magnus plebem metus incessit, ut intentiores essent ad dicto parendum; neque enim ut in consulibus qui pari potestate essent, alterius auxilium neque prouocatio erat neque ullum usquam nisi in cura parendi auxilium.

2.18.9Sabinis etiam creatus Romae dictator, eo magis quod propter se creatum crediderant, metum incussit. itaque legatos de pace mittunt.

2.18.10quibus orantibus dictatorem senatumque ut ueniam erroris hominibus adulescentibus darent, responsum ignosci adulescentibus posse, senibus non posse qui bella ex bellis sererent.

2.18.11actum tamen est de pace, impetrataque foret si, quod impensae factum in bellum erat, praestare Sabini— id enim postulatum erat—in animum induxissent. bellum indictum: tacitae indutiae quietum annum tenuere.

2.19.1consules Ser. Sulpicius M'. Tullius ; nihil dignum memoria actum; T. Aebutius deinde et C. Uetusius .

2.19.2his consulibus Fidenae obsessae, Crustumeria capta; Praeneste ab Latinis ad Romanos desciuit, nec ultra bellum Latinum, gliscens iam per aliquot annos, dilatum.

2.19.3A. Postumius dictator, T. Aebutius magister equitum, magnis copiis peditum equitumque profecti, ad lacum Regillum in agro Tusculano agmini hostium occurrerunt,

2.19.4et quia Tarquinios esse in exercitu Latinorum auditum est, sustineri ira non potuit quin extemplo confligerent.

2.19.5ergo etiam proelium aliquanto quam cetera grauius atque atrocius fuit. non enim duces ad regendam modo consilio rem adfuere, sed suismet ipsi corporibus dimicantes miscuere certamina, nec quisquam procerum ferme hac aut illa ex acie sine uolnere praeter dictatorem Romanum excessit.

2.19.6in Postumium prima in acie suos adhortantem instruentemque Tarquinius Superbus, quamquam iam aetate et uiribus erat grauior, equum infestus admisit, ictusque ab latere concursu suorum receptus in tutum est.

2.19.7et ad alterum cornu Aebutius magister equitum in Octauium Mamilium impetum dederat; nec fefellit ueniens Tusculanum ducem, contraque et ille concitat equum.

2.19.8tantaque uis infestis uenientium hastis fuit ut brachium Aebutio traiectum sit, Mamilio pectus percussum.

2.19.9hunc quidem in secundam aciem Latini recepere; Aebutius cum saucio brachio tenere telum non posset, pugna excessit.

2.19.10Latinus dux nihil deterritus uolnere proelium ciet et quia suos perculsos uidebat, arcessit cohortem exsulum Romanorum, cui L. Tarquini filius praeerat. ea quo maiore pugnabat ira ob erepta bona patriamque ademptam, pugnam parumper restituit.

2.20.1referentibus iam pedem ab ea parte Romanis, M. Ualerius Publicolae frater , conspicatus ferocem iuuenem Tarquinium ostentantem se in prima exsulum acie, domestica etiam gloria accensus ut cuius familiae decus eiecti reges erant, eiusdem interfecti forent,

2.20.2subdit calcaria equo et Tarquinium infesto spiculo petit.

2.20.3Tarquinius retro in agmen suorum infenso cessit hosti: Ualerium temere inuectum in exsulum aciem ex transuerso quidam adortus transfigit, nec quicquam equitis uolnere equo retardato, moribundus Romanus labentibus super corpus armis ad terram defluxit.

2.20.4dictator Postumius postquam cecidisse talem uirum, exsules ferociter citato agmine inuehi, suos perculsos cedere animaduertit,

2.20.5cohorti suae, quam delectam manum praesidii causa circa se habebat, dat signum ut quem suorum fugientem uiderint, pro hoste habeant. ita metu ancipiti uersi a fuga Romani in hostem et restituta acies.

2.20.6cohors dictatoris tum primum proelium iniit; integris corporibus animisque fessos adorti exsules caedunt.

2.20.7ibi alia inter proceres coorta pugna. imperator Latinus, ubi cohortem exsulum a dictatore Romano prope circumuentam uidit, ex subsidiariis manipulos aliquot in primam aciem secum rapit.

2.20.8hos agmine uenientes T. Herminius legatus conspicatus, interque eos insignem ueste armisque Mamilium noscitans, tanto ui maiore quam paulo ante magister equitum cum hostium duce proelium iniit,

2.20.9ut et uno ictu transfixum per latus occiderit Mamilium et ipse inter spoliandum corpus hostis ueruto percussus, cum uictor in castra esset relatus, inter primam curationem exspirauerit.

2.20.10tum ad equites dictator aduolat, obtestans ut fesso iam pedite descendant ex equis et pugnam capessant. dicto paruere; desiliunt ex equis, prouolant in primum et pro antesignanis parmas obiciunt.

2.20.11recipit extemplo animum pedestris acies, postquam iuuentutis proceres aequato genere pugnae secum partem periculi sustinentes uidit. tum demum impulsi Latini perculsaque inclinauit acies.

2.20.12equiti admoti equi, ut persequi hostem posset; secuta et pedestris acies. ibi nihil nec diuinae nec humanae opis dictator praetermittens aedem Castori uouisse fertur ac pronuntiasse militi praemia, qui primus, qui secundus castra hostium intrasset;

2.20.13tantusque ardor fuit ut eodem impetu quo fuderant hostem Romani castra caperent. hoc modo ad lacum Regillum pugnatum est. dictator et magister equitum triumphantes in urbem rediere.

2.21.1triennio deinde nec certa pax nec bellum fuit. consules Q. Cloelius et T. Larcius , inde A. Sempronius et M. Minucius .

2.21.2his consulibus aedis Saturno dedicata, Saturnalia institutus festus dies. A. deinde Postumius et T. Uerginius consules facti.

2.21.3hoc demum anno ad Regillum lacum pugnatum apud quosdam inuenio; A. Postumium , quia collega dubiae fidei fuerit, se consulatu abdicasse; dictatorem inde factum.

2.21.4tanti errores implicant temporum, aliter apud alios ordinatis magistratibus, ut nec qui consules secundum quos, nec quid quoque anno actum sit, in tanta uetustate non rerum modo sed etiam auctorum digerere possis.

2.21.5Ap. Claudius deinde et P. Seruilius consules facti. insignis hic annus est nuntio Tarquini mortis. mortuus Cumis, quo se post fractas opes Latinorum ad Aristodemum tyrannum contulerat.

2.21.6eo nuntio erecti patres, erecta plebes; sed patribus nimis luxuriosa ea fuit laetitia; plebi, cui ad eam diem summa ope inseruitum erat, iniuriae a primoribus fieri coepere.

2.21.7eodem anno Signia colonia, quam rex Tarquinius deduxerat, suppleto numero colonorum iterum deducta est. Romae tribus una et uiginti factae. aedes Mercuri dedicata est idibus Maiis.

2.22.1cum Uolscorum gente Latino bello neque pax neque bellum fuerat; nam et Uolsci comparauerant auxilia quae mitterent Latinis, ni maturatum ab dictatore Romano esset, et maturauit Romanus ne proelio uno cum Latino Uolscoque contenderet.

2.22.2hac ira consules in Uolscum agrum legiones duxere. Uolscos consilii poenam non metuentes necopinata res perculit; armorum immemores obsides dant trecentos principum a Cora atque Pometia liberos. ita sine certamine inde abductae legiones.

2.22.3nec ita multo post Uolscis leuatis metu suum rediit ingenium. rursus occultum parant bellum, Hernicis in societatem armorum adsumptis.

2.22.4legatos quoque ad sollicitandum Latium passim dimittunt; sed recens ad Regillum lacum accepta cladis Latinos ira odioque eius, quicumque arma suaderet, ne ab legatis quidem uiolandis abstinuit; comprehensos Uolscos Romam duxere. ibi traditi consulibus indicatumque est Uolscos Hernicosque parare bellum Romanis.

2.22.5relata re ad senatum adeo fuit gratum patribus ut et captiuorum sex milia Latinis remitterent et de foedere, quod prope in perpetuum negatum fuerat, rem ad nouos magistratus traicerent.

Book 2, Part 3

2.22.6enimuero tum Latini gaudere facto; pacis auctores in ingenti gloria esse. coronam auream Ioui donum in Capitolium mittunt. cum legatis donoque qui captiuorum remissi ad suos fuerant, magna circumfusa multitudo, uenit.

2.22.7pergunt domos eorum apud quem quisque seruierant; gratias agunt liberaliter habiti cultique in calamitate sua; inde hospitia iungunt. nunquam alias ante publice priuatimque Latinum nomen Romano imperio coniunctius fuit.

2.23.1sed et bellum Uolscum imminebat et ciuitas secum ipsa discors intestino inter patres plebemque flagrabat odio, maxime propter nexos ob aes alienum.

2.23.2fremebant se, foris pro libertate et imperio dimicantes, domi a ciuibus captos et oppressos esse, tutioremque in bello quam in pace et inter hostes quam inter ciues libertatem plebis esse; inuidiamque eam sua sponte gliscentem insignis unius calamitas accendit.

2.23.3magno natu quidam cum omnium malorum suorum insignibus se in forum proiecit. obsita erat squalore uestis, foedior corporis habitus pallore ac macie perempti;

2.23.4ad hoc promissa barba et capilli efferauerant speciem oris. noscitabatur tamen in tanta deformitate, et ordines duxisse aiebant, aliaque militiae decora uolgo miserantes eum iactabant; ipse testes honestarum aliquot locis pugnarum cicatrices aduerso pectore ostentabat.

2.23.5sciscitantibus unde ille habitus, unde deformitas, cum circumfusa turba esset prope in contionis modum, Sabino bello ait se militantem, quia propter populationes agri non fructu modo caruerit, sed uilla incensa fuerit, direpta omnia, pecora abacta, tributum iniquo suo tempore imperatum, aes alienum fecisse.

2.23.6id cumulatum usuris primo se agro paterno auitoque exuisse, deinde fortunis aliis; postremo uelut tabem peruenisse ad corpus; ductum se ab creditore non in seruitium, sed in ergastulum et carnificinam esse.

2.23.7inde ostentare tergum foedum recentibus uestigiis uerberum. ad haec uisa auditaque clamor ingens oritur. non iam foro se tumultus tenet, sed passim totam urbem peruadit.

2.23.8nexi, uincti solutique, se undique in publicum proripiunt, implorant Quiritium fidem. nullo loco deest seditionis uoluntarius comes; multis passim agminibus per omnes uias cum clamore in forum curritur.

2.23.9magno cum periculo suo qui forte patrum in foro erant in eam turbam inciderunt;

2.23.10nec temperatum manibus foret, ni propere consules, P. Seruilius et Ap. Claudius , ad comprimendam seditionem interuenissent. at in eos multitudo uersa ostentare uincula sua deformitatemque aliam.

2.23.11haec se meritos dicere, exprobrantes suam quisque alius alibi militiam; postulare multo minaciter magis quam suppliciter ut senatum uocarent; curiamque ipsi futuri arbitri moderatoresque publici consilii circumsistunt.

2.23.12pauci admodum patrum, quos casus obtulerat, contracti ab consulibus; ceteros metus non curia modo sed etiam foro arcebat, nec agi quicquam per infrequentiam poterat senatus.

2.23.13tum uero eludi atque extrahi se multitudo putare, et patrum qui abessent, non casu, non metu, sed impediendae rei causa abesse, et consules ipsos tergiuersari, nec dubie ludibrio esse miserias suas.

2.23.14iam prope erat ut ne consulum quidem maiestas coerceret iras hominum, cum incerti morando an ueniendo plus periculi contraherent, tandem in senatum ueniunt. frequentique tandem curia non modo inter patres sed ne inter consules quidem ipsos satis conueniebat.

2.23.15Appius, uehementis ingenii uir, imperio consulari rem agendam censebat; uno aut altero arrepto, quieturos alios: Seruilius, lenibus remediis aptior, concitatos animos flecti quam frangi putabat cum tutius tum facilius esse.

2.24.1inter haec maior alius terror: Latini equites cum tumultuoso aduolant nuntio Uolscos infesto exercitu ad urbem oppugnandam uenire. quae audita—adeo duas ex una ciuitate discordia fecerat—longe aliter patres ac plebem adfecere.

2.24.2exsultare gaudio plebes; ultores superbiae patrum adesse dicere deos; alius alium confirmare ne nomina darent; cum omnibus potius quam solos perituros; patres militarent, patres arma caperent, ut penes eosdem pericula belli, penes quos praemia, essent.

2.24.3at uero curia, maesta ac trepida ancipiti metu et ab ciue et ab hoste, Seruilium consulem, cui ingenium magis populare erat, orare ut tantis circumuentam terroribus expediret rem publicam.

2.24.4tum consul misso senatu in contionem prodit. ibi curae esse patribus ostendit ut consulatur plebi; ceterum deliberationi de maxima quidem illa sed tamen parte ciuitatis metum pro uniuersa re publica interuenisse;

2.24.5nec posse, cum prope ad portas essent, bello praeuerti quicquam, nec, si sit laxamenti aliquid, aut plebi honestum esse, nisi mercede prius accepta, arma pro patria non cepisse, neque patribus satis decorum per metum potius quam postmodo uoluntate adflictis ciuium suorum fortunis consuluisse.

2.24.6contioni deinde edicto addidit fidem quo edixit ne quis ciuem Romanum uinctum aut clausum teneret, quo minus ei nominis edendi apud consules potestas fieret, neu quis militis, donec in castris esset, bona possideret aut uenderet, liberos nepotesue eius moraretur.

2.24.7hoc proposito edicto, et qui aderant nexi profiteri extemplo nomina, et undique ex tota urbe proripientium se ex priuato, cum retinendi ius creditori non esset, concursus in forum ut sacramento dicerent fieri.

2.24.8magna ea manus fuit, neque aliorum magis in Uolsco bello uirtus atque opera enituit. consul copias contra hostem educit; paruo dirimente interuallo castra ponit.

2.25.1proxima inde nocte Uolsci, discordia Romana freti, si qua nocturna transitio proditioue fieri posset, temptant castra. sensere uigiles; excitatus exercitus; signo dato concursum est ad arma; ita frustra id inceptum Uolscis fuit.

2.25.2reliquum noctis utrimque quieti datum. postero die prima luce Uolsci fossis repletis uallum inuadunt.

2.25.3iamque ob omni parte munimenta uellebantur, cum consul, quamquam cuncti undique et nexi ante omnes ut signum daret clamabant, experiendi animos militum causa parumper moratus, postquam satis apparebat ingens ardor, dato tandem ad erumpendum signo militem auidum certaminis emittit.

2.25.4primo statim incursu pulsi hostes; fugientibus, quoad insequi pedes potuit, terga caesa; eques usque ad castra pauidos egit. mox ipsa castra legionibus circumdatis, cum Uolscos inde etiam pauor expulisset, capta direptaque.

2.25.5postero die ad Suessam Pometiam quo confugerant hostes legionibus ductis, intra paucos dies oppidum capitur; captum praedae datum. inde paulum recreatus egens miles;

2.25.6consul cum maxima gloria sua uictorem exercitum Romam reducit. decedentem Romam Ecetranorum Uolscorum legati, rebus suis timentes post Pometiam captam, adeunt. his ex senatus consulto data pax, ager ademptus.

2.26.1confestim et Sabini Romanos territauere; tumultus enim fuit uerius quam bellum. nocte in urbem nuntiatum est exercitum Sabinum praedabundum ad Anienem amnem peruenisse; ibi passim diripi atque incendi uillas.

2.26.2missus extemplo eo cum omnibus copiis equitum A. Postumius , qui dictator bello Latino fuerat; secutus consul Seruilius cum delecta peditum manu.

2.26.3plerosque palantes eques circumuenit, nec aduenienti peditum agmini restitit Sabina legio. fessi cum itinere tum populatione nocturna, magna pars in uillis repleti cibo uinoque, uix fugae quod satis esset uirium habuere.

2.26.4nocte una audito perfectoque bello Sabino, postero die in magna iam spe undique partae pacis, legati Aurunci senatum adeunt, ni decedatur Uolsco agro bellum indicentes.

2.26.5cum legatis simul exercitus Auruncorum domo profectus erat; cuius fama haud procul iam ab Aricia uisi tanto tumultu conciuit Romanos ut nec consuli ordine patres nec pacatum responsum arma inferentibus arma ipsi capientes dare possent.

2.26.6Ariciam infesto agmine itur; nec procul inde cum Auruncis signa conlata, proelioque uno debellatum est.

2.27.1fusis Auruncis, uictor tot intra paucos dies bellis Romanus promissa consulis fidemque senatus exspectabat, cum Appius et insita superbia animo et ut collegae uanam faceret fidem, quam asperrime poterat ius de creditis pecuniis dicere. deinceps et qui ante nexi fuerant creditoribus tradebantur et nectebantur alii.

2.27.2quod ubi cui militi inciderat, collegam appellabat. concursus ad Seruilium fiebat; illius promissa iactabant; illi exprobrabant sua quisque belli merita cicatricesque acceptas. postulabant ut [aut] referret ad senatum, [aut] ut auxilio esset consul ciuibus suis, imperator militibus.

2.27.3mouebant consulem haec, sed tergiuersari res cogebat; adeo in alteram causam non collega solum praeceps erat sed omnis factio nobilium. ita medium se gerendo nec plebis uitauit odium nec apud patres gratiam iniit.

2.27.4patres mollem consulem et ambitiosum rati, plebes fallacem, breuique apparuit aequasse eum Appi odium.

2.27.5certamen consulibus inciderat, uter dedicaret Mercuri aedem. senatus a se rem ad populum reiecit: utri eorum dedicatio iussu populi data esset, eum praeesse annonae, mercatorum collegium instituere, sollemnia pro pontifice iussit suscipere.

2.27.6populus dedicationem aedis dat M. Laetorio , primi pili centurioni, quod facile appareret non tam ad honorem eius cui curatio altior fastigio suo data esset factum quam ad consulum ignominiam.

2.27.7saeuire inde utique consulum alter patresque; sed plebi creuerant animi et longe alia quam primo instituerant uia grassabantur.

2.27.8desperato enim consulum senatusque auxilio, cum in ius duci debitorem uidissent, undique conuolabant. neque decretum exaudiri consulis prae strepitu et clamore poterat, neque cum decresset quisquam obtemperabat.

2.27.9ui agebatur, metusque omnis et periculum, cum in conspectu consulis singuli a pluribus uiolarentur, in creditores a debitoribus uerterant.

2.27.10super haec timor incessit Sabini belli; dilectuque decreto nemo nomen dedit, furente Appio et insectante ambitionem collegae, qui populari silentio rem publicam proderet et ad id quod de credita pecunia ius non dixisset, adiceret ut ne dilectum quidem ex senatus consulto haberet;

2.27.11non esse tamen desertam omnino rem publicam neque proiectum consulare imperium; se unum et suae et patrum maiestatis uindicem fore.

2.27.12cum circumstaret cotidiana multitudo licentia accensa, arripi unum insignem ducem seditionum iussit. ille cum a lictoribus iam traheretur prouocauit; nec cessisset prouocationi consul, quia non dubium erat populi iudicium, nisi aegre uicta pertinacia foret consilio magis et auctoritate principum quam populi clamore; adeo supererant animi ad sustinendam inuidiam.

2.27.13crescere inde malum in dies, non clamoribus modo apertis sed, quod multo perniciosius erat, secessione occultisque conloquiis. tandem inuisi plebi consules magistratu abeunt, Seruilius neutris, Appius patribus mire gratus.

2.28.1A. Uerginius inde et T. Uetusius consulatum ineunt. tum uero plebs incerta quales habitura consules esset, coetus nocturnos, pars Esquiliis, pars in Auentino facere, ne in foro subitis trepidaret consiliis et omnia temere ac fortuito ageret.

2.28.2eam rem consules rati, ut erat, perniciosam ad patres deferunt, sed delatam consulere ordine non licuit; adeo tumultuose excepta est clamoribus undique et indignatione patrum, si quod imperio consulari exsequendum esset, inuidiam eius consules ad senatum reicerent:

2.28.3profecto si essent in re publica magistratus, nullum futurum fuisse Romae nisi publicum concilium; nunc in mille curias contionesque [cum alia in Esquiliis, alia in Auentino fiant concilia] dispersam et dissipatam esse rem publicam.

2.28.4unum hercule uirum—id enim plus esse quam consulem—qualis Ap. Claudius fuerit, momento temporis discussurum illos coetus fuisse.

2.28.5correpti consules cum, quid ergo se facere uellent—nihil enim segnius molliusue quam patribus placeat acturos—percontarentur, decernunt ut dilectum quam acerrimum habeant:

2.28.6otio lasciuire plebem. dimisso senatu consules in tribunal escendunt; citant nominatim iuniores. cum ad nomen nemo responderet, circumfusa multitudo in contionis modum negare ultra decipi plebem posse;

2.28.7nunquam unum militem habituros ni praestaretur fides publica; libertatem unicuique prius reddendam esse quam arma danda, ut pro patria ciuibusque, non pro dominis pugnent.

2.28.8consules quid mandatum esset a senatu uidebant, sed eorum, qui intra parietes curiae ferociter loquerentur, neminem adesse inuidiae suae participem; et apparebat atrox cum plebe certamen.

2.28.9prius itaque quam ultima experirentur senatum iterum consulere placuit. tum uero ad sellas consulum prope conuolare minimus quisque natu patrum, abdicare consulatum iubentes et deponere imperium, ad quod tuendum animus deesset.

2.29.1utraque re satis experta tum demum consules: 'ne praedictum negetis, patres conscripti, adest ingens seditio. postulamus ut hi qui maxime ignauiam increpant adsint nobis habentibus dilectum. acerrimi cuiusque arbitrio, quando ita placet, rem agemus.' redeunt in tribunal;

2.29.2citari nominatim unum ex iis qui in conspectu erant dedita opera iubent. cum staret tacitus et circa eum aliquot hominum, ne forte uiolaretur, constitisset globus, lictorem ad eum consules mittunt.

2.29.3quo repulso, tum uero indignum facinus esse clamitantes qui patrum consulibus aderant, deuolant de tribunali ut lictori auxilio essent.

2.29.4sed ab lictore nihil aliud quam prendere prohibito cum conuersus in patres impetus esset, consulum intercursu rixa sedata est, in qua tamen sine lapide, sine telo plus clamoris atque irarum quam iniuriae fuerat.

2.29.5senatus tumultuose uocatus tumultuosius consulitur, quaestionem postulantibus iis qui pulsati fuerant, decernente ferocissimo quoque non sententiis magis quam clamore et strepitu.

2.29.6tandem cum irae resedissent, exprobrantibus consulibus nihilo plus sanitatis in curia quam in foro esse, ordine consuli coepit. tres fuere sententiae.

2.29.7P. Uerginius rem non uolgabat; de iis tantum qui fidem secuti P. Seruili consulis Uolsco Aurunco Sabinoque militassent bello, agendum censebat.

2.29.8T. Largius , non id tempus esse ut merita tantummodo exsoluerentur; totam plebem aere alieno demersam esse, nec sisti posse ni omnibus consulatur; quin si alia aliorum sit condicio, accendi magis discordiam quam sedari.

2.29.9Ap. Claudius , et natura immitis et efferatus hinc plebis odio, illinc patrum laudibus, non miseriis ait sed licentia tantum concitum turbarum et lasciuire magis plebem quam saeuire.

2.29.10id adeo malum ex prouocatione natum; quippe minas esse consulum, non imperium, ubi ad eos qui una peccauerint prouocare liceat.

2.29.11'agedum' inquit, 'dictatorem, a quo prouocatio non est, creemus; iam hic quo nunc omnia ardent conticescet furor.

2.29.12pulset tum mihi lictorem qui sciet ius de tergo uitaque sua penes unum illum esse cuius maiestatem uiolarit.'

2.30.1multis, ut erat, horrida et atrox uidebatur Appi sententia; rursus Uergini Largique exemplo haud salubres, utique Largi [putabant sententiam], quae totam fidem tolleret. medium maxime et moderatum utroque consilium Uergini habebatur;

2.30.2sed factione respectuque rerum priuatarum, quae semper offecere officientque publicis consiliis, Appius uicit, ac prope fuit ut dictator ille idem crearetur;

2.30.3quae res utique alienasset plebem periculosissimo tempore, cum Uolsci Aequique et Sabini forte una omnes in armis essent.

2.30.4sed curae fuit consulibus et senioribus patrum, ut imperium sua ui uehemens mansueto permitteretur ingenio:

2.30.5M'. Ualerium dictatorem Uolesi filium creant. plebes etsi aduersus se creatum dictatorem uidebat, tamen cum prouocationem fratris lege haberet, nihil ex ea familia triste nec superbum timebat;

2.30.6edictum deinde a dictatore propositum confirmauit animos, Seruili fere consulis edicto conueniens; sed et homini et potestati melius rati credi, omisso certamine nomina dedere.

2.30.7quantus nunquam ante exercitus, legiones decem effectae; ternae inde datae consulibus, quattuor dictator usus.

2.30.8nec iam poterat bellum differri. Aequi Latinum agrum inuaserant. oratores Latinorum ab senatu petebant ut aut mitterent subsidium aut se ipsos tuendorum finium causa capere arma sinerent.

2.30.9tutius uisum est defendi inermes Latinos quam pati retractare arma. Uetusius consul missus est; is finis populationibus fuit. cessere Aequi campis, locoque magis quam armis freti summis se iugis montium tutabantur.

2.30.10alter consul in Uolscos profectus, ne et ipse tereret tempus, uastandis maxime agris hostem ad conferenda propius castra dimicandumque acie exciuit.

2.30.11medio inter castra campo ante suum quisque uallum infestis signis constitere.

2.30.12multitudine aliquantum Uolsci superabant; itaque effusi et contemptim pugnam iniere. consul Romanus nec promouit aciem, nec clamorem reddi passus defixis pilis stare suos iussit: ubi ad manum uenisset hostis, tum coortos tota ui gladiis rem gerere.

2.30.13Uolsci cursu et clamore fessi cum se uelut stupentibus metu intulissent Romanis, postquam impressionem sensere ex aduerso factam et ante oculos micare gladios, haud secus quam si in insidias incidissent, turbati uertunt terga; et ne ad fugam quidem satis uirium fuit, quia cursu in proelium ierant.

2.30.14Romani contra, quia principio pugnae quieti steterant, uigentes corporibus, facile adepti fessos, et castra impetu ceperunt et castris exutum hostem Uelitras persecuti uno agmine uictores cum uictis in urbem inrupere;

2.30.15plusque ibi sanguinis promiscua omnium generum caede quam in ipsa dimicatione factum. paucis data uenia, qui inermes in deditionem uenerunt.

2.31.1dum haec in Uolscis geruntur, dictator Sabinos, ubi longe plurimum belli fuerat, fundit [fugatque] exuitque castris.

2.31.2equitatu immisso mediam turbauerat hostium aciem, quam, dum se cornua latius pandunt, parum apte introrsum ordinibus [aciem] firmauerant; turbatos pedes inuasit. eodem impetu castra capta debellatumque est.

2.31.3post pugnam ad Regillum lacum non alia illis annis pugna clarior fuit. dictator triumphans urbem inuehitur. super solitos honores locus in circo ipsi posterisque ad spectaculum datus;

2.31.4sella in eo loco curulis posita. Uolscis deuictis Ueliternus ager ademptus; Uelitras coloni ab urbe missi et colonia deducta. cum Aequis post aliquanto pugnatum est, inuito quidem consule quia loco iniquo subeundum erat ad hostes;

2.31.5sed milites extrahi rem criminantes ut dictator priusquam ipsi redirent in urbem magistratu abiret inritaque, sicut ante consulis, promissa eius caderent, perpulere ut forte temere in aduersos montes agmen erigeret.

2.31.6id male commissum ignauia hostium in bonum uertit, qui priusquam ad coniectum teli ueniretur, obstupefacti audacia Romanorum, relictis castris quae munitissimis tenuerant locis, in auersas ualles desiluere. ibi satis praedae et uictoria incruenta fuit.

2.31.7ita trifariam re bello bene gesta, de domesticarum rerum euentu nec patribus nec plebi cura decesserat: tanta cum gratia tum arte praeparauerant feneratores quae non modo plebem, sed ipsum etiam dictatorem frustrarentur.

2.31.8namque Ualerius post Uetusi consulis reditum omnium actionum in senatu primam habuit pro uictore populo, rettulitque quid de nexis fieri placeret.

2.31.9quae cum reiecta relatio esset, 'non placeo' inquit, 'concordiae auctor. optabitis, mediusfidius, propediem, ut mei similes Romana plebis patronos habeat. quod ad me attinet, neque frustrabor ultra ciues meos neque ipse frustra dictator ero.

2.31.10discordiae intestinae, bellum externum fecere ut hoc magistratu egeret res publica: pax foris parta est, domi impeditur; priuatus potius quam dictator seditioni interero.' ita curia egressus dictatura se abdicauit.

2.31.11apparuit causa plebi, suam uicem indignantem magistratu abisse; itaque uelut persoluta fide, quoniam per eum non stetisset quin praestaretur, decedentem domum cum fauore ac laudibus prosecuti sunt.

2.32.1timor inde patres incessit ne, si dimissus exercitus foret, rursus coetus occulti coniurationesque fierent. itaque quamquam per dictatorem dilectus habitus esset, tamen quoniam in consulum uerba iurassent sacramento teneri militem rati, per causam renouati ab Aequis belli educi ex urbe legiones iussere.

2.32.2quo facto maturata est seditio. et primo agitatum dicitur de consulum caede, ut soluerentur sacramento; doctos deinde nullam scelere religionem exsolui, Sicinio quodam auctore iniussu consulum in Sacrum montem secessisse. trans Anienem amnem est, tria ab urbe milia passuum.

2.32.3ea frequentior fama est quam cuius Piso auctor est, in Auentinum secessionem factam esse.

2.32.4ibi sine ullo duce uallo fossaque communitis castris quieti, rem nullam nisi necessariam ad uictum sumendo, per aliquot dies neque lacessiti neque lacessentes sese tenuere.

2.32.5pauor ingens in urbe, metuque mutuo suspensa erant omnia. timere relicta ab suis plebis uiolentiam patrum; timere patres residem in urbe plebem, incerti manere eam an abire mallent:

2.32.6quamdiu autem tranquillam quae secesserit multitudinem fore? quid futurum deinde si quod externum interim bellum exsistat?

2.32.7nullam profecto nisi in concordia ciuium spem reliquam ducere; eam per aequa, per iniqua reconciliandam ciuitati esse.

2.32.8placuit igitur oratorem ad plebem mitti Menenium Agrippam, facundum uirum et quod inde oriundus erat plebi carum. is intromissus in castra prisco illo dicendi et horrido modo nihil aliud quam hoc narrasse fertur:

2.32.9tempore quo in homine non ut nunc omnia in unum consentiant, sed singulis membris suum cuique consilium, suus sermo fuerit, indignatas reliquas partes sua cura, suo labore ac ministerio uentri omnia quaeri, uentrem in medio quietum nihil aliud quam datis uoluptatibus frui;

2.32.10conspirasse inde ne manus ad os cibum ferrent, nec os acciperet datum, nec dentes quae acciperent conficerent. hac ira, dum uentrem fame domare uellent, ipsa una membra totumque corpus ad extremam tabem uenisse.

Book 2, Part 4

2.32.11inde apparuisse uentris quoque haud segne ministerium esse, nec magis ali quam alere eum, reddentem in omnes corporis partes hunc quo uiuimus uigemusque, diuisum pariter in uenas maturum confecto cibo sanguinem.

2.32.12comparando hinc quam intestina corporis seditio similis esset irae plebis in patres, flexisse mentes hominum.

2.33.1agi deinde de concordia coeptum, concessumque in condiciones ut plebi sui magistratus essent sacrosancti quibus auxilii latio aduersus consules esset, neue cui patrum capere eum magistratum liceret.

2.33.2ita tribuni plebei creati duo, C. Licinius et L. Albinus ; ii tres collegas sibi creauerunt. in his Sicinium fuisse, seditionis auctorem: de duobus, qui fuerint minus conuenit.

2.33.3sunt qui duos tantum in Sacro monte creatos tribunos esse dicant, ibique sacratam legem latam. per secessionem plebis Sp. Cassius et Postumius Cominius consulatum inierunt.

2.33.4iis consulibus cum Latinis populis ictum foedus. ad id feriendum consul alter Romae mansit: alter ad Uolscum bellum missus Antiates Uolscos fundit fugatque; compulsos in oppidum Longulam persecutus moenibus potitur.

2.33.5inde protinus Poluscam, item Uolscorum, cepit; tum magna ui adortus est Coriolos. erat tum in castris inter primores iuuenum Cn. Marcius , adulescens et consilio et manu promptus, cui cognomen postea Coriolano fuit.

2.33.6cum subito exercitum Romanum Coriolos obsidentem atque in oppidanos quos intus clausos habebat intentum, sine ullo metu extrinsecus [imminentis] belli, Uolscae legiones profectae ab Antio inuasissent, eodemque tempore ex oppido erupissent hostes, forte in statione Marcius fuit.

2.33.7is cum delecta militum manu non modo impetum erumpentium rettudit, sed per patentem portam ferox inrupit in proxima urbis, caedeque facta ignem temere arreptum imminentibus muro aedificiis iniecit.

2.33.8clamor inde oppidanorum mixtus muliebri puerilique ploratu ad terrorem, ut solet, primum orto et Romanis auxit animum et turbauit Uolscos utpote capta urbe cui ad ferendam opem uenerant.

2.33.9ita fusi Uolsci Antiates, Corioli oppidum captum; tantumque sua laude obstitit famae consulis Marcius ut, nisi foedus cum Latinis <in> columna aenea insculptum monumento esset ab Sp. Cassio uno, quia collega afuerat, ictum, Postumium Cominium bellum gessisse cum Uolscis memoria cessisset.

2.33.10eodem anno Agrippa Menenius moritur, uir omni in uita pariter patribus ac plebi carus, post secessionem carior plebi factus.

2.33.11huic interpreti arbitroque concordiae ciuium, legato patrum ad plebem, reductori plebis Romanae in urbem sumptus funeri defuit; extulit eum plebs sextantibus conlatis in capita.

2.34.1consules deinde T. Geganius P. Minucius facti. eo anno cum et foris quieta omnia a bello essent et domi sanata discordia,

2.34.2aliud multo grauius malum ciuitatem inuasit, caritas primum annonae ex incultis per secessionem plebis agris, fames deinde, qualis clausis solet.

2.34.3uentumque ad interitum seruitiorum utique et plebis esset, ni consules prouidissent dimissis passim ad frumentum coemendum, non in Etruriam modo dextris ab Ostia litoribus laeuoque per Uolscos mari usque ad Cumas, sed quaesitum in Sicilia quoque; adeo finitimorum odia longinquis coegerant indigere auxiliis.

2.34.4frumentum Cumis cum coemptum esset, naues pro bonis Tarquiniorum ab Aristodemo tyranno, qui heres erat, retentae sunt; in Uolscis Pomptinoque ne emi quidem potuit; periculum quoque ab impetu hominum ipsis frumentatoribus fuit;

2.34.5ex Tuscis frumentum Tiberi uenit; eo sustentata est plebs. incommodo bello in tam artis commeatibus uexati forent, ni Uolscos iam mouentes arma pestilentia ingens inuasisset.

2.34.6ea clade conterritis hostium animis, ut etiam ubi ea remisisset terrore aliquo tenerentur, et Uelitris auxere numerum colonorum Romani, et Norbam in montes nouam coloniam, quae arx in Pomptino esset, miserunt.

2.34.7M. Minucio deinde et A. Sempronio consulibus magna uis frumenti ex Sicilia aduecta, agitatumque in senatu quanti plebi daretur.

2.34.8multi uenisse tempus premendae plebis putabant reciperandique iura quae extorta secessione ac ui patribus essent. in primis Marcius Coriolanus, hostis tribuniciae potestatis,

2.34.9'si annonam' inquit, 'ueterem uolunt, ius pristinum reddant patribus. cur ego plebeios magistratus, cur Sicinium potentem uideo, sub iugum missus, tamquam ab latronibus redemptus?

2.34.10egone has indignitates diutius patiar quam necesse est? Tarquinium regem qui non tulerim, Sicinium feram? secedat nunc; auocet plebem; patet uia in Sacrum montem aliosque colles; rapiant frumenta ex agris nostris, quemadmodum tertio anno rapuere.

2.34.11fruantur annona quam furore suo fecere. audeo dicere hoc malo domitos ipsos potius cultores agrorum fore quam ut armati per secessionem coli prohibeant.'

2.34.12haud tam facile dictu est faciendumne fuerit quam potuisse arbitror fieri ut condicionibus laxandi annonam et tribuniciam potestatem et omnia inuitis iura imposita patres demerent sibi.

2.35.1et senatui nimis atrox uisa sententia est et plebem ira prope armauit. fame se iam sicut hostes peti, cibo uictuque fraudari; peregrinum frumentum, quae sola alimenta ex insperato fortuna dederit, ab ore rapi nisi Cn. Marcio uincti dedantur tribuni, nisi de tergo plebis Romanae satisfiat; eum sibi carnificem nouum exortum, qui aut mori aut seruire iubeat.

2.35.2in exeuntem e curia impetus factus esset, ni peropportune tribuni diem dixissent. ibi ira est suppressa; se iudicem quisque, se dominum uitae necisque inimici factum uidebat.

2.35.3contemptim primo Marcius audiebat minas tribunicias: auxilii, non poenae ius datum illi potestati, plebisque, non patrum tribunos esse. sed adeo infensa erat coorta plebs ut unius poena defungendum esset patribus.

2.35.4restiterunt tamen aduersa inuidia, usique sunt qua suis quisque, qua totius ordinis uiribus. ac primo temptata res est si dispositis clientibus absterrendo singulos a coitionibus conciliisque disicere rem possent.

2.35.5uniuersi deinde processere —quidquid erat patrum, reos diceres—precibus plebem exposcentes, unum sibi ciuem, unum senatorem, si innocentem absoluere nollent, pro nocente donarent.

2.35.6ipse cum die dicta non adesset, perseueratum in ira est. damnatus absens in Uolscos exsulatum abiit, minitans patriae hostilesque iam tum spiritus gerens. uenientem Uolsci benigne excepere, benigniusque in dies colebant, quo maior ira in suos eminebat crebraeque nunc querellae, nunc minae percipiebantur.

2.35.7hospitio utebatur Atti Tulli. longe is tum princeps Uolsci nominis erat Romanisque semper infestus. ita cum alterum uetus odium, alterum ira recens stimularet, consilia conferunt de Romano bello.

2.35.8haud facile credebant plebem suam impelli posse, ut totiens infeliciter temptata arma caperent: multis saepe bellis, pestilentia postremo amissa iuuentute fractos spiritus esse; arte agendum in exoleto iam uetustate odio, ut recenti aliqua ira exacerbarentur animi.

2.36.1ludi forte ex instauratione magni Romae parabantur. instaurandi haec causa fuerat. ludis mane seruum quidam pater familiae, nondum commisso spectaculo, sub furca caesum medio egerat circo; coepti inde ludi, uelut ea res nihil ad religionem pertinuisset.

2.36.2haud ita multo post Tito Latinio, de plebe homini, somnium fuit; uisus Iuppiter dicere sibi ludis praesultatorem displicuisse; nisi magnifice instaurarentur ii ludi, periculum urbi fore; iret, ea consulibus nuntiaret.

2.36.3quamquam haud sane liber erat religione animus, uerecundia tamen maiestatis magistratuum [timorem] uicit, ne in ora hominum pro ludibrio abiret.

2.36.4magno illi ea cunctatio stetit; filium namque intra paucos dies amisit. cuius repentinae cladis ne causa ei dubia esset, aegro animi eadem illa in somnis obuersata species uisa est rogitare, satin magnam spreti numinis haberet mercedem;

2.36.5maiorem instare ni eat propere ac nuntiet consulibus. iam praesentior res erat. cunctantem tamen ac prolatantem ingens uis morbi adorta est debilitate subita.

2.36.6tunc enimuero deorum cura <ea> admonuit. fessus igitur malis praeteritis instantibusque, consilio propinquorum adhibito, cum uisa atque audita et obuersatum totiens somno Iouem, minas irasque caelestes repraesentatas casibus suis exposuisset, consensu inde haud dubio omnium qui aderant in forum ad consules lectica defertur.

2.36.7inde in curiam iussu consulum delatus, eadem illa cum patribus ingenti omnium admiratione enarrasset, ecce aliud miraculum:

2.36.8qui captus omnibus membris delatus in curiam esset, eum functum officio pedibus suis domum redisse traditum memoriae est.

2.37.1ludi quam amplissimi ut fierent senatus decreuit. ad eos ludos auctore Attio Tullio uis magna Uolscorum uenit.

2.37.2priusquam committerentur ludi, Tullius, ut domi compositum cum Marcio fuerat, ad consules uenit; dicit esse quae secreto agere de re publica uelit.

2.37.3arbitris remotis, 'inuitus' inquit, 'quod sequius sit, de meis ciuibus loquor. non tamen admissum quicquam ab iis criminatum uenio, sed cautum ne admittant.

2.37.4nimio plus quam uelim, nostrorum ingenia sunt mobilia.

2.37.5multis id cladibus sensimus, quippe qui non nostro merito sed uestra patientia incolumes simus. magna hic nunc Uolscorum multitudo est; ludi sunt; spectaculo intenta ciuitas erit.

2.37.6memini quid per eandem occasionem ab Sabinorum iuuentute in hac urbe commissum sit; horret animus, ne quid inconsulte ac temere fiat. haec nostra uestraque causa prius dicenda uobis, consules, ratus sum.

2.37.7quod ad me attinet, extemplo hinc domum abire in animo est, ne cuius facti dictiue contagione praesens uioler.' haec locutus abiit.

2.37.8consules cum ad patres rem dubiam sub auctore certo detulissent, auctor magis, ut fit, quam res ad praecauendum uel ex superuacuo mouit, factoque senatus consulto ut urbe excederent Uolsci, praecones dimittuntur qui omnes eos proficisci ante noctem iuberent.

2.37.9ingens pauor primo discurrentes ad suas res tollendas in hospitia perculit; proficiscentibus deinde indignatio oborta, se ut consceleratos contaminatosque ab ludis, festis diebus, coetu quodam modo hominum deorumque abactos esse.

2.38.1cum prope continuato agmine irent, praegressus Tullius ad caput Ferentinum, ut quisque ueniret, primores eorum excipiens querendo indignandoque, et eos ipsos, sedulo audientes secunda irae uerba, et per eos multitudinem aliam in subiectum uiae campum deduxit.

2.38.2ibi in contionis modum orationem exorsus 'ut omnia' inquit, 'obliuiscamini alia, ueteres populi Romani iniurias cladesque gentis Uolscorum, hodiernam hanc contumeliam quo tandem animo fertis, qua per nostram ignominiam ludos commisere?

2.38.3an non sensistis triumphatum hodie de uobis esse? uos omnibus, ciuibus, peregrinis, tot finitimis populis, spectaculo abeuntes fuisse? uestras coniuges, uestros liberos traductos per ora hominum?

2.38.4quid eos qui audiuere uocem praeconis, quid, qui nos uidere abeuntes, quid eos qui huic ignominioso agmini fuere obuii, existimasse putatis nisi aliquod profecto nefas esse quo, si intersimus spectaculo, uiolaturi simus ludos piaculumque merituri; ideo nos ab sede piorum, coetu concilioque abigi?

2.38.5quid deinde? illud non succurrit, uiuere nos quod maturarimus proficisci? si hoc profectio et non fuga est. et hanc urbem uos non hostium ducitis, ubi si unum diem morati essetis, moriendum omnibus fuit? bellum uobis indictum est, magno eorum malo qui indixere si uiri estis.'

2.38.6ita et sua sponte irarum pleni et incitati domos inde digressi sunt, instigandoque suos quisque populos effecere ut omne Uolscum nomen deficeret.

2.39.1imperatores ad id bellum de omnium populorum sententia lecti Attius Tullius et Cn. Marcius , exsul Romanus, in quo aliquanto plus spei repositum.

2.39.2quam spem nequaquam fefellit, ut facile appareret ducibus ualidiorem quam exercitu rem Romanam esse. Circeios profectus primum colonos inde Romanos expulit liberamque eam urbem Uolscis tradidit;

2.39.3Satricum, Longulam, Poluscam, Coriolos, nouella haec Romanis oppida ademit; inde Lauinium recepit; inde in Latinam uiam transuersis tramitibus transgressus,

2.39.4tunc deinceps Corbionem, Ueteliam, Trebium, Labicos, Pedum cepit.

2.39.5postremum ad urbem a Pedo ducit, et ad fossas Cluilias quinque ab urbe milia passuum castris positis, populatur inde agrum Romanum, custodibus inter populatores missis qui patriciorum agros intactos seruarent,

2.39.6siue infensus plebi magis, siue ut discordia inde inter patres plebemque oreretur.

2.39.7quae profecto orta esset—adeo tribuni iam ferocem per se plebem criminando in primores ciuitatis instigabant—; sed externus timor, maximum concordiae uinculum, quamuis suspectos infensosque inter se iungebat animos.

2.39.8id modo non conueniebat quod senatus consulesque nusquam alibi spem quam in armis ponebant, plebes omnia quam bellum malebat.

2.39.9Sp. Nautius iam et Sex. Furius consules erant. eos recensentes legiones, praesidia per muros aliaque in quibus stationes uigiliasque esse placuerat loca distribuentes, multitudo ingens pacem poscentium primum seditioso clamore conterruit, deinde uocare senatum, referre de legatis ad Cn. Marcium mittendis coegit.

2.39.10acceperunt relationem patres, postquam apparuit labare plebis animos; missique de pace ad Marcium oratores atrox responsum rettulerunt:

2.39.11si Uolscis ager redderetur, posse agi de pace: si praeda belli per otium frui uelint, memorem se et ciuium iniuriae et hospitum beneficii adnisurum, ut appareat exsilio sibi inritatos, non fractos animos esse.

2.39.12iterum deinde iidem missi non recipiuntur in castra. sacerdotes quoque suis insignibus uelatos isse supplices ad castra hostium traditum est; nihilo magis quam legatos flexisse animum.

2.40.1tum matronae ad Ueturiam matrem Coriolani Uolumniamque uxorem frequentes coeunt. id publicum consilium an muliebris timor fuerit, parum inuenio:

2.40.2peruicere certe, ut et Ueturia, magno natu mulier, et Uolumnia duos paruos ex Marcio ferens filios secum in castra hostium irent et, quoniam armis uiri defendere urbem non possent, mulieres precibus lacrimisque defenderent.

2.40.3ubi ad castra uentum est nuntiatumque Coriolano est adesse ingens mulierum agmen, ut qui nec publica maiestate in legatis nec in sacerdotibus tanta offusa oculis animoque religione motus esset, multo obstinatior aduersus lacrimas muliebres erat;

2.40.4dein familiarium quidam qui insignem maestitia inter ceteras cognouerat Ueturiam, inter nurum nepotesque stantem, 'nisi me frustrantur' inquit, 'oculi, mater tibi coniunxque et liberi adsunt.'

2.40.5Coriolanus prope ut amens consternatus ab sede sua cum ferret matri obuiae complexum, mulier in iram ex precibus uersa 'sine, priusquam complexum accipio, sciam' inquit, 'ad hostem an ad filium uenerim, captiua materne in castris tuis sim.

2.40.6in hoc me longa uita et infelix senecta traxit ut exsulem te deinde hostem uiderem? potuisti populari hanc terram quae te genuit atque aluit?

2.40.7non tibi, quamuis infesto animo et minaci perueneras, ingredienti fines ira cecidit? non, cum in conspectu Roma fuit, succurrit: intra illa moenia domus ac penates mei sunt, mater coniunx liberique?

2.40.8ergo ego nisi peperissem, Roma non oppugnaretur; nisi filium haberem, libera in libera patria mortua essem. sed ego mihi miserius nihil iam pati nec tibi turpius <us>quam possum,

2.40.9nec ut sum miserrima, diu futura sum: de his uideris, quos, si pergis, aut immatura mors aut longa seruitus manet.' uxor deinde ac liberi amplexi, fletusque ob omni turba mulierum ortus et comploratio sui patriaeque fregere tandem uirum.

2.40.10complexus inde suos dimittit: ipse retro ab urbe castra mouit. abductis deinde legionibus ex agro Romano, inuidia rei oppressum perisse tradunt, alii alio leto. apud Fabium, longe antiquissimum auctorem, usque ad senectutem uixisse eundem inuenio;

2.40.11refert certe hanc saepe eum exacta aetate usurpasse uocem multo miserius seni exsilium esse. non inuiderunt laude sua mulieribus uiri Romani—adeo sine obtrectatione gloriae alienae uiuebatur—;

2.40.12monumento quoque quod esset, templum Fortunae muliebri aedificatum dedicatumque est. rediere deinde Uolsci adiunctis Aequis in agrum Romanum; sed Aequi Attium Tullium haud ultra tulere ducem.

2.40.13hinc ex certamine Uolsci Aequine imperatorem coniuncto exercitui darent, seditio, deinde atrox proelium ortum. ibi fortuna populi Romani duos hostium exercitus haud minus pernicioso quam pertinaci certamine confecit.

2.40.14consules T. Sicinius et C. Aquilius . Sicinio Uolsci, Aquilio Hernici—nam ii quoque in armis erant—prouincia euenit. eo anno Hernici deuicti: cum Uolscis aequo Marte discessum est.

2.41.1Sp. Cassius deinde et Proculus Uerginius consules facti. cum Hernicis foedus ictum; agri partes duae ademptae. inde dimidium Latinis, dimidium plebi diuisurus consul Cassius erat.

2.41.2adiciebat hic muneri agri aliquantum, quem publicum possideri a priuatis criminabatur. id multos quidem patrum, ipsos possessores, periculo rerum suarum terrebat; sed et publica patribus sollicitudo inerat largitione consulem periculosas libertati opes struere.

2.41.3tum primum lex agraria promulgata est, nunquam deinde usque ad hanc memoriam sine maximis motibus rerum agitata.

2.41.4consul alter largitioni resistebat auctoribus patribus nec omni plebe aduersante, quae primo coeperat fastidire munus uolgatum †a ciuibus isse in socios†;

2.41.5saepe deinde et Uerginium consulem in contionibus uelut uaticinantem audiebat pestilens collegae munus esse; agros illos seruitutem iis qui acceperint laturos; regno uiam fieri.

2.41.6quid ita enim adsumi socios et nomen Latinum, quid attinuisset Hernicis, paulo ante hostibus, capti agri partem tertiam reddi, nisi ut hae gentes pro Coriolano duce Cassium habeant?

2.41.7popularis iam esse dissuasor et intercessor legis agrariae coeperat. uterque deinde consul, ut certatim, plebi indulgere. Uerginius dicere passurum se adsignari agros, dum ne cui nisi ciui Romano adsignentur:

2.41.8Cassius, quia in agraria largitione ambitiosus in socios eoque ciuibus uilior erat, ut alio munere sibi reconciliaret ciuium animos, iubere pro Siculo frumento pecuniam acceptam retribui populo.

2.41.9id uero haud secus quam praesentem mercedem regni aspernata plebes; adeo propter suspicionem insitam regni, uelut abundarent omnia, munera eius [in animis hominum] respuebantur.

2.41.10quem ubi primum magistratu abiit damnatum necatumque constat. sunt qui patrem auctorem eius supplicii ferant: eum cognita domi causa uerberasse ac necasse peculiumque filii Cereri consecrauisse; signum inde factum esse et inscriptum:

2.41.11'ex Cassia familia datum.' inuenio apud quosdam, idque propius fidem est, a quaestoribus Caesone Fabio et L. Ualerio diem dictam perduellionis, damnatumque populi iudicio, dirutas publice aedes. ea est area ante Telluris aedem.

2.41.12ceterum siue illud domesticum siue publicum fuit iudicium, damnatur Seruio Cornelio Q. Fabio consulibus.

2.42.1haud diuturna ira populi in Cassium fuit. dulcedo agrariae legis ipsa per se, dempto auctore, subibat animos, accensaque ea cupiditas est malignitate patrum, qui deuictis eo anno Uolscis Aequisque, militem praeda fraudauere.

2.42.2quidquid captum ex hostibus est, uendidit Fabius consul ac redegit in publicum. inuisum erat Fabium nomen plebi propter nouissimum consulem; tenuere tamen patres ut cum L. Aemilio Caeso Fabius consul crearetur.

2.42.3eo infestior facta plebes seditione domestica bellum externum exciuit. bello deinde ciuiles discordiae intermissae; uno animo patres ac plebs rebellantes Uolscos et Aequos duce Aemilio prospera pugna uicere.

2.42.4plus tamen hostium fuga quam proelium absumpsit; adeo pertinaciter fusos insecuti sunt equites.

2.42.5Castoris aedis eodem anno idibus Quintilibus dedicata est; uota erat Latino bello <a> Postumio dictatore; filius eius duumuir ad id ipsum creatus dedicauit.

2.42.6sollicitati et eo anno sunt dulcedine agrariae legis animi plebis. tribuni plebi popularem potestatem lege populari celebrabant: patres, satis superque gratuiti furoris in multitudine credentes esse, largitiones temeritatisque inuitamenta horrebant. acerrimi patribus duces ad resistendum consules fuere.

2.42.7ea igitur pars rei publicae uicit, nec in praesens modo sed in uenientem etiam annum M. Fabium , Caesonis fratrem, et magis inuisum alterum plebi accusatione Sp. Cassi , L. Ualerium , consules dedit.

2.42.8certatum eo quoque anno cum tribunis est. uana lex uanique legis auctores iactando inritum munus facti. Fabium inde nomen ingens post tres continuos consulatus unoque uelut tenore omnes expertos tribuniciis certaminibus habitum; itaque, ut bene locatus, mansit in ea familia aliquamdiu honos.

2.42.9bellum inde Ueiens initum, et Uolsci rebellarunt; sed ad bella externa prope supererant uires, abutebanturque iis inter semet ipsos certando.

2.42.10accessere ad aegras iam omnium mentes prodigia caelestia, prope cotidianas in urbe agrisque ostentantia minas; motique ita numinis causam nullam aliam uates canebant publice priuatimque nunc extis, nunc per aues consulti, quam haud rite sacra fieri;

2.42.11qui terrores tamen eo euasere ut Oppia uirgo Uestalis damnata incesti poenas dederit.

2.43.1Q. Fabius inde et C. Iulius consules facti. eo anno non segnior discordia domi et bellum foris atrocius fuit. ab Aequis arma sumpta; Ueientes agrum quoque Romanorum populantes inierunt. quorum bellorum crescente cura, Caeso Fabius et Sp. Furius consules fiunt.

2.43.2Ortonam, Latinam urbem, Aequi oppugnabant: Ueientes, pleni iam populationum, Romam ipsam se oppugnaturos minabantur.

Book 2, Part 5

2.43.3qui terrores cum compescere deberent, auxere insuper animos plebis, redibatque non sua sponte plebi mos detractandi militiam, sed Sp. Licinius tribunus plebis, uenisse tempus ratus per ultimam necessitatem legis agrariae patribus iniungendae, susceperat rem militarem impediendam.

2.43.4ceterum tota inuidia tribuniciae potestatis uersa in auctorem est, nec in eum consules acrius quam ipsius collegae coorti sunt, auxilioque eorum dilectum consules habent.

2.43.5ad duo simul bella exercitus scribitur; ducendus Fabio in Aequos, Furio datur in Ueientes. <in Ueientes> nihil dignum memoria gestum [est];

2.43.6et in Aequis quidem Fabio aliquanto plus negotii cum ciuibus quam cum hostibus fuit. unus ille uir, ipse consul, rem publicam sustinuit, quam exercitus odio consulis, quantum in se fuit, prodebat.

2.43.7nam cum consul praeter ceteras imperatorias artes, quas parando gerendoque bello edidit plurimas, ita instruxisset aciem ut solo equitatu emisso exercitum hostium funderet, insequi fusos pedes noluit;

2.43.8nec illos, et si non adhortatio inuisi ducis, suum saltem flagitium et publicum in praesentia dedecus, postmodo periculum, si animus hosti redisset, cogere potuit gradum adcelerare aut si aliud nihil, stare instructos.

2.43.9iniussu signa referunt, maestique—crederes uictos—exsecrantes nunc imperatorem, nunc nauatam ab equite operam, redeunt in castra.

2.43.10nec huic tam pestilenti exemplo remedia ulla ab imperatore quaesita sunt; adeo excellentibus ingeniis citius defuerit ars qua ciuem regant quam qua hostem superent.

2.43.11consul Romam rediit non tam belli gloria aucta quam inritato exacerbatoque in se militum odio. obtinuere tamen patres ut in Fabia gente consulatus maneret: M. Fabium consulem creant; Fabio collega Cn. Manlius datur.

2.44.1et hic annus tribunum auctorem legis agrariae habuit. Tib. Pontificius fuit. is eandem uiam, uelut processisset Sp. Licinio , ingressus dilectum paulisper impediit.

2.44.2perturbatis iterum patribus Ap. Claudius uictam tribuniciam potestatem dicere priore anno, in praesentia re, exemplo in perpetuum, quando inuentum sit suis ipsam uiribus dissolui.

2.44.3neque enim unquam defuturum qui et ex collega uictoriam sibi et gratiam melioris partis bono publico uelit quaesitam; et plures, si pluribus opus sit, tribunos ad auxilium consulum paratos fore, et unum uel aduersus omnes satis esse.

2.44.4darent modo et consules et primores patrum operam ut, si minus omnes, aliquos tamen ex tribunis rei publicae ac senatui conciliarent.

2.44.5praeceptis Appi moniti patres et uniuersi comiter ac benigne tribunos appellare, et consulares ut cuique eorum priuatim aliquid iuris aduersus singulos erat, partim gratia, partim auctoritate obtinuere ut tribuniciae potestatis uires salubres uellent rei publicae esse,

2.44.6quattuorque tribunorum aduersus unum moratorem publici commodi auxilio dilectum consules habent.

2.44.7inde ad Ueiens bellum profecti, quo undique ex Etruria auxilia conuenerant, non tam Ueientium gratia concitata quam quod in spem uentum erat discordia intestina dissolui rem Romanam posse.

2.44.8principesque in omnium Etruriae populorum conciliis fremebant aeternas opes esse Romanas nisi inter semet ipsi seditionibus saeuiant; id unum uenenum,

2.44.9eam labem ciuitatibus opulentis repertam ut magna imperia mortalia essent. diu sustentatum id malum, partim patrum consiliis, partim patientia plebis, iam ad extrema uenisse. duas ciuitates ex una factas; suos cuique parti magistratus, suas leges esse.

2.44.10primum in dilectibus saeuire solitos, eosdem in bello tamen paruisse ducibus. qualicumque urbis statu, manente disciplina militari sisti potuisse; iam non parendi magistratibus morem in castra quoque Romanum militem sequi. proximo bello in ipsa acie, in ipso certamine,

2.44.11consensu exercitus traditam ultro uictoriam uictis Aequis, signa deserta, imperatorem in acie relictum, iniussu in castra reditum.

2.44.12profecto si instetur, suo milite uinci Romam posse. nihil aliud opus esse quam indici ostendique bellum; cetera sua sponte fata et deos gesturos. hae spes Etruscos armauerant, multis in uicem casibus uictos uictoresque.

2.45.1consules quoque Romani nihil praeterea aliud quam suas uires, sua arma horrebant; memoria pessimi proximo bello exempli terrebat ne rem committerent eo ubi duae simul acies timendae essent.

2.45.2itaque castris se tenebant, tam ancipiti periculo auersi: diem tempusque forsitan ipsum leniturum iras sanitatemque animis allaturum.

2.45.3Ueiens hostis Etruscique eo magis praepropere agere; lacessere ad pugnam primo obequitando castris prouocandoque, postremo ut nihil mouebant, qua consules ipsos, qua exercitum increpando:

2.45.4simulationem intestinae discordiae remedium timoris inuentum, et consules magis non confidere quam non credere suis militibus; nouum seditionis genus, silentium otiumque inter armatos. ad haec in nouitatem generis originisque qua falsa, qua uera iacere.

2.45.5haec cum sub ipso uallo portisque streperent, haud aegre consules pati; at imperitae multitudini nunc indignatio, nunc pudor pectora uersare et ab intestinis auertere malis; nolle inultos hostes, nolle successum non patribus, non consulibus; externa et domestica odia certare in animis.

2.45.6tandem superant externa; adeo superbe insolenterque hostis eludebat. frequentes in praetorium conueniunt; poscunt pugnam, postulant ut signum detur.

2.45.7consules uelut deliberabundi capita conferunt, diu conloquuntur. pugnare cupiebant, sed retro reuocanda et abdenda cupiditas erat, ut aduersando remorandoque incitato semel militi adderent impetum.

2.45.8redditur responsum immaturam rem agi; nondum tempus pugnae esse; castris se tenerent. edicunt inde ut abstineant pugna; si quis iniussu pugnauerit, ut in hostem animaduersuros.

2.45.9ita dimissis, quo minus consules uelle credunt, crescit ardor pugnandi. accendunt insuper hostes ferocius multo, ut statuisse non pugnare consules cognitum est:

2.45.10quippe impune se insultaturos; non credi militi arma; rem ad ultimum seditionis erupturam, finemque uenisse Romano imperio. his freti occursant portis, ingerunt probra; aegre abstinent quin castra oppugnent.

2.45.11enimuero non ultra contumeliam pati Romanus posse; totis castris undique ad consules curritur; non iam sensim, ut ante, per centurionum principes postulant, sed passim omnes clamoribus agunt.

2.45.12matura res erat; tergiuersantur tamen. Fabius deinde ad crescentem tumultum iam metu seditionis collega concedente, cum silentium classico fecisset: 'ego istos, Cn. Manli , posse uincere scio: uelle ne scirem, ipsi fecerunt.

2.45.13itaque certum est non dare signum nisi uictores se redituros ex hac pugna iurant. consulem Romanum miles semel in acie fefellit: deos nunquam fallet.' centurio erat M. Flauoleius , inter primores pugnae flagitator.

2.45.14'uictor' inquit, ' M. Fabi , reuertar ex acie'; si fallat, Iouem patrem Gradiuumque Martem aliosque iratos inuocat deos. idem deinceps omnis exercitus in se quisque iurat. iuratis datur signum; arma capiunt; eunt in pugnam irarum speique pleni.

2.45.15nunc iubent Etruscos probra iacere, nunc armati sibi quisque lingua promptum hostem offerri.

2.45.16omnium illo die, qua plebis, qua patrum, eximia uirtus fuit; Fabium nomen [Fabia gens] maxime enituit; multis ciuilibus certaminibus infensos plebis animos illa pugna sibi reconciliare statuunt.

2.46.1instruitur acies, nec Ueiens hostis Etruscaeque legiones detractant. prope certa spes erat non magis secum pugnaturos quam cum Aequis; maius quoque aliquod in tam inritatis animis et occasione ancipiti haud desperandum esse facinus.

2.46.2res aliter longe euenit; nam non alio ante bello infestior Romanus—adeo hinc contumeliis hostes, hinc consules mora exacerbauerant—proelium iniit.

2.46.3uix explicandi ordinis spatium Etruscis fuit, cum pilis inter primam trepidationem abiectis temere magis quam emissis, pugna iam in manus, iam ad gladios, ubi Mars est atrocissimus, uenerat.

2.46.4inter primores genus Fabium insigne spectaculo exemploque ciuibus erat. ex his Q. Fabium —tertio hic anno ante consul fuerat—principem in confertos Ueientes euntem ferox uiribus et armorum arte Tuscus, incautum inter multas uersantem hostium manus, gladio per pectus transfigit; telo extracto praeceps Fabius in uolnus abiit.

2.46.5sensit utraque acies unius uiri casum, cedebatque inde Romanus cum M. Fabius consul transiluit iacentis corpus obiectaque parma, 'hoc iurastis' inquit, 'milites, fugientes uos in castra redituros? adeo ignauissimos hostes magis timetis quam Iouem Martemque per quos iurastis?

2.46.6at ego iniuratus aut uictor reuertar aut prope te hic, Q. Fabi , dimicans cadam.' consuli tum Caeso Fabius, prioris anni consul: 'uerbisne istis, frater, ut pugnent, te impetraturum credis?

2.46.7di impetrabunt per quos iurauere; et nos, ut decet proceres, ut Fabio nomine est dignum, pugnando potius quam adhortando accendamus militum animos.' sic in primum infensis hastis prouolant duo Fabii, totamque mouerunt secum aciem.

2.47.1proelio ex parte una restituto, nihilo segnius in cornu altero Cn. Manlius consul pugnam ciebat, ubi prope similis fortuna est uersata.

2.47.2nam ut altero in cornu Q. Fabium , sic in hoc ipsum consulem Manlium iam uelut fusos agentem hostes et impigre milites secuti sunt et, ut ille graui uolnere ictus ex acie cessit, interfectum rati gradum rettulere;

2.47.3cessissentque loco, ni consul alter cum aliquot turmis equitum in eam partem citato equo aduectus, uiuere clamitans collegam, se uictorem fuso altero cornu adesse, rem inclinatam sustinuisset.

2.47.4Manlius quoque ad restituendam aciem se ipse coram offert. duorum consulum cognita ora accendunt militum animos. simul et uanior iam erat hostium acies, dum abundante multitudine freti, subtracta subsidia mittunt ad castra oppugnanda.

2.47.5in quae haud magno certamine impetu facto cum praedae magis quam pugnae memores tererent tempus, triarii Romani qui primam inruptionem sustinere non potuerant, missis ad consules nuntiis quo loco res essent, conglobati ad praetorium redeunt et sua sponte ipsi proelium renouant.

2.47.6et Manlius consul reuectus in castra, ad omnes portas milite opposito hostibus uiam clauserat. ea desperatio Tuscis rabiem magis quam audaciam accendit. nam cum incursantes quacumque exitum ostenderet spes uano aliquotiens impetu issent, globus iuuenum unus in ipsum consulem insignem armis inuadit.

2.47.7prima excepta a circumstantibus tela; sustineri deinde uis nequit; consul mortifero uolnere ictus cadit, fusique circa omnes.

2.47.8Tuscis crescit audacia; Romanos terror per tota castra trepidos agit, et ad extrema uentum foret ni legati rapto consulis corpore patefecissent una porta hostibus uiam.

2.47.9ea erumpunt; consternatoque agmine abeuntes in uictorem alterum incidunt consulem; ibi iterum caesi fusique passim. uictoria egregia parta, tristis tamen duobus tam claris funeribus.

2.47.10itaque consul decernente senatu triumphum, si exercitus sine imperatore triumphare possit, pro eximia eo bello opera facile passurum respondit; se familia funesta Q. Fabi fratris morte, re publica ex parte orba [consule altero amisso] publico priuatoque deformem luctu lauream non accepturum.

2.47.11omni acto triumpho depositus triumphus clarior fuit; adeo spreta in tempore gloria interdum cumulatior rediit. funera deinde duo deinceps collegae fratrisque ducit, idem in utroque laudator, cum concedendo illis suas laudes ipse maximam partem earum ferret.

2.47.12neque immemor eius quod initio consulatus imbiberat, reconciliandi animos plebis, saucios milites curandos diuidit patribus. Fabiis plurimi dati, nec alibi maiore cura habiti. inde populares iam esse Fabii, nec hoc ulla nisi salubri rei publicae arte.

2.48.1igitur non patrum magis quam plebis studiis K. Fabius cum T. Uerginio consul factus neque belli neque dilectus neque ullam aliam priorem curam agere quam ut iam aliqua ex parte incohata concordiae spe, primo quoque tempore cum patribus coalescerent animi plebis.

2.48.2itaque principio anni censuit priusquam quisquam agrariae legis auctor tribunus exsisteret, occuparent patres ipsi suum munus facere; captiuum agrum plebi quam maxime aequaliter darent; uerum esse habere eos quorum sanguine ac sudore partus sit.

2.48.3aspernati patres sunt; questi quoque quidam nimia gloria luxuriare et euanescere uiuidum quondam illud Caesonis ingenium.

2.48.4nullae deinde urbanae factiones fuere; uexabantur incursionibus Aequorum Latini. eo cum exercitu Caeso missus in ipsorum Aequorum agrum depopulandum transit. Aequi se in oppida receperunt murisque se tenebant; eo nulla pugna memorabilis fuit.

2.48.5at a Ueiente hoste clades accepta temeritate alterius consulis, actumque de exercitu foret, ni K. Fabius in tempore subsidio uenisset. ex eo tempore neque pax neque bellum cum Ueientibus fuit; res proxime formam latrocinii uenerat.

2.48.6legionibus Romanis cedebant in urbem; ubi abductas senserant legiones, agros incursabant, bellum quiete, quietem bello in uicem eludentes. ita neque omitti tota res nec perfici poterat; et alia bella aut praesentia instabant, ut ab Aequis Uolscisque, non diutius quam recens dolor proximae cladis transiret quiescentibus, aut mox moturos [se] apparebat Sabinos semper infestos Etruriamque omnem.

2.48.7sed Ueiens hostis, adsiduus magis quam grauis, contumeliis saepius quam periculo animos agitabat, quod nullo tempore neglegi poterat aut auerti alio sinebat.

2.48.8tum Fabia gens senatum adiit. consul pro gente loquitur: 'adsiduo magis quam magno praesidio, ut scitis, patres conscripti, bellum Ueiens eget. uos alia bella curate, Fabios hostes Ueientibus date. auctores sumus tutam ibi maiestatem Romani nominis fore.

2.48.9nostrum id nobis uelut familiare bellum priuato sumptu gerere in animo est; res publica et milite illic et pecunia uacet.' gratiae ingentes actae.

2.48.10consul e curia egressus comitante Fabiorum agmine, qui in uestibulo curiae senatus consultum exspectantes steterant, domum redit. iussi armati postero die ad limen consulis adesse; domos inde discedunt.

2.49.1manat tota urbe rumor; Fabios ad caelum laudibus ferunt: familiam unam subisse ciuitatis onus; Ueiens bellum in priuatam curam, in priuata arma uersum.

2.49.2si sint duae roboris eiusdem in urbe gentes, deposcant haec Uolscos sibi, illa Aequos: populo Romano tranquillam pacem agente omnes finitimos subigi populos posse. Fabii postera die arma capiunt; quo iussi erant conueniunt.

2.49.3consul paludatus egrediens in uestibulo gentem omnem suam instructo agmine uidet; acceptus in medium signa ferri iubet. nunquam exercitus neque minor numero neque clarior fama et admiratione hominum per urbem incessit.

2.49.4sex et trecenti milites, omnes patricii, omnes unius gentis, quorum neminem ducem sperneres, egregius quibuslibet temporibus senatus, ibant, unius familiae uiribus Ueienti populo pestem minitantes.

2.49.5sequebatur turba propria alia cognatorum sodaliumque, nihil medium, nec spem nec curam, sed immensa omnia uoluentium animo, alia publica sollicitudine excitata, fauore et admiratione stupens.

2.49.6ire fortes, ire felices iubent, inceptis euentus pares reddere; consulatus inde ac triumphos, omnia praemia ab se, omnes honores sperare.

2.49.7praetereuntibus Capitolium arcemque et alia templa, quidquid deorum oculis, quidquid animo occurrit, precantur ut illud agmen faustum atque felix mittant, sospites breui in patriam ad parentes restituant.

2.49.8in cassum missae preces. infelici uia, dextro iano portae Carmentalis, profecti ad Cremeram flumen perueniunt. is opportunus uisus locus communiendo praesidio.

2.49.9L. Aemilius inde et C. Seruilius consules facti. et donec nihil aliud quam in populationibus res fuit, non ad praesidium modo tutandum Fabii satis erant, sed tota regione qua Tuscus ager Romano adiacet, sua tuta omnia, infesta hostium, uagantes per utrumque finem, fecere.

2.49.10interuallum deinde haud magnum populationibus fuit, dum et Ueientes accito ex Etruria exercitu praesidium Cremerae oppugnant, et Romanae legiones ab L. Aemilio consule adductae cominus cum Etruscis dimicant acie;

2.49.11quamquam uix dirigendi aciem spatium Ueientibus fuit; adeo inter primam trepidationem dum post signa ordines introeunt subsidiaque locant, inuecta subito ab latere Romana equitum ala non pugnae modo incipiendae sed consistendi ademit locum.

2.49.12ita fusi retro ad saxa Rubra—ibi castra habebant—, pacem supplices petunt. cuius impetratae, ab insita animis leuitate, ante deductum Cremera Romanum praesidium paenituit.

2.50.1rursus cum Fabiis erat Ueienti populo, sine ullo maioris belli apparatu, certamen; nec erant incursiones modo in agros aut subiti impetus <in> incursantes, sed aliquotiens aequo campo conlatisque signis certatum,

2.50.2gensque una populi Romani saepe ex opulentissima, ut tum res erant, Etrusca ciuitate uictoriam tulit.

2.50.3id primo acerbum indignumque Ueientibus est uisum; inde consilium ex re natum insidiis ferocem hostem captandi; gaudere etiam multo successu Fabiis audaciam crescere.

2.50.4itaque et pecora praedantibus aliquotiens, uelut casu incidissent, obuiam acta, et agrestium fuga uasti relicti agri, et subsidia armatorum ad arcendas populationes missa saepius simulato quam uero pauore refugerunt.

2.50.5iamque Fabii adeo contempserant hostem ut sua inuicta arma neque loco neque tempore ullo crederent sustineri posse. haec spes prouexit ut ad conspecta procul a Cremera magno campi interuallo pecora, quamquam rara hostium apparebant arma, decurrerent.

2.50.6et cum improuidi effuso cursu insidias circa ipsum iter locatas superassent palatique passim uaga, ut fit pauore iniecto, raperent pecora, subito ex insidiis consurgitur; et aduersi et undique hostes erant.

2.50.7primo clamor circumlatus exterruit, dein tela ab omni parte accidebant; coeuntibusque Etruscis, iam continenti agmine armatorum saepti, quo magis se hostis inferebat, cogebantur breuiore spatio et ipsi orbem colligere,

2.50.8quae res et paucitatem eorum insignem et multitudinem Etruscorum, multiplicatis in arto ordinibus, faciebat.

2.50.9tum omissa pugna, quam in omnes partes parem intenderant, in unum locum se omnes inclinant; eo nisi corporibus armisque rupere cuneo uiam.

2.50.10duxit uia in editum leniter collem. inde primo restitere; mox, ut respirandi superior locus spatium dedit recipiendique a pauore tanto animum, pepulere etiam subeuntes, uincebatque auxilio loci paucitas, ni iugo circummissus Ueiens in uerticem collis euasisset.

2.50.11ita superior rursus hostis factus. Fabii caesi ad unum omnes praesidiumque expugnatum. trecentos sex perisse satis conuenit, unum prope puberem aetate relictum, stirpem genti Fabiae dubiisque rebus populi Romani saepe domi bellique uel maximum futurum auxilium.

2.51.1cum haec accepta clades est, iam C. Horatius et T. Menenius consules erant. Menenius aduersus Tuscos uictoria elatos confestim missus.

2.51.2tum quoque male pugnatum est, et Ianiculum hostes occupauere; obsessaque urbs foret, super bellum annona premente—transierant enim Etrusci Tiberim—, ni Horatius consul ex Uolscis esset reuocatus. adeoque id bellum ipsis institit moenibus, ut primo pugnatum ad Spei sit aequo Marte, iterum ad portam Collinam.

2.51.3ibi quamquam paruo momento superior Romana res fuit, meliorem tamen militem, recepto pristino animo, in futura proelia id certamen fecit.

2.51.4A. Uerginius et Sp. Seruilius consules fiunt. post acceptam proxima pugna cladem Ueientes abstinuere acie; populationes erant, et uelut ab arce Ianiculo passim in Romanum agrum impetus dabant; non usquam pecora tuta, non agrestes erant.

2.51.5capti deinde eadem arte sunt qua ceperant Fabios. secuti dedita opera passim ad inlecebras propulsa pecora praecipitauere in insidias; quo plures erant, maior caedes fuit.

2.51.6ex hac clade atrox ira maioris cladis causa atque initium fuit. traiecto enim nocte Tiberi, castra Seruili consulis adorti sunt oppugnare. inde fusi magna caede in Ianiculum se aegre recepere.

2.51.7confestim consul et ipse transit Tiberim, castra sub Ianiculo communit. postero die luce orta nonnihil et hesterna felicitate pugnae ferox, magis tamen quod inopia frumenti quamuis in praecipitia, dum celeriora essent,

2.51.8agebat consilia, temere aduerso Ianiculo ad castra hostium aciem erexit, foediusque inde pulsus quam pridie pepulerat, interuentu collegae ipse exercitusque est seruatus.

2.51.9inter duas acies Etrusci, cum in uicem his atque illis terga darent, occidione occisi. ita oppressum temeritate felici Ueiens bellum.

2.52.1urbi cum pace laxior etiam annona rediit, et aduecto ex Campania frumento, et postquam timor sibi cuique futurae inopiae abiit, eo quod abditum fuerat prolato.

2.52.2ex copia deinde otioque lasciuire rursus animi et pristina mala, postquam foris deerant, domi quaerere. tribuni plebem agitare suo ueneno, agraria lege; in resistentes incitare patres, nec in uniuersos modo sed in singulos.

2.52.3Q. Considius et T. Genucius , auctores agrariae legis, T. Menenio diem dicunt. inuidiae erat amissum Cremerae praesidium, cum haud procul inde statiua consul habuisset;

2.52.4ea oppressit, cum et patres haud minus quam pro Coriolano adnisi essent et patris Agrippae fauor hauddum exoleuisset.

2.52.5in multa temperarunt tribuni; cum capitis anquisissent, duorum milium aeris damnato multam dixerunt. ea in caput uertit; negant tulisse ignominiam aegritudinemque; inde morbo absumptum.

2.52.6alius deinde reus, Sp. Seruilius , ut consulatu abiit, C. Nautio et P. Ualerio consulibus, initio statim anni ab L. Caedicio et T. Statio tribunis die dicta, non ut Menenius, precibus suis aut patrum sed cum multa fiducia innocentiae gratiaeque tribunicios impetus tulit.

2.52.7et huic proelium cum Tuscis ad Ianiculum erat crimini. sed feruidi animi uir ut in publico periculo ante, sic tum in suo, non tribunos modo sed plebem oratione feroci refutando exprobrandoque T. Meneni damnationem mortemque, cuius patris munere restituta quondam plebs eos ipsos quibus tum saeuiret magistratus, eas leges haberet, periculum audacia discussit.

2.52.8iuuit et Uerginius collega testis productus, participando laudes; magis tamen Menenianum—adeo mutauerant animum— profuit iudicium.

2.53.1certamina domi finita: Ueiens bellum exortum, quibus Sabini arma coniunxerant. P. Ualerius consul accitis Latinorum Hernicorumque auxiliis cum exercitu Ueios missus castra Sabina, quae pro moenibus sociorum locata erant, confestim adgreditur; tantamque trepidationem iniecit ut dum dispersi alii alia manipulatim excurrunt ad arcendam hostium uim, ea porta cui signa primum intulerat caperetur.

Book 2, Part 6

2.53.2intra uallum deinde caedes magis quam proelium esse. tumultus e castris et in urbem penetrat; tamquam Ueiis captis, ita pauidi Ueientes ad arma currunt. pars Sabinis eunt subsidio, pars Romanos toto impetu intentos in castra adoriuntur.

2.53.3paulisper auersi turbatique sunt; deinde et ipsi utroque uersis signis resistunt, et eques ab consule immissus Tuscos fundit fugatque, eademque hora duo exercitus, duae potentissimae et maxime finitimae gentes superatae sunt.

2.53.4dum haec ad Ueios geruntur, Uolsci Aequique in Latino agro posuerant castra populatique fines erant. eos per se ipsi Latini adsumptis Hernicis, sine Romano aut duce aut auxilio castris exuerunt;

2.53.5ingenti praeda praeter suas reciperatas res potiti sunt. missus tamen ab Roma consul in Uolscos C. Nautius ; mos, credo, non placebat, sine Romano duce exercituque socios propriis uiribus consiliisque bella gerere.

2.53.6nullum genus calamitatis contumeliaeque non editum in Uolscos est, nec tamen perpelli potuere ut acie dimicarent.

2.54.1L. Furius inde et C. Manlius consules. Manlio Ueientes prouincia euenit; non tamen bellatum; indutiae in annos quadraginta petentibus datae frumento stipendioque imperato.

2.54.2paci externae confestim continuatur discordia domi. agrariae legis tribuniciis stimulis plebs furebat. consules, nihil Meneni damnatione, nihil periculo deterriti Seruili, summa ui resistunt. abeuntes magistratu Cn. Genucius tribunus plebis arripuit.

2.54.3L. Aemilius et Opiter Uerginius consulatum ineunt; Uopiscum Iulium pro Uerginio in quibusdam annalibus consulem inuenio. hoc anno, quoscumque consules habuit, rei ad populum Furius et Manlius circumeunt sordidati non plebem magis quam iuniores patrum.

2.54.4suadent monent honoribus et administratione rei publicae abstineant; consulares uero fasces, praetextam, curulemque sellam nihil aliud quam pompam funeris putent; claris insignibus uelut infulis uelatos ad mortem destinari.

2.54.5quod si consulatus tanta dulcedo sit, iam nunc ita in animum inducant consulatum captum et oppressum ab tribunicia potestate esse; consuli, uelut apparitori tribunicio, omnia ad nutum imperiumque tribuni agenda esse;

2.54.6si se commouerit, si respexerit patres, si aliud quam plebem esse in re publica crediderit, exsilium Cn. Marci , Meneni damnationem et mortem sibi proponat ante oculos.

2.54.7his accensi uocibus patres consilia inde non publica sed in priuato seductaque a plurium conscientia habuere, ubi cum id modo constaret, iure an iniuria, eripiendos esse reos, atrocissima quaeque maxime placebat sententia, nec auctor quamuis audaci facinori deerat.

2.54.8igitur iudicii die, cum plebs in foro erecta expectatione staret, mirari primo quod non descenderet tribunus; dein cum iam mora suspectior fieret, deterritum a primoribus credere et desertam ac proditam causam publicam queri;

2.54.9tandem qui obuersati uestibulo tribuni fuerant nuntiant domi mortuum esse inuentum. quod ubi in totam contionem pertulit rumor, sicut acies funditur duce occiso, ita dilapsi passim alii alio. praecipuus pauor tribunos inuaserat, quam nihil auxilii sacratae leges haberent morte collegae monitos.

2.54.10nec patres satis moderate ferre laetitiam, adeoque neminem noxiae paenitebat, ut etiam insontes fecisse uideri uellent, palamque ferretur malo domandam tribuniciam potestatem.

2.55.1sub hac pessimi exempli uictoria dilectus edicitur, pauentibusque tribunis sine intercessione ulla consules rem peragunt.

2.55.2tum uero irasci plebs tribunorum magis silentio quam consulum imperio, et dicere actum esse de libertate sua; rursus ad antiqua reditum; cum Genucio una mortuam ac sepultam tribuniciam potestatem. aliud agendum ac cogitandum quomodo resistatur patribus;

2.55.3id autem unum consilium esse ut se ipsa plebs, quando aliud nihil auxilii habeat, defendat. quattuor et uiginti lictores apparere consulibus et eos ipsos plebis homines; nihil contemptius neque infirmius, si sint qui contemnant; sibi quemque ea magna atque horrenda facere.

2.55.4his uocibus alii alios cum incitassent, ad Uoleronem Publilium de plebe hominem quia, quod ordines duxisset, negaret se militem fieri debere, lictor missus est a consulibus. Uolero appellat tribunos.

2.55.5cum auxilio nemo esset, consules spoliari hominem et uirgas expediri iubent. 'prouoco' inquit, 'ad populum' Uolero, 'quoniam tribuni ciuem Romanum in conspectu suo uirgis caedi malunt quam ipsi in lecto suo a uobis trucidari.' quo ferocius clamitabat, eo infestius circumscindere et spoliare lictor.

2.55.6tum Uolero et praeualens ipse et adiuuantibus aduocatis repulso lictore, ubi indignantium pro se acerrimus erat clamor, eo se in turbam confertissimam recipit clamitans: 'prouoco et fidem plebis imploro.

2.55.7adeste, ciues; adeste, commilitones; nihil est quod expectetis tribunos quibus ipsis uestro auxilio opus est.'

2.55.8concitati homines ueluti ad proelium se expediunt, apparebatque omne discrimen adesse; nihil cuiquam sanctum, non publici fore, non priuati iuris.

2.55.9huic tantae tempestati cum se consules obtulissent, facile experti sunt parum tutam maiestatem sine uiribus esse. uiolatis lictoribus, fascibus fractis, e foro in curiam compelluntur, incerti quatenus Uolero exerceret uictoriam.

2.55.10conticescente deinde tumultu cum in senatum uocari iussissent, queruntur iniurias suas, uim plebis, Uoleronis audaciam.

2.55.11multis ferociter dictis sententiis, uicere seniores quibus ira patrum aduersus temeritatem plebis certari non placuit.

2.56.1Uoleronem amplexa fauore plebs proximis comitiis tribunum plebi creat in eum annum qui L. Pinarium P. Furium consules habuit.

2.56.2contraque omnium opinionem, qui eum uexandis prioris anni consulibus permissurum tribunatum credebant, post publicam causam priuato dolore habito, ne uerbo quidem uiolatis consulibus, rogationem tulit ad populum ut plebeii magistratus tributis comitiis fierent.

2.56.3haud parua res sub titulo prima specie minime atroci ferebatur, sed quae patriciis omnem potestatem per clientium suffragia creandi quos uellent tribunos auferret.

2.56.4huic actioni gratissimae plebi cum summa ui resisterent patres, nec quae una uis ad resistendum erat, ut intercederet aliquis ex collegio, auctoritate aut consulum aut principum adduci posset, res tamen suo ipsa molimine grauis certaminibus in annum extrahitur.

2.56.5plebs Uoleronem tribunum reficit: patres, ad ultimum dimicationis rati rem uenturam, Ap. Claudium Appi filium , iam inde a paternis certaminibus inuisum infestumque plebi, consulem faciunt. collega ei T. Quinctius datur.

2.56.6principio statim anni nihil prius quam de lege agebatur. sed ut inuentor legis Uolero, sic Laetorius, collega eius, auctor cum recentior tum acrior erat.

2.56.7ferocem faciebat belli gloria ingens, quod aetatis eius haud quisquam manu promptior erat. is, cum Uolero nihil praeterquam de lege loqueretur, insectatione abstinens consulum, ipse incusationem Appi familiaeque superbissimae ac crudelissimae in plebem Romanam exorsus, cum a patribus non consulem,

2.56.8sed carnificem ad uexandam et lacerandam plebem creatum esse contenderet, rudis in militari homine lingua non suppetebat libertati animoque.

2.56.9itaque deficiente oratione, 'quando quidem non facile loquor' inquit, 'Quirites, quam quod locutus sum praesto, crastino die adeste; ego hic aut in conspectu uestro moriar aut perferam legem'.

2.56.10occupant tribuni templum postero die; consules nobilitasque ad impediendam legem in contione consistunt. summoueri Laetorius iubet, praeterquam qui suffragium ineant.

2.56.11adulescentes nobiles stabant nihil cedentes uiatori. tum ex his prendi quosdam Laetorius iubet. consul Appius negare ius esse tribuno in quemquam nisi in plebeium;

2.56.12non enim populi sed plebis eum magistratum esse; nec illam ipsam submouere pro imperio posse more maiorum, quia ita dicatur: 'si uobis uidetur, discedite, Quirites.' facile contemptim de iure disserendo perturbare Laetorium poterat.

2.56.13ardens igitur ira tribunus uiatorem mittit ad consulem, consul lictorem ad tribunum, priuatum esse clamitans, sine imperio, sine magistratu;

2.56.14uiolatusque esset tribunus, ni et contio omnis atrox coorta pro tribuno in consulem esset, et concursus hominum in forum ex tota urbe concitatae multitudinis fieret. sustinebat tamen Appius pertinacia tantam tempestatem,

2.56.15certatumque haud incruento proelio foret, ni Quinctius, consul alter, consularibus negotio dato ut collegam ui, si aliter non possent, de foro abducerent, ipse nunc plebem saeuientem precibus lenisset, nunc orasset tribunos ut concilium dimitterent; darent irae spatium;

2.56.16non uim suam illis tempus adempturum, sed consilium uiribus additurum; et patres in populi et consulem in patrum fore potestate.

2.57.1aegre sedata ab Quinctio plebs, multo aegrius consul alter a patribus. dimisso tandem concilio plebis senatum consules habent.

2.57.2ubi cum timor atque ira in uicem sententias uariassent, quo magis spatio interposito ab impetu ad consultandum auocabantur, eo plus abhorrebant a certatione animi, adeo ut Quinctio gratias agerent quod eius opera mitigata discordia esset.

2.57.3ab Appio petitur ut tantam consularem maiestatem esse uellet quanta esse in concordi ciuitate posset; dum tribunique et consules ad se quisque omnia trahant, nihil relictum esse uirium in medio; distractam laceratamque rem publicam; magis quorum in manu sit quam ut incolumis sit quaeri.

2.57.4Appius contra testari deos atque homines rem publicam prodi per metum ac deseri; non consulem senatui sed senatum consuli deesse; grauiores accipi leges quam in Sacro monte acceptae sint. uictus tamen patrum consensu quieuit; lex silentio perfertur.

2.58.1tum primum tributis comitiis creati tribuni sunt. numero etiam additos tres, perinde ac duo antea fuerint, Piso auctor est.

2.58.2nominat quoque tribunos, Cn. Siccium , L. Numitorium , M. Duillium , Sp. Icilium , L. Maecilium .

2.58.3Uolscum Aequicumque inter seditionem Romanam est bellum coortum. uastauerant agros ut si qua secessio plebis fieret ad se receptum haberet; compositis deinde rebus castra retro mouere.

2.58.4Ap. Claudius in Uolscos missus, Quinctio Aequi prouincia euenit. eadem in militia saeuitia Appi quae domi esse, liberior quod sine tribuniciis uinculis erat.

2.58.5odisse plebem plus quam paterno odio: se uictum ab ea; se unico consule electo aduersus tribuniciam potestatem perlatam legem esse, quam minore conatu, nequaquam tanta patrum spe, priores impedierint consules.

2.58.6haec ira indignatioque ferocem animum ad uexandum saeuo imperio exercitum stimulabat. nec ulla ui domari poterat;

2.58.7tantum certamen animis imbiberant. segniter, otiose, neglegenter, contumaciter omnia agere; nec pudor nec metus coercebat. si citius agi uellet agmen, tardius sedulo incedere; si adhortator operis adesset, omnes sua sponte motam remittere industriam;

2.58.8praesenti uoltus demittere, tacite praetereuntem exsecrari, ut inuictus ille odio plebeio animus interdum moueretur.

2.58.9omni nequiquam acerbitate prompta, nihil iam cum militibus agere; a centurionibus corruptum exercitum dicere; tribunos plebei cauillans interdum et Uolerones uocare.

2.59.1nihil eorum Uolsci nesciebant, instabantque eo magis, sperantes idem certamen animorum aduersus Appium habiturum exercitum Romanum quod aduersus Fabium consulem habuisset.

2.59.2ceterum multo Appio quam Fabio uiolentior fuit; non enim uincere tantum noluit, ut Fabianus exercitus, sed uinci uoluit. productus in aciem turpi fuga petit castra, nec ante restitit quam signa inferentem Uolscum munimentis uidit foedamque extremi agminis caedem.

2.59.3tum expressa uis ad pugnandum, ut uictor iam a uallo submoueretur hostis, satis tamen appareret capi tantum castra militem Romanum noluisse, alioqui gaudere sua clade atque ignominia.

2.59.4quibus nihil infractus ferox Appi animus cum insuper saeuire uellet contionemque aduocaret, concurrunt ad eum legati tribunique, monentes ne utique experiri uellet imperium, cuius uis omnis in consensu oboedientium esset;

2.59.5negare uolgo milites se ad contionem ituros passimque exaudiri uoces postulantium ut castra ex Uolsco agro moueantur; hostem uictorem paulo ante prope in portis ac uallo fuisse, ingentisque mali non suspicionem modo sed apertam speciem obuersari ante oculos.

2.59.6uictus tandem, quando quidem nihil praeter tempus noxae lucrarentur, remissa contione iter in insequentem diem pronuntiari cum iussisset, prima luce classico signum profectionis dedit.

2.59.7cum maxime agmen e castris explicaretur, Uolsci, ut eodem signo excitati, nouissimos adoriuntur. a quibus perlatus ad primos tumultus eo pauore signaque et ordines turbauit ut neque imperia exaudiri neque instrui acies posset.

2.59.8nemo ullius nisi fugae memor. ita effuso agmine per stragem corporum armorumque euasere ut prius hostis desisteret sequi quam Romanus fugere.

2.59.9tandem conlectis ex dissipato cursu militibus consul, cum reuocando nequiquam suos persecutus esset, in pacato agro castra posuit; aduocataque contione inuectus haud falso in proditorem exercitum militaris disciplinae,

2.59.10desertorem signorum, ubi signa, ubi arma essent singulos rogitans, inermes milites, signo amisso signiferos,

2.59.11ad hoc centuriones duplicariosque qui reliquerant ordines, uirgis caesos securi percussit: cetera multitudo sorte decimus quisque ad supplicium lecti.

2.60.1contra ea in Aequis inter consulem ac milites comitate ac beneficiis certatum est. et natura Quinctius erat lenior, et saeuitia infelix collegae quo is magis gauderet ingenio suo effecerat.

2.60.2huic tantae concordiae ducis exercitusque non ausi offerre se Aequi, uagari populabundum hostem per agros passi; nec ullo ante bello latius inde acta est praeda.

2.60.3ea omnis militi data est. addebantur et laudes, quibus haud minus quam praemio gaudent militum animi. cum duci, tum propter ducem patribus quoque placatior exercitus rediit, sibi parentem, alteri exercitui dominum datum ab senatu memorans.

2.60.4uaria fortuna belli, atroci discordia domi forique annum exactum insignem maxime comitia tributa efficiunt, res maior uictoria suscepti certaminis quam usu.

2.60.5plus enim dignitatis comitiis ipsis detractum est patres ex concilio submouendo, quam uirium aut plebi additum est aut demptum patribus.

2.61.1turbulentior inde annus excepit L. Ualerio T. Aemilio consulibus, cum propter certamina ordinum de lege agraria tum propter iudicium Ap. Claudi ,

2.61.2cui acerrimo aduersario legis causamque possessorum publici agri tamquam tertio consuli sustinenti M. Duillius et Cn. Siccius diem dixere.

2.61.3nunquam ante tam inuisus plebi reus ad iudicium uocatus populi est, plenus suarum, plenus paternarum irarum.

2.61.4patres quoque non temere pro ullo aeque adnisi sunt: propugnatorem senatus maiestatisque uindicem suae, ad omnes tribunicios plebeiosque oppositum tumultus, modum dumtaxat in certamine egressum, iratae obici plebi.

2.61.5unus e patribus ipse Ap. Claudius et tribunos et plebem et suum iudicium pro nihilo habebat. illum non minae plebis, non senatus preces perpellere unquam potuere, non modo ut uestem mutaret aut supplex prensaret homines, sed ne ut ex consueta quidem asperitate orationis, cum ad populum agenda causa esset, aliquid leniret atque submitteret.

2.61.6idem habitus oris, eadem contumacia in uoltu, idem in oratione spiritus erat, adeo ut magna pars plebis Appium non minus reum timeret quam consulem timuerat.

2.61.7semel causam dixit, quo semper agere omnia solitus erat, accusatorio spiritu, adeoque constantia sua et tribunos obstupefecit et plebem ut diem ipsi sua uoluntate prodicerent, trahi deinde rem sinerent.

2.61.8haud ita multum interim temporis fuit; ante tamen quam prodicta dies ueniret, morbo moritur.

2.61.9cuius laudationem cum tribunus plebis impedire conaretur, plebs fraudari sollemni honore supremum diem tanti uiri noluit, et laudationem tam aequis auribus mortui audiuit quam uiui accusationem audierat et exsequias frequens celebrauit.

2.62.1eodem anno Ualerius consul cum exercitu in Aequos profectus, cum hostem ad proelium elicere non posset, castra oppugnare est adortus. prohibuit foeda tempestas cum grandine ac tonitribus caelo deiecta.

2.62.2admirationem deinde auxit signo receptui dato adeo tranquilla serenitas reddita ut uelut numine aliquo defensa castra oppugnare iterum religio fuerit.

2.62.3omnis ira belli ad populationem agri uertit. alter consul Aemilius in Sabinis bellum gessit. et ibi, quia hostis moenibus se tenebat, uastati agri sunt.

2.62.4incendiis deinde non uillarum modo sed etiam uicorum quibus frequenter habitabatur Sabini exciti cum praedatoribus occurrissent, ancipiti proelio digressi postero die rettulere castra in tutiora loca.

2.62.5id satis consuli uisum cur pro uicto relinqueret hostem, integro inde decedens bello.

2.63.1inter haec bella manente discordia domi, consules T. Numicius Priscus A. Uerginius facti.

2.63.2non ultra uidebatur latura plebes dilationem agrariae legis, ultimaque uis parabatur, cum Uolscos adesse fumo ex incendiis uillarum fugaque agrestium cognitum est. ea res maturam iam seditionem ac prope erumpentem repressit.

2.63.3consules coacti extemplo ab senatu ad bellum educta ex urbe iuuentute tranquilliorem ceteram plebem fecerunt.

2.63.4et hostes quidem nihil aliud quam perfusis uano timore Romanis citato agmine abeunt:

2.63.5Numicius Antium aduersus Uolscos, Uerginius contra Aequos profectus. ibi ex insidiis prope magna accepta clade uirtus militum rem prolapsam neglegentia consulis restituit.

2.63.6melius in Uolscis imperatum est; fusi primo proelio hostes fugaque in urbem Antium, ut tum res erant opulentissimam, acti. quam consul oppugnare non ausus Caenonem, aliud oppidum nequaquam tam opulentum, ab Antiatibus cepit.

2.63.7dum Aequi Uolscique Romanos exercitus tenent, Sabini usque ad portas urbis populantes incessere. deinde ipsi paucis post diebus ab duobus exercitibus, utroque per iram consule ingresso in fines, plus cladium quam intulerant acceperunt.

2.64.1extremo anno pacis aliquid fuit, sed, ut semper alias, sollicitae [pacis] certamine patrum et plebis.

2.64.2irata plebs interesse consularibus comitiis noluit; per patres clientesque patrum consules creati T. Quinctius Q. Seruilius . similem annum priori [consules] habent, seditiosa initia, bello deinde externo tranquilla.

2.64.3Sabini Crustuminos campos citato agmine transgressi cum caedes et incendia circum Anienem flumen fecissent, a porta prope Collina moenibusque pulsi ingentes tamen praedas hominum pecorumque egere.

2.64.4quos Seruilius consul infesto exercitu insecutus ipsum quidem agmen adipisci aequis locis non potuit, populationem adeo effuse fecit, ut nihil bello intactum relinquerent multiplicique capta praeda rediret.

2.64.5et in Uolscis res publica egregie gesta cum ducis tum militum opera. primum aequo campo signis conlatis pugnatum, ingenti caede utrimque, plurimo sanguine;

2.64.6et Romani, quia paucitas damno sentiendo propior erat, gradum rettulissent, ni salubri mendacio consul fugere hostes ab cornu altero clamitans concitasset aciem. impetu facto dum se putant uincere uicere.

2.64.7consul metuens ne nimis instando renouaret certamen, signum receptui dedit.

2.64.8intercessere pauci dies, uelut tacitis indutiis utrimque quiete sumpta, per quos ingens uis hominum ex omnibus Uolscis Aequisque populis in castra uenit,

2.64.9haud dubitans si senserint Romanos nocte abituros. itaque tertia fere uigilia ad castra oppugnanda ueniunt. Quinctius sedato tumultu quem terror subitus exciuerat, cum manere in tentoriis quietum militem iussisset,

2.64.10Hernicorum cohortem in stationem educit, cornicines tubicinesque in equos impositos canere ante uallum iubet sollicitumque hostem ad lucem tenere.

2.64.11reliquum noctis adeo tranquilla omnia in castris fuere ut somni quoque Romanis copia esset. Uolscos species armatorum peditum, quos et plures esse et Romanos putabant, fremitus hinnitusque equorum, qui et insueto sedente equite et insuper aures agitante sonitu saeuiebant, intentos uelut ad impetum hostium tenuit.

2.65.1ubi inluxit, Romanus integer satiatusque somno productus in aciem fessum stando et uigiliis Uolscum primo impetu perculit;

2.65.2quamquam cessere magis quam pulsi hostes sunt, quia ab tergo erant cliui in quos post principia integris ordinibus tutus receptus fuit. consul ubi ad iniquum locum uentum est, sistit aciem. miles aegre teneri, clamare et poscere ut perculsis instare liceat.

2.65.3ferocius agunt equites; circumfusi duci uociferantur se ante signa ituros. dum cunctatur consul uirtute militum fretus, loco parum fidens, conclamant se ituros clamoremque res est secuta. fixis in terram pilis quo leuiores ardua euaderent, cursu subeunt.

2.65.4Uolscus effusis ad primum impetum missilibus telis, saxa obiacentia pedibus ingerit in subeuntes, turbatosque ictibus crebris urget ex superiore loco. sic prope oneratum est sinistrum Romanis cornu, ni referentibus iam gradum consul increpando simul temeritatem, simul ignauiam, pudore metum excussisset.

Book 2, Part 7

2.65.5restitere primo obstinatis animis; deinde ut obtinentes locum uim <pro ui> referebant, audent ultro gradum inferre et clamore renouato commouent aciem; tum rursus impetu capto enituntur atque exsuperant iniquitatem loci.

2.65.6iam prope erat ut in summum cliui iugum euaderent cum terga hostes dedere, effusoque cursu paene agmine uno fugientes sequentesque castris incidere. in eo pauore castra capiuntur: qui Uolscorum effugere potuerunt, Antium petunt.

2.65.7Antium et Romanus exercitus ductus. paucos circumsessum dies deditur, nulla oppugnantium noua ui, sed quod iam inde ab infelici pugna castrisque amissis ceciderant animi.

Book 3, Part 1

3.1.1ANTIO capto T. Aemilius et Q. Fabius consules fiunt. hic erat Fabius qui unus exstinctae ad Cremeram genti superfuerat. iam priore consulatu Aemilius dandi agri plebi fuerat auctor;

3.1.2itaque secundo quoque consulatu eius et agrarii se in spem legis erexerant, et tribuni, rem contra consules saepe temptatam adiutore utique consule obtineri posse rati, suscipiunt; et consul manebat in sententia sua.

3.1.3possessores et magna pars patrum, tribuniciis se iactare actionibus principem civitatis et largiendo de alieno popularem fieri querentes, totius invidiam rei a tribunis in consulem averterant.

3.1.4atrox certamen aderat, ni Fabius consilio neutri parti acerbo rem expedisset: T. Quincti ductu et auspicio agri captum priore anno aliquantum a Volscis esse;

3.1.5Antium , opportunam et maritimam urbem, coloniam deduci posse; ita sine querellis possessorum plebem in agros ituram, civitatem in concordia fore. haec sententia accepta est.

3.1.6triumviros agro dando creat T. Quinctium A. Verginium P. Furium.

3.1.7iussi nomina dare qui agrum accipere vellent. fecit statim, ut fit, fastidium copia, adeoque pauci nomina dedere ut ad explendum numerum coloni Volsci adderentur; cetera multitudo multitude poscere Romae agrum malle quam alibi accipere.

3.1.8Aequi a Q. Fabio—is eo cum exercitu venerat—pacem petiere, inritamque eam earn ipsi subita incursione in agrum Latinum fecere.

3.2.1Q. Servilius insequenti anno—is enim cum Sp. Postumio consul fuit—in Aequos missus in Latino agro stativa habuit. Quies necessaria morbo implicitum exercitum tenuit.

3.2.2extractum in tertium annum bellum est Q. Fabio et T. Quinctio consulibus. Fabio extra ordinem, quia is victor pacem Aequis dederat, ea provincia data.

3.2.3qui haud dubia spe profectus famam nominis sui pacaturam Aequos, legatos in concilium gentis missos nuntiare iussit Q. Fabium consulem dicere se ex Aequis pacem Romam tulisse, ab Roma Aequis bellum adferre eadem dextera armata quam pacatam illis antea dederat.

3.2.4quorum id perfidia et periurio fiat deos nunc testes esse, mox fore ultores. se tamen, utcumque sit, etiam nunc paenitere sua sponte Aequos quam pati hostilia malle.

3.2.5si paeniteat, tutum receptum ad expertam clementiam fore: sin periurio gaudeant, dis magis iratis quam hostibus gesturos bellum.

3.2.6haec dicta adeo nihil moverunt quemquam ut legati prope violati sint exercitusque in Algidum adversus Romanos missus.

3.2.7quae ubi Romam sunt nuntiata, indignitas rei magis quam periculum consulem alterum ab urbe excivit. ita duo consulares exercitus ad hostem accessere acie instructa ut confestim dimicarent.

3.2.8sed cum forte haud baud multum diei superesset, unus ab statione hostium exclamat: ostentare hoc est, Romani, non gerere bellum.

3.2.9in noctem imminentem aciem instruitis; longiore luce ad id certamen quod instat nobis opus est. crastino die oriente sole redite in aciem; erit copia pugnandi; ne timete.

3.2.10his vocibus inritatus miles in diem posterum in castra reducitur, longam venire noctem ratus quae moram certamini faceret. tum quidem corpora cibo somnoque curant; ubi inluxit postero die, prior aliquanto constitit Romana acies; tandem et Aequi processere.

3.2.11proelium fit utrimque vehemens, quod et Romanus ira odioque pugnabat et Aequos conscientia contracti culpa periculi et desperatio futurae sibi postea fidei ultima audere et experiri cogebat.

3.2.12non tamen sustinuere aciem Romanam Aequi; pulsique cum in fines suos se recepissent, nihilo inclinatioribus ad pacem animis ferox multitudo multitude increpare duces, quod in aciem, qua pugnandi arte Romanus excellat, commissa res sit;

3.2.13Aequos populationibus incursionibusque meliores esse, et multas passim manus quam magnam molem unius exercitus rectius bella gerere.

3.3.1relicto itaque castris praesidio egressi tanto cum tumultu invasere fines Romanos ut ad urbem quoque terrorem pertulerint.

3.3.2necopinata etiam res plus trepidationis fecit, quod nihil minus quam ne victus ac prope in castris obsessus hostis memor populationis esset timeri poterat,

3.3.3agrestesque pavidi incidentes portis non populationem nec praedonum parvas manus, sed omnia vano augentes timore exercitus et legiones adesse hostium et infesto agmine ruere ad urbem clamabant.

3.3.4Ab his proximi audita incerta eoque vaniora ferre ad alios. cursus clamorque vocantium ad arma haud multum a pavore captae urbis abesse.

3.3.5forte ab Algido Quinctius consul redierat Romam. id remedium timori fuit; tumultuque sedato victos timeri increpans hostes praesidia portis imposuit.

3.3.6vocato dein senatu cum ex auctoritate patrum iustitio indicto profectus ad tutandos fines esset Q. Servilio praefecto urbis relicto, hostem in agris non invenit.

3.3.7Ab altero consule res gesta egregie est; qui, qua venturum hostem sciebat, gravem praeda eoque impeditiore agmine incedentem adgressus funestam populationem fecit.

3.3.8pauci hostium hostiumn evasere ex insidiis; praeda omnis recepta est. sic finem iustitio, quod quadriduum fuit, reditus Quincti consulis in urbem fecit.

3.3.9census deinde actus et conditum ab Quinctio lustrum. censa civium capita centum quattuor milia septingenta quattuordecim dicuntur praeter orbos orbasque.

3.3.10in Aequis nihil deinde memorabile actum. in oppida sua se recepere, uri sua popularique passi. consul , cum aliquotiens per omnem hostium agrum infesto agmine populabundus isset, cum ingenti laude praedaque Romam rediit.

3.4.1consules inde A. Postumius Albus Sp. Furius Fusus. furios Fusios scripsere quidam; id admoneo, ne quis immutationem virorum ipsorum esse quae nominum est putet.

3.4.2haud dubium erat quin cum Aequis alter consulum bellum gereret. itaque Aequi ab Ecetranis Volscis praesidium petiere; quo cupide oblato—adeo civitates hae perpetuo in Romanos odio certavere—bellum summa vi parabatur.

3.4.3sentiunt Hernici et praedicunt Romanis Ecetranum ad Aequos descisse. suspecta et colonia Antium fuit, quod magna vis hominum inde, cum oppidum captum esset, confugisset ad Aequos; isque miles per bellum Aequicum vel acerrimus fuit.

3.4.4compulsis deinde in oppida Aequis ea multitudo dilapsa cum Antium redisset, sua sponte iam infidos colonos Romanis abalienavit.

3.4.5necdum matura re cum defectionem parari delatum ad senatum esset, datum negotium est consulibus ut principibus coloniae Romam excitis quaererent quid rei esset.

3.4.6qui cum haud gravate venissent, introducti a consulibus ad senatum ita responderunt ad interrogata, ut magis suspecti quam venerant dimitterentur.

3.4.7bellum inde haud dubium haberi. Sp . Furius, consulum alter, cui ea provincia evenerat, profectus in Aequos Hernicorum in agro populabundum hostem invenit ignarusque multitudinis, quia nusquam nusquarr universa conspecta fuerat, imparem copiis exercitum temere pugnae commisit.

3.4.8primo concursu pulsus se intra castra recepit. neque is finis periculi fuit; namque et proxima nocte et postero die tanta vi castra sunt circumsessa atque oppugnata ut ne nuntius quidem inde mitti Romam posset.

3.4.9Hernici et male pugnatum et consulem exercitumque obsideri nuntiaverunt tantumque terrorem incussere patribus ut, quae forma senatus consulti ultimae semper necessitatis habita est, Postumio, alteri consulum, negotium daretur videret ne quid res publica detrimenti caperet.

3.4.10ipsum consulem Romae manere ad conscribendos omnes qui arma ferre possent optimum visum est: pro consule T. Quinctium subsidio castris cum sociali exercitu mitti;

3.4.11ad eum explendum Latini Hernicique et colonia Antium dare Quinctio subitarios milites—ita tum repentina auxilia appellabant—iussi.

3.5.1multi per eos dies motus multique impetus hinc atque illinc facti, quia superante multitudine hostes carpere multifariam vires Romanas, ut non suffecturas ad omnia, adgressi sunt;

3.5.2simul castra oppugnabantur, simul pars exercitus ad populandum agrum Romanum missa urbemque ipsam, si qua fortuna daret, temptandam.

3.5.3L. Valerius ad praesidium urbis relictus, consul Postumius ad arcendas populationes finium missus.

3.5.4nihil remissum ab ulla parte curae aut laboris; vigiliae in urbe, stationes ante portas, praesidiaque in muris disposita, et quod necesse erat in tanto tumultu, iustitium per aliquot dies servatum.

3.5.5interim in castris Furius consul cum primo quietus obsidionem passus esset, in incautum hostem decumana porta erupit, et cum persequi posset, metu substitit, ne qua ex parte altera in castra vis fieret.

3.5.6Furium legatum—frater idem consulis erat—longius extulit cursus; nec suos ille redeuntes persequendi studio neque hostium ab tergo incursum vidit. ita exclusus multis saepe frustra conatibus captis ut viam viarm sibi ad castra faceret, acriter dimicans cecidit,

3.5.7et consul nuntio circumventi fratris conversus ad pugnam, dum se temere magis quam satis caute in mediam dimicationem infert, volnere accepto aegre ab circumstantibus ereptus et suorum animos turbavit et ferociores hostes fecit;

3.5.8qui caede legati et consulis volnere accensi nulla deinde vi sustineri potuere, ut compulsi in castra Romani rursus obsiderentur nec spe nec viribus pares; venissetque in periculum summa rerum, ni T. Quinctius peregrinis copiis, Latino Hernicoque exercitu, subvenisset.

3.5.9is intentos in castra Romana Aequos legatique caput ferociter ostentantes ab tergo adortus simul ad signum a se procul editum ex castris eruptione facta agnam vim hostium circumvenit.

3.5.10minor caedis, fuga effusior Aequorum in agro fuit Romano, in quos palatos praedam agentes ragentes Postumius aliquot locis, quibus opportuna imposuerat praesidia, impetum dedit. hi vagi dissipate agmine fugientes in Quinctium victorem cum saucio consule revertentem incidere.

3.5.11tum consularis exercitus egregie consulis volnus, legati et cohortium ultus est caedem. magnae clades ultro citroque illis diebus et inlatae et acceptae.

3.5.12difficile ad fidem est in tam tarn antiqua re quot pugnaverint ceciderintve exacto adfirmare numero; audet tamen Antias Valerius concipere summas:

3.5.13Romanos cecidisse in Hernico agro quinque milia octingentos: ex praedatoribus Aequorum qui populabundi in finibus Romanis vagabantur ab A. Postumio consule duo milia et quadringentos caesos: ceteram multitudinem praedam agentem, quae inciderit in Quinctium, nequaquam pari defunctam esse caede: interfecta inde quattuor milia et, exsequendo subtiliter numerum, ducentos ait et triginta.

3.5.14ut Romam reditum est, iustitium remissum. caelum visum est ardere plurimo igni, portentaque alia aut obversata oculis aut vanas exterritis ostentavere species. his avertendis terroribus in triduum feriae indictae, per quas omnia delubra pacem deum exposcentium virorum mulierumque turba implebantur.

3.5.15cohortes inde Latinae Hernicaeque ab senatu gratiis ob impigram militiam actis remissae domos. Antiates mille milites, quia serum auxilium post proelium venerant, prope cum ignominia dimissi.

3.6.1comitia inde habita; creati consules L. Aebutius P. Servilius. kal . Sextilibus, ut tunc tune principium anni agebatur, consulatum ineunt.

3.6.2grave tempus et forte annus pestilens erat urbi agrisque nec nee hominibus magis quam pecori; et auxere vim morbi terrore populationis pecoribus agrestibusque in urbem acceptis.

3.6.3ea conluvio mixtorum omnis generis animantium et odore insolito urbanos et agrestem confertum in arta tecta aestu ac vigiliis angebat, ministeriaque in vicem ac contagio ipsa volgabant morbos.

3.6.4vix instantes sustinentibus clades repente legati Hernici nuntiant in agro suo Aequos Volscosque coniunctis copiis castra posuisse, inde exercitu ingenti fines suos depopulari.

3.6.5praeterquam quod infrequens senatus indicio erat sociis adflictam civitatem pestilentia esse, maestum etiam responsum tulere, ut per se ipsi Hernici cum Latinis res suas tutarentur: urbem Romanam subita deum ira morbo populari; si qua eius mali quies veniat, ut anno ante, ut semper alias, sociis opem laturos.

3.6.6discessere socii pro tristi nuntio tristiorem domum reportantes, quippe quibus per se sustinendum bellum erat, quod vix Romanis fulti viribus sustinuissent.

3.6.7non diutius se in Hernico hostis continuit; pergit inde infestus in agros Romanos etiam sine belli iniuria vastatos. ubi cum obvius nemo ne inermis quidem fieret perque omnia non praesidiis modo deserta sed etiam cultu agresti transirent, pervenere ad tertium lapidem Gabina via.

3.6.8mortuus Aebutius erat Romanus consul; collega eius Servilius exigua in spe trahebat animam; adfecti plerique principum, patrum maior pars, militaris fere aetas omnis, ut non modo ad expeditiones, quas in tanto tumultu res poscebat, sed vix ad quietas stationes viribus sufficerent.

3.6.9munus vigiliarum senatores, qui per aetatem ac valetudinem poterant, per se ipsi obibant; circumitio ac cura aedilium plebi erat; ad eos summa rerum ac maiestas consularis imperii venerat.

3.7.1deserta omnia, sine capite, sine viribus, di praesides ac fortuna urbis tutata est, quae Volscis Aequisque praedonum potius mentem quam hostium dedit;

3.7.2adeo enim nullam spem non potiundi modo, sed ne adeundi quidem Romana moenia animus eorum cepit tectaque procul visa atque imminentes tumuli avertere mentes eorum,

3.7.3ut totis passim castris fremitu orto, quid in vasto ac deserto agro inter tabem pecorum hominumque desides sine praeda tempus tererent, cum integra loca, Tusculanum agrum opimum copiis, petere possent, signa repente convellerent transversisque itineribus per Labicanos agros in Tusculanos colles transirent. eo vis omnis tempestasque belli conversa est.

3.7.4interim Hernici Latinique, pudore etiam, non misericordia solum moti, si nec obstitissent communibus hostibus infesto agmine Romanam Roranam urbem petentibus nec opem ullam obsessis sociis ferrent, coniuncto exercitu Romam pergunt.

3.7.5ubi cum hostes non invenissent, secuti famam ac vestigia obvii fiunt descendentibus ab Tusculana in Albanam vallem. ibi haudquaquam aequo proelio pugnatum est, fidesque sua sociis parum felix in praesentia fuit.

3.7.6haud minor Romae fit morbo strages quam quanta ferro sociorum facta erat. consul qui unus supererat moritur; mortui et alii clari viri, M. Valerius, T. Verginius Rutulus augures, Ser. Sulpicius curio maximus;

3.7.7et per ignota capita late vagata est vis morbi. inopsque senatus auxilii humani ad deos populum ac vota vertit. iussi cum coniugibus ac liberis supplicatum ire pacemque paceinque exposcere deum,

3.7.8ad id quod sua quemque mala cogebant auctoritate publica evocati omnia delubra implent. stratae passim matres crinibus templa verrentes veniam irarum caelestium finemque pesti exposcunt.

3.8.1inde paulatim seu pace deum impetrata seu graviore tempore anni iam circumacto defuncta morbis corpora salubriora esse incipere;

3.8.2versisque animis iam ad publicam curam, cum aliquot interregna exissent, P. Valerius Publicola tertio die quam interregnum inierat consules creat L. Lucretium Tricipitinum et T. Veturium Geminum, sive ille Vetusius fuit.

3.8.3ante diem tertium idus Sextiles consulatum ineunt iam satis valida civitate ut non solum arcere bellum sed ultro etiam inferre posset.

3.8.4igitur nuntiantibus Hernicis in fines suos transcendisse hostes impigre promissum auxilium. duo consulares exercitus scripti. Veturius missus in Volscos ad bellum ultro inferendum;

3.8.5Tricipitinus populationibus arcendis sociorum agro oppositus non ultra quam in Hernicos procedit. Veturius primo proelio hostes fundit fugatque:

3.8.6Lucretium , dum in Hernicis sedet, praedonum agmen fefellit supra montes Praenestinos ductum, inde demissum in campos. vastavere agros Praenestinum Gabinumque; ex Gabino in Tusculanos flexere colles;

3.8.7urbi quoque Romae ingens praebitus terror, magis in re subita quam quod ad arcendam vim parum virium esset. Q. Fabius praeerat urbi. is armata iuventute dispositisque praesidiis tuta omnia ac tranquilla fecit.

3.8.8itaque hostes praeda ex proximis locis rapta adpropinquare urbi non ausi, cum circumacto agmine redirent quanto longius ab urbe hostium abscederent eo solutiore cura, in Lucretium incidunt consulem, iam ante exploratis itineribus suis instructum et ad certamen intentum.

3.8.9igitur praeparatis animis repentino pavore perculsos adorti aliquanto pauciores multitudinem ingentem fundunt fugantque et compulsos in cavas valles, cum exitus haud in facili essent, circumveniunt.

3.8.10ibi Volscum nomen prope deletum est. tredecim milia quadringentos septuaginta cecidisse in acie ac fuga, mille septingentos quinquaginta vivos captos, signa viginti septem militaria relata in quibusdam annalibus invenio; ubi etsi adiectum aliquid numero sit, magna certe caedes fuit.

3.8.11victor consul ingenti praeda potitus eodem in stativa rediit. tum consules castra coniungunt, et Volsci Aequique adflictas adfiictas vires suas in unum contulere. tertia illa pugna eo anno fuit. eadem fortuna victoriam dedit; fusis hostibus etiam castra capta.

3.9.1sic res Romana in antiquum statum rediit, secundaeque belli res extemplo urbanos motus excitaverunt.

3.9.2C. Terentilius Harsa tribunus plebis eo anno fuit. is consulibus absentibus ratus locum tribuniciis actionibus datum, per aliquot dies patrum superbiam ad plebem criminatus, maxime in consulare imperium tamquam nimium nec tolerabile liberae civitati invehebatur.

3.9.3nomine enim tantum minus invidiosum, re ipsa prope atrocius quam regium esse; quippe duos pro uno dominos acceptos,

3.9.4immoderata, infinita potestate, qui soluti atque effrenati ipsi omnis metus legum omniaque supplicia verterent in plebem.

3.9.5quae ne aeterna illis licentia sit, legem se promulgaturum ut quinque viri creentur legibus de imperio consulari scribendis; quod populus in se ius dederit, eo consulem usurum; non ipsos libidinem ac licentiam suam pro lege habituros.

3.9.6qua promulgata lege cum timerent patres ne absentibus consulibus iugum acciperent, senatus a praefecto urbis Q. Fabio vocatur, qui adeo atrociter in rogationem latoremque ipsum est invectus ut nihil, si ambo consules infesti circumstarent tribunum, relictum minarum atque terroris terrorism sit:

3.9.7insidiatum eum et tempore capto adortum rem publicam.

3.9.8si quem similem eius priore anno inter morbum bellumque irati di tribunum dedissent, non potuisse sisti. mortuis duobus consulibus, iacente aegra civitate, in conluvione omnium rerum, ad tollendum rei publicae consulare imperium laturum leges fuisse, ducem Volscis Aequisque ad oppugnandam urbem futurum.

3.9.9quid tandem? illi non licere, si quid consules superbe in aliquem civium aut crudeliter fecerint, diem dicere, accusare iis ipsis iudicibus quorum in aliquem saevitum sit?

3.9.10non illum consulare imperium, sed tribuniciam potestatem invisam intolerandamque facere; quam placatam reconciliatamque patribus de integro in antiqua redigi mala. neque illum se deprecari, quo minus pergat ut coeperit;

3.9.11vos inquit Fabius, ceteri tribuni, oramus, ut primum omnium cogitetis potestatem istam ad singulorum auxilium, non ad perniciem universorum comparatam esse; tribunos plebis vos creatos, non hostes patribus.

3.9.12nobis miserum, invidiosum vobis est desertam rem publicam invadi. non ius vestrum, sed invidiam minueritis. agite cum collega ut rem integram in adventum consulum differat. ne Aequi quidem ac Volsci morbo absumptis priore anno consulibus crudeli superboque nobis bello institere.

3.9.13agunt cum Terentilio tribuni, dilataque in speciem actione, re ipsa sublata, consules extemplo arcessiti.

3.10.1Lucretius cum ingenti praeda, maiore multo gloria rediit. et auget gloriam adveniens exposita omni in campo Martio praeda, ut suum quisque per triduum cognitum abduceret. reliqua vendita, quibus domini non exstitere.

3.10.2debebatur omnium consensu consuli triumphus, sed dilata res est tribuno de lege agente;

3.10.3id antiquius consuli fuit. iactata per aliquot dies cum in senatu res, tum apud populum est. cessit ad ultimum maiestati consulis tribunus et destitit. tum imperatori exercituique honos suus redditus; triumphavit de Volscis Aequisque,

3.10.4triumphantem secutae suae legiones. alteri consuli datum, ut ovans sine militibus urbem iniret.

3.10.5anno deinde insequenti lex Terentilia ab toto relata collegio novos adgressa consules est; erant consules P. Volumnius Ser. Sulpicius .

3.10.6eo anno caelum ardere visum, terra ingenti concussa motu est. bovem locutam, cui rei priore anno fides non fuerat, creditum. inter alia prodigia et carne pluit, quem imbrem ingens numerus avium intervolitando rapuisse fertur; quod intercidit, sparsum ita iacuisse per aliquot dies, ut nihil odor mutaret.

3.10.7libri per duumviros sacrorum aditi; pericula a conventu alienigenarum praedicta, ne qui in loca summa urbis impetus caedesque inde fierent; inter cetera monitum ut seditionibus -seditionibus abstineretur. id factum ad impediendam legem tribuni criminabantur, ingensque aderat certamen.

3.10.8ecce , ut idem in singulos annos orbis volveretur, Hernici nuntiant Volscos et Aequos, etsi abscisae res sint, reficere exercitus; Antii summam rei positam, Ecetrae Antiates colonos palam concilia facere; id caput, eas vires belli esse.

3.10.9ut haec dicta in senatu sunt, dilectus edicitur. consules belli administrationem inter se dispertiri iussi, alteri ut Volsci, alteri ut Aequi provincia esset.

3.10.10tribuni coram in foro personare fabulam compositam Volsci belli, Hernicos ad partes paratos. iam lam ne virtute quidem premi libertatem libertatern populi Romani, sed arte eludi.

3.10.11quia occidione prope occisos Volscos et Aequos movere sua sponte arma posse iam fides abierit, novos hostes quaeri; coloniam fidam, propinquam infamem fieri.

3.10.12bellum innoxiis Antiatibus indici, geri cum plebe Romana, quam oneratam armis ex urbe praecipiti agmine acturi essent, exsilio et relegatione civium ulciscentes tribunos.

3.10.13sic —ne quid aliud actum putent—victam legem legemr esse, nisi, dum in integro res sit, dum domi, dum togati sint, caveant ne possessione urbis pellantur, ne iugum accipiant.

3.10.14si animus sit, non defore auxilium; consentire omnes tribunos. nullum terrorem externum, nullum periculum esse; cavisse deos priore anno ut tuto libertas defendi posset. haec tribuni.

3.11.1at ex parte altera consules in conspectu eorum positis sellis dilectum habebant. eo decurrunt tribuni contionemque secum trahunt. citati pauci velut rei experiundae causa, et statim vis coorta.

3.11.2quemcumque lictor iussu consulis prendisset, tribunus mitti iubebat; neque suum cuique ius modum faciebat, sed virium spes, et manu obtinendum erat, quod intenderes.

3.11.3quem ad modum se tribuni gessissent in prohibendo dilectu, sic patres se in lege, quae per omnes comitiales dies ferebatur, impedienda gerebant.

3.11.4initium erat rixae, cum discedere populum iussissent tribuni, quod patres se submoveri haud sinebant. nec fere seniores rei intererant, quippe quae non consilio regenda, sed permissa temeritati audaciaeque esset.

3.11.5multum et consules se abstinebant, ne cui in conluvione rerum maiestatem suam contumeliae offerrent.

3.11.6Caeso erat Quinctius, ferox iuvenis, qua nobilitate gentis qua corporis magnitudine et viribus. ad ea munera data a dis et ipse addiderat multa belli decora facundiamque in foro, ut nemo, non lingua non manu, promptior in civitate haberetur.

3.11.7hic cum in medio patrum agmine constitisset eminens inter alios, velut omnes dictaturas consulatusque gerens in voce ac viribus suis, unus impetus tribunicios popularesque procellas sustinebat.

3.11.8hoc duce saepe pulsi puisi foro tribuni, fusa ac fugata plebes est; qui obvius fuerat, mulcatus nudatusque abibat, ut satis appareret, si sic agi liceret, victam legem esse.

3.11.9tum prope iam perculsis aliis tribunis A. Verginius ex collegio unus Caesoni capitis diem dicit. atrox ingenium accenderat eo facto magis quam conterruerat; eo acrius obstare legi, agitare plebem, tribunos velut iusto persequi bello.

3.11.10accusator pati reum ruere invidiaeque flammam ac materiam criminibus suis suggerere; legem interim non tam ad spem perferendi quam ad lacessendam Caesonis temeritatem ferre.

Book 3, Part 2

3.11.11ibi multa saepe ab iuventute inconsulte dicta factaque in unius Caesonis suspectum incidunt ingenium.

3.11.12tamen legi resistebatur. et A. Verginius identidem plebi: ecquid sentitis iam vos, Quirites, Caesonem simul civem et legem quam cupitis habere non posse? quamquam quid ego legem loquor?

3.11.13libertati obstat; omnes Tarquinios superbia exsuperat. exspectate , dum consul aut dictator fiat, quem privatum viribus et audacia regnantem videtis. adsentiebantur multi pulsatos se querentes, et tribunum ad rem peragendam ultro incitabant.

3.12.1iam aderat iudicio dies apparebatque volgo homines in damnatione Caesonis libertatem agi credere. tum demum coactus cum multa indignitate prensabat singulos. sequebantur necessarii, principes plincipes civitatis.

3.12.2T. Quinctius Capitolinus, qui ter consul fuerat, cum multa referret sua familiaeque decora,

3.12.3adfirmabat neque in Quinctia gente neque in civitate Romana tantam tantan indolem tam maturae virtutis unquam exstitisse; suum primum militem fuisse, se saepe vidente pugnasse in hostem;

3.12.4Sp . Furius, missum ab Quinctio Capitolino sibi eum in dubiis suis rebus venisse subsidio; neminem unum esse cuius magis opera putet rem restitutam.

3.12.5L. Lucretius, consul anni prioris, recenti gloria nitens, suas laudes participare palticipare cum Caesone, memorare pugnas, referre egregia facinora, nunc in expeditionibus nunc in acie suadere et monere iuvenem egregium,

3.12.6instructum naturae fortunaeque omnibus bonis, maximum momentum rerum eius civitatis, in quamcumque venisset suum quam alienum mallent civem esse.

3.12.7quod offendat in eo, fervorem et audaciam, aetatem cottidie magis auferre; quod desideretur, consilium, id in dies crescere. senescentibus vitiis, maturescente virtute sinerent tantum virum senem in civitate fieri.

3.12.8pater inter hos L. Quinctius, cui Cincinnato cognomen erat, non iterando laudes, ne cumularet invidiam, sed veniam errori atque adulescentiae petendo, sibi, qui non dicto, non facto quemquam offendisset, ut condonarent filium orabat.

3.12.9sed alii aversabantur preces aut verecundia aut metu; alii se suosque mulcatos querentes atroci responso iudicium suum praeferebant.

3.13.1premebat reum praeter volgatam invidiam crimen unum, quod M. Volscius Fictor, qui ante aliquot annos tribunus plebis fuerat, testis exstiterat se,

3.13.2haud multo post quam pestilentia in urbe fuerat, in iuventutem grassantem in Subura incidisse. ibi rixam natam esse, fratremque suum maiorem natu, necdum ex morbo satis validum, pugno ictum ab Caesone cecidisse;

3.13.3semianimem inter manus domum ablatum mortuumque inde arbitrari, nec sibi rem exsequi tam atrocem per consules superiorum annorum licuisse. haec Volscio clamitante adeo concitati homines sunt ut haud baud multum afuerit quin impetu populi Caeso interiret.

3.13.4Verginius arripi iubet hominem et in vincula duci. patricii vi contra vim resistunt. T. Quinctius clamitat, cui rei capitalis dies dicta sit et de quo futurum propediem iudicium, eum indemnatum indicta causa non debere violari.

3.13.5tribunus supplicium negat sumpturum se de indemnato; servaturum tamen in vinculis esse ad iudicii diem ut, qui hominem necaverit, de eo supplicii sumendi copia populo Romano fiat.

3.13.6appellati tribuni medio decreto ius auxilii sui expediunt: in vincla conici vetant; sisti reum, pecuniamque ni sistatur populo promitti placere pronuntiant.

3.13.7summam pecuniae quantam aequum esset promitti, veniebat in dubium; id ad senatum reicitur. reus , dum consulerentur patres, retentus in publico est.

3.13.8vades dari placuit; unum vadem tribus milibus aeris obligarunt; quot darentur permissum tribunis est. decem finierunt. tot vadibus accusator vadatus est reum. hic primus vades publico dedit. dimissus e foro nocte proxima in Tuscos in exsilium abiit.

3.13.9iudicii die cum excusaretur solum vertisse exsilii causa, nihilo minus Verginio comitia habente collegae appellati dimisere concilium.

3.13.10pecunia a patre exacta crudeliter, ut divenditis omnibus bonis aliquamdiu trans Tiberim veluti relegatus devio quodam tugurio viveret.

3.14.1hoc iudicium et promulgata lex exercuit civitatem:

3.14.2ab externis armis otium fuit. cum velut victores tribuni perculsis patribus Caesonis exsilio prope perlatam esse crederent legem et, quod ad seniores patrum pertineret, cessissent possessione rei publicae,

3.14.3iuniores, id maxime quod Caesonis sodalicium fuit, auxere iras in plebem, non minuerunt animos; sed ibi plurimum profectum est, quod modo quodam temperavere impetus suos.

3.14.4cum primo post Caesonis exsilium lex coepta ferri est, instructi paratique cum ingenti clientium exercitu sic tribunos, ubi primum submoventes praebuere causam, adorti sunt ut nemo unus inde praecipuum quicquam gloriae domum invidiaeve ferret, mille pro uno Caesones exstitisse plebes quereretur.

3.14.5mediis diebus quibus tribuni de lege non agerent, nihil eisdem illis placidius aut quietius erat. benigne salutare, adloqui plebis homines, domum invitare, adesse in foro, tribunos ipsos cetera pati sine interpellatione concilia habere, numquam ulli neque publice neque privatim truces esse, nisi cum de lege agi coeptum esset; alibi popularis iuventus erat. ne voce quidem incommodi, nedum ut ulla vis fieret, paulatim permulcendo tractandoque mansuefecerant plebem. his per totum annum artibus lex elusa est.

3.14.6nec cetera modo tribuni tranquillo peregere, sed refecti quoque in insequentem annum.

3.15.1accipiunt civitatem placidiorem consules C. Claudius Appi filius et P. Valerius Publicola. nihil nihi ] novi novus annus attulerat; legis ferendae aut accipiendae cura civitatem tenebat.

3.15.2quantum iuniores patrum plebi se magis insinuabant, eo acrius contra tribuni tendebant ut plebi suspectos eos criminando facerent:

3.15.3coniurationem factam; Caesonem Romae esse; interficiendorum tribunorum, trucidandae plebis consilia inita; id negotii datum ab senioribus patrum ut iuventus tribuniciam potestatem e re publica tolleret formaque eadem civitatis esset quae ante Sacrum montem occupatum fuerat.

3.15.4et a Volscis et Aequis statum iam ac prope sollemne in singulos annos bellum timebatur, propiusque aliud novum novumn malum necopinato exortum.

3.15.5exsules servique, ad duo milia hominum et quingenti, duce Ap. Herdonio Sabino nocte Capitolium atque arcem occupavere.

3.15.6confestim in arce facta caedes eorum qui coniurare et simul capere arma noluerant: alii inter tumultum praecipites pavore in forum devolant. alternae voces ad arma! et hostes in urbe sunt audiebantur.

3.15.7consules et armare plebem et inermem pati timebant incerti quod malum repentinum, externum an intestinum, ab odio plebis an ab servili fraude, urbem invasisset. sedabant tumultus, sedando interdum movebant; nec enim poterat pavida et consternata multitudo regi imperio. dant tamen arma, non volgo,

3.15.8tantum ut incerto hoste praesidium satis fidum ad omnia esset. solliciti reliquum noctis incertique qui homines, quantus numerus hostium esset, in stationibus disponendis ad opportuna omnis urbis loca egere. lux deinde aperuit bellum ducemque belli.

3.15.9servos ad libertatem libertatemr Ap. Herdonius ex Capitolio vocabat: se miserrimi cuiusque suscepisse causam, ut exsules iniuria pulsos in patriam reduceret et servitiis grave iugum demeret. id malle populo Romano auctore fieri: si ibi spes non sit, se Volscos et Aequos et omnia extrema temptaturum et concitaturum.

3.16.1dilucere res magis patribus atque consulibus. praeter ea tamen quae denuntiabantur, ne Veientium neu Sabinorum id consilium esset timere, et,

3.16.2cum tantum in urbe hostium esset, mox Sabinae Etruscaeque legiones ex composite adessent, tum aeterni hostes, Volsci et Aequi, non ad populandos, ut ante, fines sed ad urbem ut ex parte captam venirent.

3.16.3multi et varii timores; inter ceteros eminebat terror servilis, ne suus cuique domi hostis esset, cui nec credere nec non credendo, ne infestior fieret, fidem abrogare satis erat tutum;

3.16.4vixque concordia sisti videbatur posse. tantum superantibus aliis ac mergentibus malis nemo tribunos aut plebem timebat; mansuetum id malum et per aliorum quietem quietern malorum semper exoriens tum quiesse peregrino terrore sopitum videbatur.

3.16.5at id prope unum maxime inclinatis rebus incubuit. tantus enim tribunos furor tenuit ut non bellum sed vanam imaginem belli ad avertendos ab legis cura plebis animos Capitolium insedisse contenderent; patriciorum hospites clientesque si perlata lege frustra tumultuatos esse se sentiant, maiore quam venerint silentio abituros.

3.16.6concilium inde legi perferendae habere avocato populo ab armis. senatum interim consules habent alio se maiore ab tribunis metu ostendente, quam quem nocturnus hostis intulerat.

3.17.1postquam arma poni et discedere homines ab stationibus nuntiatum est, P. Valerius collega senatum retinente se ex curia proripit, inde in templum ad tribunos venit.

3.17.2quid hoc rei est inquit, tribuni? Ap . Herdonii ductu et auspicio rem publicam eversuri estis? tam felix vobis corrumpendis fuit qui servitia non commovit auctor? cum hostes supra caput sint, discedi ab armis legesque ferri placet?

3.17.3inde ad multitudinem oratione versa: si vos urbis, Quirites, si vestri nulla cura tangit, at vos veremini deos vestros ab hostibus captos. Iuppiter optimus maximus, Iuno regina et Minerva, alii di deaeque obsidentur; castra servorum publicos vestros penates tenent;

3.17.4haec vobis forma sanae civitatis videtur? tantum hostium non solum intra muros est sed in arce supra forum curiamque; comitia interim in foro sunt, senatus in curia est; velut cum otium superat, senator sententiam dicit, alii Quirites suffragium ineunt.

3.17.5non quidquid patrum plebisque est, consules, tribunos, deos hominesque omnes armatos opem ferre, in Capitolium currere, liberare ac pacare augustissimam illam domum iovis lovis optimi maximi decuit?

3.17.6romule pater, tu mentem tuam, qua quondam arcem ab his iisdem Sabinis auro captam recepisti, da stirpi tuae; iube hanc ingredi viam, quam tu dux, quam tuus ingressus exercitus est! primus en ego consul, quantum mortalis deum possum, te ac tua vestigia sequar.

3.17.7ultimum orationis fuit: se arma capere, vocare omnes Quirites ad arma. si qui impediat, iam se consularis imperii, iam tribuniciae potestatis sacratarumque legum oblitum, quisquis ille sit, ubicumque sit, in Capitolio, in foro, pro hoste habiturum.

3.17.8iuberent tribuni, quoniam in Ap. Herdonium vetarent, in P. Valerium consulem sumi arma; ausurum se in tribunis, quod princeps familiae suae ausus in regibus esset.

3.17.9vim ultimam apparebat futuram spectaculoque seditionem Romanam hostibus fore. nec lex tamen ferri nec ire in Capitolium consul potuit. nox certamina coepta oppressit. tribuni cessere nocti, timentes consulum arma.

3.17.10amotis inde seditionis auctoribus patres circumire plebem inserentesque se in circulos sermones tempori aptos serere, admonere ut viderent in quod discrimen rem publicam adducerent:

3.17.11non inter patres ac plebem certamen esse, sed simul patres plebemque, arcem urbis, templa deorum, penates publicos privatosque hostibus dedi.

3.17.12dum haec in foro sedandae discordiae causa aguntur, consules interim, ne Sabini neve Veiens hostis moveretur, circa portas murosque discesserant.

3.18.1eadem nocte et Tusculum de arce capta Capitolioque occupato et alio turbatae urbis statu nuntii veniunt.

3.18.2L. Mamilius Tusculi tum tur dictator erat. is confestim convocato senatu atque introductis

3.18.3nuntiis magno opere censet ne exspectent dum ab Roma legati auxilium petentes veniant; periculum ipsum discrimenque ac sociales deos fidemque foederum id poscere. demerendi beneficio tam tar potentem, tam propinquam civitatem numquam parem occasionem daturos deos.

3.18.4placet ferri auxilium; iuventus conscribitur, arma dantur. Romam prima luce venientes procul speciem hostium praebuere; Aequi aut Volsci venire visi sunt; deinde ubi vanus terror abiit, accepti in urbem agmine in forum descendunt.

3.18.5ibi iam P. Valerius relicto ad portarum praesidia collega instruebat aciem.

3.18.6auctoritas viri moverat adfirmantis Capitolio reciperato et urbe pacata si edoceri se sissent, quae fraus ab tribunis occulta in lege ferretur, memorem se maiorum suorum, memorem cognominis quo populi colendi velut hereditaria cura sibi a maioribus tradita esset, concilium plebis non impediturum.

3.18.7hunc ducem secuti nequiquam reclamantibus tribunis in clivum Capitolinum erigunt aciem. adiungitur et Tusculana legio. certare socii civesque, utri reciperatae arcis suum decus facerent; dux uterque suos adhortatur.

3.18.8trepidare tum hostes, nec ulli satis rei praeterquam loco fidere; trepidantibus inferunt signa Romani sociique, iam in vestibulum perruperant templi, cum P. Valerius inter primores pugnam ciens interficitur.

3.18.9P. Volumnius consularis vidit cadentem. is dato negotio suis ut corpus obtegerent, ipse in locum vicemque consulis provolat. prae ardore impetuque tantae rei sensus non pervenit ad militem; prius vicit quam se pugnare sine duce sentiret.

3.18.10multi exsulum caede sua foedavere templa, multi vivi capti, Herdonius interfectus. ita Capitolium reciperatum. de captivis, ut quisque liber aut servus esset, suae fortunae a quoque sumptum sumptumr supplicium est; Tusculanis gratiae actae; Capitolium purgatum atque lustratum.

3.18.11in consulis domum plebes quadrantes ut funere ampliore efferretur iactasse fertur.

3.19.1pace parta instare tum tumr tribuni patribus ut P. Valeri fidem exsolverent, instare C. Claudio, ut collegae deos manes fraude liberaret, agi de lege sineret. consul antequam collegam sibi subrogasset negare passurum agi de lege.

3.19.2hae tenuere contentiones usque ad comitia consulis subrogandi. decembri mense summo patrum studio L. Quinctius Cincinnatus, pater Caesonis, consul creatur, qui magistratum statim occiperet.

3.19.3perculsa erat plebes consulem habitura iratum, potentem favore patrum, virtute sua, tribus liberis, quorum nemo Caesoni cedebat magnitudine animi, consilium et modum adhibendo ubi res posceret priores erant.

3.19.4is ut magistratum iniit, adsiduis contionibus pro tribunali non in plebe coercenda quam senatu castigando vehementior veliementior fuit, cuius ordinis languore perpetui iam tribuni plebis, non ut in re publica populi Romani sed ut in perdita domo lingua criminibusque regnarent.

3.19.5cum Caesone filio suo virtutem, constantiam, omnia iuventutis belli domique decora pulsa ex urbe Romana et fugata esse; loquaces, seditiosos, semina discordiarum, iterum ac tertium tribunos pessimis artibus regia licentia vivere.

3.19.6Aulus inquit ille Verginius, quia in Capitolio non fuit, minus supplicii quam Ap. Herdonius meruit? plus hercule aliquanto, qui vere rem aestimare velit. Herdonius , si nihil aliud, hostem se fatendo prope denuntiavit ut arma caperetis; hic negando bellum esse arma vobis ademit nudosque servis vestris et exsulibus obiecit.

3.19.7et vos—C. Claudi pace et P. Valeri mortui loquar—prius in clivum Capitolinum signa intulistis quam hos hostes de foro tolleretis? pudet deorum deorumn hominumque. cum hostes in arce, in Capitolio essent, exsulum et servorum dux profanatis omnibus in cella Iovis optimi maximi habitaret, Tusculi ante quam Romae Rornae sumpta sunt arma; in dubio fuit,

3.19.8utrum L. Mamilius, Tusculanus dux, an P. Valerius et C. Claudius consules Romanam arcem liberarent; et qui ante Latinos ne pro se quidem ipsis, cum in finibus hostem haberent, attingere arma passi sumus, nunc, nisi Latini sua sponte arma sumpsissent, capti et deleti eramus.

3.19.9hoc est, tribuni, auxilium plebi ferre, inermem eam earn hosti trucidandam obicere? scilicet , si quis vobis humillimus homo de vestra plebe, quam partem velut abruptam a cetero populo vestram patriam peculiaremque rem publicam fecistis, si quis ex his domum suam obsessam a familia armata nuntiaret, ferendum auxilium putaretis:

3.19.10iuppiter luppiter optimus maximus exsulum atque servorum saeptus armis nulla humana ope dignus erat? et hi postulant ut sacrosancti habeantur, quibus ipsi di neque sacri neque sancti sunt?

3.19.11at enim divinis humanisque obruti sceleribus legem vos hoc anno perlaturos dictitatis. tum tur hercule illo die quo ego consul sum creatus, male gesta res publica est, peius multo, quam cum P. Valerius consul periit,—si tuleritis.

3.19.12iam primum omnium inquit, Quirites , in Volscos et Aequos mihi atque collegae legiones ducere in animo est. nescio quo fato magis bellantes quam pacati propitios habemus deos. quantum periculum ab illis populis fuerit, si Capitolium ab exsulibus obsessum scissent, suspicari de praeterito quam re ipsa experiri est melius.

3.20.1moverat plebem oratio consulis; erecti patres restitutam credebant rem publicam. consul alter, comes animosior quam auctor, suscepisse collegam priorem actiones tam graves facile passus, in peragendis consularis officii partem ad se vindicabat. tum tribuni,

3.20.2eludentes velut vana dicta persequi quaerendo quonam modo exercitum educturi consules essent quos dilectum habere nemo passurus sit.

3.20.3nobis vero inquit Quinctius nihil dilectu opus est, cum, quo tempore P. Valerius ad recipiundum Capitolium arma plebi dedit, omnes in verba iuraverint conventuros se iussu consulis nec iniussu abituros.

3.20.4edicimus itaque, omnes qui in verba iurastis crastina die armati ad lacum Regillum adsitis. cavillari tum tur tribuni et populum exsolvere religione velle: privatum eo tempore Quinctium fuisse cum sacramento adacti sint.

3.20.5sed nondum haec quae nunc tenet saeculum neglegentia deum venerat, nec interpretando sibi quisque ius iurandum et leges aptas faciebat, sed suos potius mores ad ea accommodabat.

3.20.6igitur tribuni, ut impediendae rei nulla spes erat, de proferendo exitu agere, eo magis, quod et augures iussos adesse ad Regillum lacum fama exierat, locumque inaugurari ubi auspicato cum populo agi posset, ut quidquid Romae vi tribunicia rogatum esset id comitiis ibi abrogaretur: omnes id iussuros quod consules velint;

3.20.7neque enim provocationem esse longius ab urbe mille passuum, et tribunos, si eo veniant, in alia turba Quiritium subiectos fore consulari imperio

3.20.8terrebant haec; sed ille maximus terror animos agitabat, quod saepius Quinctius dictitabat se consulum comitia non habiturum; non ita civitatem aegram esse ut consuetis remediis sisti possit; dictatore opus esse rei publicae, ut qui se moverit ad sollicitandum statum civitatis sentiat sine provocatione dictaturam esse.

3.21.1senatus in Capitolio erat; eo tribuni cum perturbata plebe veniunt. multitudo clamore ingenti nunc consulum, nunc patrum fidem implorant nec ante moverunt de sententia consulem quam tribuni se in auctoritate patrum futuros esse polliciti sunt.

3.21.2tunc tune referente consule de tribunorum et plebis postulatis senatus consulta fiunt ut neque tribuni legem eo anno ferrent neque consules ab urbe exercitum educerent; in reliquum magistratus continuari et eosdem tribunos refici iudicare senatum contra rem publicam esse.

3.21.3consules fuere in patrum potestate: tribuni reclamantibus consulibus refecti. patres quoque, ne quid cederent plebi, et ipsi L. Quinctium consulem reficiebant. nulla toto anno vehementior actio consulis fuit.

3.21.4mirer inquit, si vana vestra, patres conscripti, auctoritas ad plebem est? vos elevatis eam ear ; quippe qui quia plebs senatus consultum continuandis magistratibus solvit,

3.21.5ipsi quoque solutum voltis, ne temeritati multitudinis cedatis, tamquam id sit plus posse in civitate plus levitatis ac licentiae habere. levius enim vaniusque profecto est sua decreta et consulta tollere quam aliorum.

3.21.6imitamini , patres conscripti, turbam inconsultam, et qui exemplo aliis esse debetis aliorum exemplo peccate potius quam alii vestro recte faciant, dum ego ne imiter tribunos nec me contra senatus consultum consulem renuntiari patiar.

3.21.7te vero, C. Claudi, adhortor, ut et ipse populum Romanum hac licentia arceas et de me hoc tibi persuadeas, me ita accepturum ut non honorem meum a te impeditum, sed gloriam spreti honoris auctam, invidiam quae ex continuato eo impenderet levatam putem.

3.21.8communiter inde edicunt ne quis L. Quinctium consulem faceret; si quis fecisset, se id suffragium non observaturos.

3.22.1consules creati Q. Fabius Vibulanus tertium et L. Cornelius Maluginensis. census actus eo anno: lustrum propter Capitolium captum, consulem occisum condi religiosum fuit.

3.22.2Q. Fabio L. Cornelio consulibus principio anni statim res turbulentae. instigabant plebem tribuni; bellum ingens a Volscis et Aequis Latini atque Hernici nuntiabant: iam Antii Volscorum legiones esse. et ipsam coloniam ingens metus erat defecturam; aegreque impetratum a tribunis ut bellum praeverti sinerent.

3.22.3consules inde partiti provincias: Fabio ut legiones Antium duceret datum, Cornelio ut Romae praesidio esset, ne qua pars hostium, qui Aequis mos erat, ad populandum veniret.

3.22.4Hernici et Latini iussi milites dare ex foedere, duaeque partes sociorum in exercitu, tertia civium fuit. postquam ad diem praestitutum venerunt socii, consul extra portam Capenam castra locat. inde lustrato exercitu Antium profectus haud procul oppido stativisque hostium consedit.

3.22.5ubi cum Volsci, quia nondum ab Aequis venisset exercitus, dimicare non ausi ansi , quem ad modum quieti vallo se tutarentur, pararent, postero die Fabius non permixtam unam sociorum civiumque sed trium populorum tres separatim acies circa vallum hostium instruxit; ipse erat medius cum legionibus Romanis.

3.22.6inde signum observare iussit, ut pariter et socii rem inciperent referrentque pedem, si receptui cecinisset. equites item suae cuique parti post principia collocat.

3.22.7ita trifariam adortus castra circumvenit et, cum undique instaret, non sustinentes impetum Volscos vallo deturbat. transgressus inde munitiones pavidam turbam inclinatamque in partem unam castris expellit.

3.22.8inde effuse fugientes eques, cui superare vallum haud facile fuerat, cum ad id spectator pugnae adstitisset, libero campo adeptus parte victoriae fruitur territos caedendo.

3.22.9magna et in castris et extra munimenta caedes fugientium fuit, sed praeda maior, quia vix arma secum efferre hostis potuit. deletusque exercitus foret, ni fugientis silvae texissent.

3.23.1dum ad Antium haec geruntur, interim Aequi robore iuventutis praemisso arcem Tusculanam improviso nocte capiunt; reliquo exercitu haud procul moenibus Tusculi considunt ut distenderent hostium copias.

3.23.2haec celeriter Romam, ab Roma in castra Antium perlata movent Romanos haud secus quam si Capitolium Capitoliumn captum nuntiaretur; adeo et recens erat Tusculanorum meritum et similitudo similitude ipsa periculi reposcere datum auxilium videbatur.

3.23.3Fabius omissis omnibus praedam ex castris raptim Antium convehit; ibi modico praesidio relicto citatum agmen Tusculum rapit. nihil praeter arma et quod cocti ad manum fuit cibi ferre militi licuit; commeatum ab Roma consul Cornelius subvehit.

3.23.4aliquot menses Tusculi bellatum. parte exercitus consul castra Aequorum oppugnabat, partem Tusculanis dederat ad arcem reciperandam. vi nunquam eo subiri potuit;

3.23.5fames postremo inde detraxit hostem. qua postquam ventum ad extremum est, inermes nudique omnes sub iugum ab Tusculanis missi. hos ignominiosa fuga domum se recipientes Romanus consul in Algido consecutus ad unum omnes occidit.

3.23.6victor ad Columen—id loco nomen est—exercitu reducto castra locat. et alter consul, postquam moenibus iam Romanis pulso hoste periculum esse desierat, et ipse ab Roma profectus.

3.23.7ita bifariam consules ingressi hostium fines ingenti certamine hinc Volscos, hinc Aequos populantur. eodem anno descisse Antiates apud plerosque auctores invenio; L. Cornelium consulem id bellum gessisse oppidumque cepisse. certum adfirmare, quia nulla apud vetustiores scriptores eius rei mentio est, non ausim.

3.24.1hoc bello perfecto tribunicium domi bellum patres territat. clamant fraude fieri, quod foris teneatur exercitus; frustrationem eam ear legis tollendae esse; se nihilo minus rem susceptam peracturos.

3.24.2obtinuit tamen L. Lucretius, praefectus urbis, ut actiones tribuniciae in adventum consulum differrentur.

3.24.3erat et nova exorta causa motus. A. Cornelius et Q. Servilius quaestores M. Volscio, quod falsus haud dubie testis in Caesonem exstitisset, 4 diem dixerant. multis enim emanabat indiciis neque fratrem Volsci ex quo semel fuerit aeger unquam non modo visum in publico sed ne adsurrexisse quidem ex morbo, multorumque tabe mensum mensumn mortuum,

3.24.4nec iis temporibus in quae testis crimen coniecisset Caesonem Romae visum, adfirmantibus qui una meruerant secum eum tum tur frequentem ad signa sine ullo commeatu fuisse. nisi ita esset, multi privatim ferebant Volscio iudicem.

3.24.5cum ad iudicium ire non auderet, omnes eae res in unum congruentes haud magis dubiam damnationem Volsci quam Caesonis Volscio teste fuerat faciebant.

3.24.6in mora tribuni erant, qui comitia quaestores habere de reo, nisi prius habita de lege essent, passuros nega. bant. ita extracta utraque res in consulum adventum est.

3.24.7qui ubi triumphantes triurnphantes victore cum exercitu urbem inierunt, quia silentium silentiunm de lege erat, perculsos magna pars credebant tribunos.

3.24.8at illi— etenim extremum anni iam erat,—quartum adfectantes tribunatum trilunatum , in comitiorum disceptationem ab lege certamen averterant. et cum consules nihilo minus adversus continuationem tribunatus quam si lex minuendae suae maiestatis causa promulgata ferretur tetendissent, victoria certaminis penes tribunos fuit.

3.24.9eodem anno Aequis pax est petentibus data. census , res priore anno incohata, perficitur; idque lustrum ab origine urbis decimum conditum ferunt. censa civium capita centum septendecim milia trecenta undeviginti.

3.24.10consulum magna domi bellique eo anno gloria fuit, quod et foris pacem peperere, et domi etsi non concors, minus tamen quam alias infesta civitas fuit.

3.25.1L. Minucius inde et C. Nautius consules facti duas residuas anni prioris causas exceperunt.

3.25.2eodem modo consules legem, tribuni iudicium de Volscio impediebant; sed in quaestoribus novis maior vis, maior auctoritas erat. cum M. Valerio, Mani filio, Volesi nepote nepotc quaestor erat T. Quinctius Capitolinus, qui ter consul fuerat.

Book 3, Part 3

3.25.3is , quoniam neque Quinctiae familiae Caeso neque rei publicae maximus iuvenum restitui posset, falsum testem qui dicendae causae innoxio potestatem ademisset, iusto ac pio bello persequebatur.

3.25.4cum Verginius maxime ex tribunis de lege ageret, duum mensum spatium consulibus datum est ad inspiciendam legem ut cum edocuissent populum quid fraudis occultae ferretur, sinerent deinde suffragium inire. hoc intervalli datum res tranquillas in urbe fecit.

3.25.5nec diuturnam quietem Aequi dederunt, qui rupto foedere quod ictum erat priore anno cum Romanis imperium ad Gracchum Cloelium deferunt; is tum longe princeps in Aequis erat.

3.25.6graccho duce in Labicanum agrum, inde in Tusculanum hostili populatione veniunt plenique praedae in Algido castra locant. in ea castra Q. Fabius, P. Volumnius, A. Postumius legati ab Roma venerunt questum iniurias et ex foedere res repetitum.

3.25.7eos Aequorum imperator quae mandata habeant ab senatu Romano ad quercum iubet dicere; se alia interim acturum. quercus , ingens arbor, praetorio imminebat, cuius umbra opaca sedes erat.

3.25.8tum ex legatis unus abiens et haec inquit, sacrata quercus et quidquid deorum est audiant foedus a vobis ruptum, nostrisque et nunc querellis adsint et mox armis, cum deorum hominumque simul violata iura exsequemur.

3.25.9Romam ut rediere legati, senatus iussit alterum consulem contra Gracchum in Algidum exercitum ducere, alteri populationem finium Aequorum provinciam dedit. tribuni suo more impedire dilectum et forsitan ad ultimum impedissent; sed novus subito additus terror est.

3.26.1vis Sabinorum ingens prope ad moenia urbis infesta populatione venit; foedati agri, terror iniectus urbi est. tum plebs benigne arma cepit; reclamantibus frustra tribunis magni duo exercitus scripti.

3.26.2alterum Nautius contra Sabinos duxit castrisque ad Eretum positis, per expeditiones parvas, plerumque nocturnis incursionibus, tantam vastitatem in Sabino agro reddidit ut comparati ad eam prope intacti bello fines Romani viderentur.

3.26.3Minucio neque fortuna nec vis animi eadem in gerendo negotio fuit; nam cum haud procul ab hoste castra posuisset, nulla magnopere clade accepta castris se pavidus tenebat.

3.26.4quod ubi senserant hostes, crevit ex metu alieno, ut fit, audacia, et nocte adorti castra postquam parum vis aperta profecerat, munitiones postero die circumdant. quae priusquam undique vallo obiectae clauderent exitus quinque equites inter stationes hostium emissi Romam pertulere consulem exercitumque obsideri.

3.26.5nihil tam inopinatum nec tam insperatum accidere potuit. itaque tantus pavor, tanta trepidatio fuit quanta si urbem, non castra hostes obsiderent.

3.26.6nautium consulem arcessunt. in quo cum parum praesidii videretur dictatoremque dici placeret qui rem perculsam restitueret, L. Quinctius Cincinnatus consensu omnium dicitur.

3.26.7operae pretium est audire qui omnia prae divitiis humana spernunt neque honori magno locum neque virtuti putant esse, nisi ubi effuse afluant opes.

3.26.8spes unica imperii populi Romani L. Quinctius trans Tiberim, contra eum ipsum locum ubi nunc navalia sunt, quattuor iugerum colebat agrum, quae prata Quinctia vocantur.

3.26.9ibi ab legatis—seu fossam fodiens palae innixus seu cum araret, operi certe, id quod constat, agresti intentus—salute data in vicem redditaque rogatus ut, quod bene verteret ipsi reique publicae, togatus mandata senatus audiret, admiratus rogitansque satin salve? togam propere e tugurio proferre uxorem Raciliam iubet.

3.26.10qua simul absterso pulvere ac sudore velatus processit, dictatorem eum legati gratulantes consalutant, in urbem vocant, qui terror sit in exercitu exponunt.

3.26.11navis Quinctio publice parata fuit,transvectumque tres obviam egressi filii excipiunt, inde alii propinqui atque amici, tum patrum maior pars. ea frequentia stipatus antecedentibus lictoribus deductus est domum.

3.26.12et plebis concursus ingens fuit; sed ea nequaquam tam laeta Quinctium vidit, et imperium nimium et virum ipso imperio vehementiorem rata. et illa quidem nocte nihil praeterquam vigilatum est in urbe.

3.27.1postero die dictator cum ante lucem in forum venisset, magistrum equitum dicit L. Tarquitium, patriciae gentis, sed qui, cum stipendia pedibus propter paupertatem fecisset, bello tamen primus longe Romanae iuventutis habitus esset.

3.27.2cum magistro equitum in contionem venit, iustitium edicit, claudi tabernas tota urbe iubet, vetat quemquam privatae quicquam rei agere.

3.27.3tum , quicumque aetate militari essent, armati cum cibariis in dies quinque coctis vallisque duodenis ante solis occasum Martio in campo adessent;

3.27.4quibus aetas ad militandum gravior esset, vicino militi, dum is arma pararet vallumque peteret, cibaria coquere iussit.

3.27.5sic iuventus discurrit ad vallum petendum. sumpsere unde cuique proximum fuit; prohibitus nemo est; impigreque omnes ornnes ad edictum dictatoris praesto fuere.

3.27.6inde composite agmine non itineri magis apti quam proelio, si res ita tulisset, legiones ipse dictator, magister equitum suos equites ducit. in utroque agmine quas tempus ipsum poscebat adhortationes erant:

3.27.7adderent gradum; maturato opus esse ut nocte ad hostem perveniri posset; consulem exercitumque Romanum obsideri, tertium diem iam clausos esse; quid quaeque nox aut dies ferat, incertum esse; puncto saepe temporis maximarum rerum momenta verti.

3.27.8adcelera signifer! sequere miles! inter se quoque gratificantes ducibus clamabant. media note in Algidum perveniunt et, ut sensere se iam prope hostes esse, signa constituunt.

3.28.1ibi dictator quantum nocte prospici poterat equo circumvectus contemplatusque qui tractus castrorum quaeque forma esset, tribunis militum imperavit, ut sarcinas in unum conici iubeant, militem cum armis valloque redire in ordines suos. facta quae imperavit.

3.28.2tum , quo fuerant ordine in via, exercitum omnem longo agmine circumdat hostium castris et ubi signum datum sit clamorem omnes tollere iubet, clamore sublato ante se quemque ducere fossam et iacere vallum.

3.28.3edito imperio signum secutum est. iussa miles exsequitur; clamor hostes circumsonat; superat inde castra hostium et in castra consulis venit;

3.28.4alibi pavorem, alibi gaudium ingens facit. Romani civilem esse clamorem atque auxilium adesse inter se gratulantes ultro ex stationibus ac vigiliis territant hostem. consul differendum negat;

3.28.5illo clamore non adventum modo significari, sed rem ab suis coeptam; mirumque esse ni iam exteriore parte castra hostium oppugnentur.

3.28.6itaque arma suos capere et se subsequi iubet. nocte initum proelium est; legionibus dictatoris clamore significant ab ea quoque parte rem in discrimine esse.

3.28.7iam se ad prohibenda circumdari opera Aequi parabant cum ab interiore hoste proelio coepto, ne per media sua castra fieret eruptio, a munientibus ad pugnantes introrsum versi vacuam noctem operi dedere; pugnatumque cum consule ad lucem est.

3.28.8luce prima iam circumvallati ab dictatore erant et vix adversus unum exercitum pugnam sustinebant. tum a Quinctiano exercitu, qui confestim a perfecto opere ad arma rediit, invaditur vallum. hic instabat nova pugna: illa nihil remiserat prior.

3.28.9tum ancipiti malo urgente a proelio ad preces versi hinc dictatorem, hinc consulem orare, ne in occidione victoriam ponerent, ut inermes se inde abire sinerent Ab consule ad dictatorem ire iussi;

3.28.10is ignominiam infensus addidit; Gracchum Cloelium ducem principesque alios vinctos ad se adduci iubet, oppido Corbione decedi. sanguinis se Aequorum non egere; licere abire; sed, ut exprimatur tandem confessio subactam domitamque esse gentem, sub iugum abituros.

3.28.11tribus hastis iugum fit humi fixis duabus superque eas transversa una deligata. sub hoc iugum dictator Aequos misit.

3.29.1castris hostium receptis plenis omnium rerum—nudos enim emiserat—praedam omnem suo tantum militi dedit;

3.29.2consularem exercitum ipsumque consulem increpans, carebis inquit praedae parte, miles, ex eo hoste cui prope praedae fuisti; et tu, L. Minuci, donec consularem animum incipias habere, legatus his legionibus praeeris.

3.29.3ita se Minucius abdicat consulatu iussusque ad exercitum manet. sed adeo tum imperio meliori animus mansuete oboediens erat ut beneficii magis quam ignominiae hic exercitus memor et coronam auream dictatori libram pondo decreverit et proficiscentem eum patronum salutaverit.

3.29.4Romae a Q. Fabio praefecto urbis senatus habitus triumphantem Quinctium quo veniebat agmine urbem ingredi iussit. ducti ante currum hostium duces, militaria signa praelata, secutus exercitus praeda onustus.

3.29.5epulae instructae dicuntur fuisse ante omnium domus, epulantesque cum carmine triumphali et sollemnibus iocis comisantium modo currum secuti sunt.

3.29.6eo die L. Mamilio Tusculano adprobantibus cunctis civitas data est. confestim se dictator magistratu abdicasset, ni comitia M. Volsci, falsi testis, tenuissent. ea ne impedirent tribuni dictatoris obstitit metus.

3.29.7Volscius damnatus Lanuvium in exsilium abiit. Quinctius sexto decimo die dictatura in sex menses accepta se abdicavit. per eos dies consul Nautius ad Eretum cum Sabinis egregie pugnat; ad vastatos agros ea quoque clades accessit Sabinis. Minucio Fabius successor in Algidum missus.

3.29.8extremo anno agitatum de lege ab tribunis est; sed quia duo exercitus aberant, ne quid ferretur ad populum patres tenuere; plebes vicit ut quintum eosdem tribunos crearet. lupos visos in Capitolio ferunt a canibus fugatos;

3.29.9ob id prodigium lustratum Capitolium esse. haec eo anno gesta.

3.30.1sequuntur consules Q. Minucius M. Horatius Pulvillus. cuius initio anni cum foris otium esset, domi seditiones iidem tribuni, eadem lex faciebat;

3.30.2ulteriusque ventum foret—adeo exarserant animis—ni velut dedita opera nocturno impetu Aequorum Corbione amissum praesidium nuntiatum esset.

3.30.3senatum consules vocant; iubentur subitarium scribere exercitum atque in Algidum ducere. inde posito legis certamine nova de dilectu contentio orta;

3.30.4vincebaturque consulare imperium tribunicio auxilio cum alius additur terror, Sabinum exercitum praedatum descendisse in agros Romanos, inde ad urbem venire.

3.30.5is metus perculit ut scribi militem tribuni sinerent, non sine pactione tamen ut quoniam ipsi quinquennium elusi essent parvumque id plebi praesidium foret, decem deinde tribuni plebis crearentur.

3.30.6expressit hoc necessitas patribus; id modo excepere ne postea eosdem tribunos viderent. tribunicia comitia, ne id quoque post bellum ut cetera vanum esset, extemplo habita.

3.30.7tricensimo sexto anno a primis tribuni plebis decem creati sunt, bini ex singulis classibus, itaque cautum est ut postea crearentur.

3.30.8dilectu deinde habito Minucius contra Sabinos profectus non invenit hostem. Horatius , cum iam Aequi Corbione interfecto praesidio Ortonam etiam cepissent, in Algido pugnat; multos mortalis occidit; fugat hostem non ex Algido modo, sed a Corbione Ortonaque. Corbionem etiam diruit propter proditum praesidium.

3.31.1deinde M. Valerius, Sp. Verginius consules facti. domi forisque otium fuit; annona propter aquarum intemperiem laboratum est. de Aventino publicando lata lex est. tribuni plebis iidem refecti.

3.31.2hi sequente anno T. Romilio C. Veturio consulibus legem omnibus contionibus suis celebrabant: pudere se numeri sui nequiquam aucti, si ea res aeque suo biennio iaceret ac toto superiore lustro iacuisset.

3.31.3cum maxime haec agerent, trepidi nuntii ab Tusculo veniunt Aequos in agro Tusculano esse. fecit pudorem recens eius populi meritum morandi auxilii. ambo consules cum exercitu missi hostem in sua sede, in Algido, inveniunt.

3.31.4ibi pugnatum pugnatun . supra septem milia hostium caesa, alii fugati; praeda parta ingens. eam propter inopiam aerarii consules vendiderunt. invidiae tamen res ad exercitum fuit eademque tribunis materiam criminandi ad plebem consules praebuit.

3.31.5itaque ergo, ut magistratu abiere Sp. Tarpeio A. Aternio consulibus, dies dicta est, Romilio ab C. Calvio Cicerone tribuno plebis, Veturio ab L. Alieno aedile plebis.

3.31.6uterque magna patrum indignatione damnatus, Romilius decem milibus aeris, Veturius quindecim. nec haec priorum calamitas consulum segniores novos fecerat consules; et se damnari posse aiebant, et plebem et tribunos legem ferre non posse.

3.31.7tum abiecta lege, quae promulgata consenuerat, tribuni lenius agere cum patribus: finem tandem certaminum facerent; si plebeiae leges displicerent, at illi communiter legum latores et ex plebe et ex patribus, qui utrisque utilia ferrent quaeque aequandae libertatis essent sinerent creari.

3.31.8rem non aspernabantur patres: laturum leges neminem nisi ex patribus aiebant. cum de legibus conveniret, de latore tantum discreparet, missi legati Athenas Sp. Postumius Albus A. Manlius P. Sulpicius Camerinus iussique inclitas leges Solonis describere et aliarum Graeciae civitatium instituta mores iuraque noscere.

3.32.1Ab externis bellis quietus annus fuit, quietior insequens P. Curiatio et Sex. quinctilio consulibus perpetuo silentio tribunorum, quod primo legatorum qui Athenas ierant legumque peregrinarum exspectatio praebuit,

3.32.2dein duo simul mala ingentia exorta, fames pestilentiaque, foeda homini, foeda pecori. vastati agri sunt, urbs adsiduis exhausta funeribus; multae et clarae lugubres domus.

3.32.3flamen Quirinalis Ser. Cornelius mortuus, augur C. Horatius Pulvillus; in cuius locum C. Veturium eo cupidius quia damnatus a plebe erat, augures legere. mortuus consul Quinctilius, quattuor tribuni plebi.

3.32.4multiplici clade foedatus annus; ab hoste otium fuit.

3.32.5inde consules C. Menenius P. Sestius Capitolinus. neque eo anno quicquam belli externi fuit: domi motus orti.

3.32.6iam redierant legati cum Atticis legibus. eo intentius instabant tribuni ut tandem scribendarum legum initium fieret. placet creari decemviros sine provocatione, et ne quis eo anno alius magistratus esset.

3.32.7admiscerenturne plebeii, controversia aliquamdiu fuit; postremo concessum patribus, modo ne lex Icilia de Aventino aliaeque sacratae leges abrogarentur.

3.33.1anno trecentensimo altero quam condita Roma erat iterum mutatur forma civitatis, ab consulibus ad decemviros, quem ad modum ab regibus ante ad consules venerat, translato translate imperio. minus insignis, quia non diuturna, mutatio fuit.

3.33.2laeta enim principia magistratus eius nimis luxuriavere; eo citius lapsa res est repetitumque duobus uti mandaretur consulum nomen imperiumque.

3.33.3decemviri creati Ap. Claudius T. Genucius P. Sestius L. Veturius C. Iulius A. Manlius P. Sulpicius P. Curiatius T. Romilius Sp. Postumius.

3.33.4Claudio et Genucio, quia designati consules in eum annum fuerant, pro honore honos redditus, et Sestio, alteri consulum prioris anni, quod eam rem collega invito ad patres rettulerat.

3.33.5his proximi habiti legati tres qui Athenas ierant, simul ut pro legatione tam longinqua praemio esset honos, simul peritos legum peregrinarum ad condenda nova iura usui fore credebant.

3.33.6supplevere ceteri numerum. graves quoque aetate electos novissimis suffragiis ferunt, quo minus ferociter aliorum scitis adversarentur.

3.33.7regimen totius magistratus penes Appium erat favore plebis; adeoque novum sibi ingenium induerat ut plebicola repente omnisque aurae popularis captator evaderet pro truci saevoque insectatore plebis.

3.33.8decimo die ius populo singuli reddebant. eo die penes praefectum iuris fasces duodecim erant: collegis novem singuli accensi apparebant. et in unica concordia inter ipsos, qui consensus privatis interdum inutilis est, summa adversus alios aequitas erat.

3.33.9moderationis eorum argumentum exemplo unius rei notasse satis erit. cum sine provocatione creati essent, defosso cadavere domi apud P. Sestium, patriciae gentis virum,

3.33.10invento prolatoque in contionem, in re iuxta manifesta atque atroci C. Iulius decemvir diem Sestio dixit et accusator ad populum exstitit, cuius rei iudex legitimus erat, decessitque iure suo, ut demptum de vi magistratus populi libertati adiceret.

3.34.1cum promptum hoc ius velut ex oraculo incorruptum pariter ab iis summi infimique ferrent, tum legibus condendis opera dabatur; ingentique hominum exspectatione propositis decem tabulis populum ad contionem advocaverunt,

3.34.2et quod bonum, faustum felixque rei publicae ipsis liberisque eorum esset, ire et legere leges propositas iussere.

3.34.3se , quantum decem hominum ingeniis provideri potuerit, omnibus, summis infimisque, iura aequasse; plus pollere multorum ingenia consiliaque.

3.34.4versarent in animis secum unamquamque rem, agitarent deinde sermonibus, atque in medium quid in quaque re plus minusve esset conferrent.

3.34.5eas leges habiturum populum Romanum quas consensus omnium non iussisse latas magis quam tulisse videri posset.

3.34.6cum ad rumores hominum de unoquoque legum capite editos satis correctae viderentur, centuriatis comitiis decem tabularum leges perlatae sunt, qui nunc quoque, in hoc immenso aliarum super alias acervatarum legum cumulo, fons omnis publici privatique est iuris.

3.34.7volgatur deinde rumor duas deesse tabulas quibus adiectis absolvi posse velut corpus omnis Romani iuris. ea exspectatio, cum dies comitiorum adpropinquaret, desiderium decemviros iterum creandi fecit.

3.34.8iam plebs, praeterquam quod consulum nomen haud secus quam regum perosa erat, ne tribunicium quidem auxilium cedentibus in vicem appellatione decemviris quaerebat.

3.35.1postquam vero comitia decemviris creandis in trinum nundinum indicta sunt,

3.35.2tanta exarsit ambitio ut primores quoque civitatis—metu, credo, ne tanti possessio imperii vacuo ab se relicto loco haud satis dignis pateret—prensarent homines, honorem summa ope a se impugnatum ab ea plebe cum qua contenderant suppliciter petentes.

3.35.3demissa iam in discrimen dignitas ea aetate iisque honoribus actis stimulabat Ap. Claudium. nescires utrum inter decemviros an inter candidatos numerares.

3.35.4propior interdum petendo quam gerendo magistratui erat. criminari optimates, extollere candidatorum levissimum quemque humillimumque, ipse medius inter tribunicios,

3.35.5duillios Iciliosque, in foro volitare, per illos se plebi venditare, donec done collegae quoque, qui unice illi dediti fuerant ad id tempus, coniecere in eum oculos, mirantes quid sibi vellet:

3.35.6apparere nihil sinceri esse; profecto haud gratuitam in tanta superbia comitatem fore: nimium in ordinem se ipsum cogere et volgari cum privatis non tam properantis abire magistratu quam viam ad continuandum magistratum quaerentis esse.

3.35.7propalam obviam ire cupiditati parum ausi obsecundando mollire impetum adgrediuntur. comitiorum illi habendorum, quando minimus natu sit, munus consensu iniungunt.

3.35.8ars haec erat, ne semet ipse creare posset, quod praeter tribunos plebi—et id ipsum pessimo exemplo—nemo unquam fecisset. ille enimvero, quod bene vertat, habiturum se comitia professus,

3.35.9impedimentum pro occasione arripuit, deiectisque honore per coitionem duobus Quinctiis, Capitolino et Cincinnato, et patruo suo C. Claudio, constantissimo viro in optimatium causa, et aliis eiusdem fastigii civibus, nequaquam splendore vitae pares decemviros creat,

3.35.10se in primis, quod haud secus factum improbabant boni quam nemo facere ausurum crediderat.

3.35.11creati cum eo M. Cornelius Maluginensis M. Sergius L. Minucius Q. Fabius Vibulanus Q. Poetelius T. Antonius Merenda K. Duillius Sp. Oppius Cornicen M'. Rabuleius.

3.36.1ille finis Appio alienae personae ferendae fuit. suo iam inde vivere ingenio coepit novosque collegas, iam priusquam inirent magistratum, in suos mores formare.

3.36.2cottidie coibant remotis arbitris; inde impotentibus instructi consiliis, quae secreto ab aliis coquebant, iam haud dissimulando superbiam, rari aditus, conloquentibus difficiles, ad idus Maias rem perduxere.

3.36.3idus tum Maiae sollemnes ineundis magistratibus erant. inito igitur magistratu primum honoris diem denuntiatione ingentis terroris insignem fecere. nam cum ita priores decemviri servassent ut unus fasces haberet et hoc insigne regium in orbem, suam cuiusque vicem, per omnes iret, subito omnes cum duodenis fascibus prodiere.

3.36.4centum viginti lictores forum impleverant et cum fascibus secures inligatas praeferebant; nec attinuisse demi securem, cum sine provocatione creati essent, interpretabantur.

3.36.5decem regum species erat multiplicatusque terror non infimis solum sed primoribus patrum, ratis caedis causam ac principium quaeri, ut si quis memorem libertatis vocem aut in senatu aut in populo misisset statim virgae securesque etiam ad ceterorum metum expedirentur.

3.36.6nam praeterquam quod in populo nihil erat praesidii sublata provocatione, intercessionem quoque consensu sustulerant, cum priores decemviri appellatione collegae corrigi reddita ab se iura tulissent et quaedam, quae sui iudicii videri possent, ad populum reiecissent. aliquamdiu aequatus inter omnes terror fuit;

3.36.7paulatim totus vertere in plebem coepit. abstinebatur a patribus; in humiliores libidinose crudeliterque consulebatur. hominum , non causarum toti erant, ut apud quos gratia vim aequi haberet.

3.36.8iudicia domi conflabant, pronuntiabant in foro. si quis collegam appellasset, ab eo ad quem venerat ita discedebat ut paeniteret non prioris decreto stetisse.

3.36.9opinio etiam sine auctore exierat non in praesentis modo temporis eos iniuriam conspirasse, sed foedus clandestinum inter ipsos iure iurando ictum, ne comitia haberent perpetuoque decemviratu possessum semel obtinerent imperium.

3.37.1circumspectare tum patriciorum voltus plebeii et inde libertatis captare auram unde servitutem timendo in eum statum rem publicam adduxerant.

3.37.2primores patrum odisse decemviros, odisse plebem; nec probare quae fierent, et credere haud indignis accidere; avide ruendo ad libertatem in servitutem elapsos iuvare nolle,

3.37.3cumulari quoque iniurias, ut taedio praesentium consules duo tandem et status pristinus rerum in desiderium veniant.

3.37.4iam lam et processerat pars maior anni et duae tabulae legum ad prioris anni decem tabulas erant adiectae, nec nee quicquam iam supererat, si eae quoque leges centuriatis comitiis perlatae essent, cur eo magistratu rei publicae opus esset.

3.37.5exspectabant quam mox consulibus creandis comitia edicerentur. id modo plebes agitabat, quonam modo tribuniciam potestatem, munimentum libertati, rem intermissam, repararent; cum interim mentio comitiorum nulla fieri.

3.37.6et decemviri, qui primo tribunicios homines, quia id populate habebatur, circum se ostentaverant plebi, patriciis iuvenibus saepserant latera. eorum catervae tribunalia obsederant.

3.37.7hi ferre agere plebem plebisque res, cum fortuna, quidquid cupitum foret, potentioris esset.

3.37.8et iam ne tergo quidem abstinebatur; virgis caedi, alii securi subici; et ne gratuita crudelitas esset, bonorum donatio sequi domini supplicium. hac mercede iuventus nobilis corrupta non modo non ire obviam iniuriae, sed propalam licentiam suam malle quam omnium libertatem.

3.38.1idus Maiae venere. nullis subrogatis magistratibus privati pro decemviris neque animis ad imperium inhibendum imminutis neque ad speciem honoris insignibus prodeunt. id vero regnum haud dubie videri.

3.38.2deploratur in perpetuum libertas, nec vindex quisquam exsistit aut futurus videtur. nec ipsi solum desponderant animos, sed contemni coepti erant a finitimis populis, imperiumque ibi esse ubi non esset libertas indignabantur.

3.38.3Sabini magna manu incursionem in agrum Romanum fecere; lateque populati, cum hominum atque pecudum inulti praedas egissent, recepto ad Eretum quod passim vagatum erat agmine castra locant, spem in discordia Romana ponentes: eam impedimentum dilectui fore.

3.38.4non nuntii solum sed per urbem agrestium fuga trepidationem iniecit. decemviri consultant quid opus facto sit, destituti inter patrum et plebis odia. addit terrorem insuper alium fortuna.

3.38.5Aequi alia ex parte castra in Algido locant depopulanturque inde excursionibus Tusculanum agrum. legati ea ab Tusculo praesidium orantes nuntiant.

3.38.6is pavor perculit decemviros ut senatum simul duobus circumstantibus urbem bellis consulerent. citari iubent in curiam patres haud baud ignari quanta invidiae immineret tempestas:

Book 3, Part 4

3.38.7omnes vastati agri periculorumque imminentium causas in se congesturos, temptationemque eam earn fore abolendi sibi magistratus, ni consensu resisterent imperioque inhibendo acriter in paucos praeferocis animi conatus aliorum comprimerent.

3.38.8postquam audita vox in foro est praeconis patres in curiam ad decemviros vocantis, velut nova res, quia intermiserant iam diu morem consulendi senatus, mirabundam plebem convertit, quidnam incidisset, cur ex tanto intervallo rem desuetam usurparent;

3.38.9hostibus belloque gratiam habendam, quod solitum quicquam liberae civitati fieret. circumspectare omnibus fori partibus senatorem raroque usquam noscitare;

3.38.10curiam inde ac solitudinem circa decemviros intueri, cum et ipsi consensu invisum imperium et plebs, quia privatis ius non esset vocandi senatum, non convenire patres interpretarentur: iam caput fieri libertatem repetentium, si se plebs comitem senatui det, et quem ad modum patres vocati non coeant in senatum, sic plebs abnuat dilectum.

3.38.11haec fremunt plebes. patrum haud fere quisquam in foro, in urbe rari erant. indignitate rerum cesserant in agros, suarumque rerum erant amissa publica, tantum ab iniuria se abesse rati, quantum a coetu congressuque impotentium dominorum se amovissent.

3.38.12postquam citati non conveniebant, dimissi circa domos apparitores simul ad pignera capienda sciscitandumque num consulto detrectarent referunt senatum in agris esse. laetius id decemviris accidit quam si praesentes detrectare imperium referrent.

3.38.13iubent acciri omnes, senatumque in diem posterum edicunt; qui aliquanto spe ipsorum frequentior convenit. quo facto proditam a patribus plebs libertatem rata, quod iis qui iam magistratu abissent privatisque, si vis abesset, tamquam iure cogentibus senatus paruisset.

3.39.1sed magis oboedienter ventum in curiam quam obnoxie dictas sententias accepimus.

3.39.2L. Valerium Potitum proditum memoriae est post relationem Ap. Claudi, priusquam ordine sententiae rogarentur, postulando ut de re publica liceret dicere, prohibentibus minaciter decemviris proditurum se ad plebem denuntiantem tumultum excivisse.

3.39.3nec minus ferociter M. Horatium Barbatum isse in certamen, decem Tarquinios appellantem admonentemque Valeriis et Horatiis ducibus pulsos reges.

3.39.4nec nominis homines tum pertaesum esse, quippe quo Iovem appellari fas sit, quo Romulum, conditorem urbis, deincepsque reges, quod sacris etiam ut sollemne retentum sit: superbiam violentiamque tum perosos regis.

3.39.5quae si in rege tum aut in filio regis ferenda non fuerint, quem eadem laturum in tot privatis?

3.39.6viderent ne vetando in curia libere homines loqui extra curiam etiam moverent vocem; neque se videre qui sibi minus privato ad contionem populum vocare quam illis senatum cogere liceat.

3.39.7ubi vellent experirentur quanto fortior dolor in libertate sua vindicanda quam cupiditas in iniusta dominatione esset.

3.39.8de bello Sabino eos referre, tamquam maius ullum populo Romano bellum sit quam cum iis qui legum ferendarum causa creati nihil iuris in civitate reliquerint, qui comitia, qui annuos magistratus, qui vicissitudinem imperitandi, quod unum exaequandae sit libertatis, sustulerint; qui privati fasces et regium imperium habeant.

3.39.9fuisse regibus exactis patricios magistratus, creatos postea post secessionem plebis plebeios; cuius illi partis essent, rogitare. populares ? Quid enim eos per populum egisse egiss ? optimates ? Qui anno iam prope senatum non habuerint, nunc ita habeant, ut de re publica loqui prohibeant?

3.39.10ne nimium in metu alieno spei ponerent; graviora quae patiantur videri iam hominibus quam quae metuant.

3.40.1haec vociferante Horatio cum decemviri nec irae nec ignoscendi modum reperirent nec quo evasura res esset cernerent,

3.40.2C. Claudi, qui patruus Appi decemviri erat, oratio fuit precibus quam iurgio similior, orantis per sui fratris parentisque eius manes ut civilis potius societatis,

3.40.3in qua natus esset, quam foederis nefarie icti cum collegis meminisset. multo id magis se illius causa orare quam rei publicae;

3.40.4quippe rem publicam, si a volentibus nequeat, ab invitis ius expetituram; sed ex magno certamine magnas excitari ferme iras; earum eventum se horrere.

3.40.5cum aliud praeterquam de quo rettulissent decemviri dicere prohiberent, Claudium interpellandi verecundia fuit. sententiam igitur peregit nullum placere senatus consultum fieri.

3.40.6omnesque ita accipiebant, privatos eos a Claudio iudicatos; multique ex consularibus verbo adsensi sunt.

3.40.7alia sententia, asperior in speciem, vim minorem aliquanto habuit, quae patricios coire ad prodendum interregem iubebat. censendo enim quodcumque magistratus esse qui senatum haberent iudicabant, quos privatos fecerat auctor nullius senatus consulti faciendi.

3.40.8ita labente iam causa decemvirorum L. Cornelius Maluginensis, M. Corneli decemviri frater, cum ex consularibus ad ultimum dicendi locum consulto servatus esset, simulando curam belli fratrem collegasque eius tuebatur,

3.40.9quonam fato incidisset mirari se dictitans ut decemviros, qui decemviratum petissent—aut soli ii aut maxime—oppugnarent;

3.40.10aut quid ita, cum per tot menses vacua civitate nemo iustine magistratus summae rerum praeessent controversiam fecerit, nunc demum cum hostes prope ad portas sint, civiles discordias serant, nisi quod in turbido minus perspicuum fore putent quid agatur.

3.40.11ceterum —nonne enim maiore cura occupatis animis verum esse praeiudicium rei tantae auferri?—sibi placere de eo quod Valerius Horatiusque ante idus Maias decemviros abisse magistratu insimulent, bellis quae immineant perfectis, re publica in tranquillum redacta, senatu disceptante agi,

3.40.12et iam nunc ita se parare Ap. Claudium ut comitiorum quae decemviris creandis decemvir ipse habuerit sciat sibi rationem reddendam esse utrum in unum annum creati sint, an donec leges quae deessent perferrentur.

3.40.13in praesentia omnia praeter bellum omitti placere; cuius si falso famam volgatam, vanaque non nuntios solum sed Tusculanorum etiam legatos adtulisse putent, speculatores mittendos censere qui certius explorata referant;

3.40.14sin fides et nuntiis et legatis habeatur, dilectum primo quoque tempore haberi et decemviros quo cuique eorum videatur exercitus ducere nec rem aliam praeverti.

3.41.1in hanc sententiam ut discederetur iuniores patrum evincebant. ferocioresque iterum coorti Valerius Horatiusque vociferari ut de re publica liceret dicere; dicturos ad populum, si in senatu per factionem non liceat; neque enim sibi privatos aut in curia aut in contione posse obstare, neque se imaginariis fascibus eorum cessuros esse.

3.41.2tum Appius, iam prope esse ratus ut ni violentiae eorum pari resisteretur audacia victum imperium esset,

3.41.3non erit melius inquit, nisi de quo consulimus vocem misisse, et ad Valerium, negantem se privato reticere, lictorem accedere iussit.

3.41.4iam Quiritium fidem implorante Valerio a curiae limine, L. Cornelius complexus Appium, non cui simulabat consulendo, diremit certamen; factaque per Cornelium Valerio dicendi gratia quae vellet, cum libertas non ultra vocem excessisset, decemviri propositum tenuere.

3.41.5consulares quoque ac seniores ab residuo tribuniciae potestatis odio, cuius desiderium plebi multo acrius quam consularis imperii rebantur esse, prope malebant postmodo ipsos decemviros voluntate abire magistratu quam invidia eorum exsurgere rursus plebem:

3.41.6si leniter ducta res sine populari strepitu ad consules redisset, aut bellis interpositis aut moderatione consulum in imperiis exercendis posse in oblivionem tribunorum plebem adduci.

3.41.7silentio patrum edicitur dilectus. iuniores , cum sine provocatione imperium esset, ad nomina respondent. legionibus scriptis inter se decemviri comparant, quos ire ad bellum, quos praeesse exercitibus oporteret.

3.41.8principes inter decemviros erant Q. Fabius et Ap. Claudius. bellum domi maius quam foris apparebat. Appi violentiam aptiorem rati ad comprimendos urbanos motus; in Fabio minus in bono constans potius quam navum in malitia ingenium esse.

3.41.9hunc enim virum, egregium olim domi militiaeque, decemviratus collegaeque ita mutaverant, ut Appi quam sui similis mallet esse. huic bellum in Sabinis M'. Rabuleio et Q. Poetelio additis collegis mandatum.

3.41.10M. Cornelius in Algidum missus cum L. Minucio et T. Antonio et K. Duillio et M. Sergio. Sp . Oppium Ap. Claudio adiutorem ad urbem tuendam aequo omnium decemvirorum imperio decernunt.

3.42.1nihilo militiae quam domi melius res publica administrata est.

3.42.2illa modo in ducibus culpa quod ut odio essent civibus fecerant; alia omnis penes milites noxia erat, qui ne quid ductu atque auspicio decemvirorum prospere usquam gereretur vinci se per suum atque illorum dedecus patiebantur.

3.42.3fusi et ab Sabinis ad Eretum et in Algido ab Aequis exercitus erant. Ab Ereto per silentium noctis profugi propius urbem, inter Fidenas Crustumeriamque, loco edito castra communierant;

3.42.4persecutis hostibus nusquam se aequo certamine committentes, natura loci ac vallo, non virtute aut armis tutabantur.

3.42.5maius flagitium in Algido, maior etiam clades accepta; castra quoque amissa erant, exutusque omnibus utensilibus miles Tusculum se, fide misericordiaque victurus hospitum, quae tamen non fefellerunt, contulerat.

3.42.6Romam tanti erant terrores allati ut posito iam decemvirali odio patres vigilias in urbe habendas censerent, omnes qui per aetatem arma ferre possent custodire moenia ac pro portis stationes agere iuberent,

3.42.7arma Tusculum ac supplementum decernerent decemvirosque ab arce Tusculi degressos in castris militem habere; castra alia a Fidenis in Sabinum agrum transferri, belloque ultro inferendo deterreri hostes a consilio urbis oppugnandae.

3.43.1ad clades ab hostibus acceptas duo nefanda facinora decemviri belli domique adiciunt.

3.43.2L. Siccium in Sabinis, per invidiam decemviralem tribunorum creandorum secessionisque mentiones ad volgus militum sermonibus occultis serentem, prospeculatum ad locum castris capiendum mittunt.

3.43.3datur negotium militibus quos miserant expeditionis eius comites ut eum opportuno adorti loco interficerent.

3.43.4haud inultum interfecere; nam circa repugnantem aliquot insidiatores cecidere, cum ipse se praevalidus pari viribus animo circumventus tutaretur.

3.43.5nuntiant in castra ceteri praecipitatum in insidias esse; Siccium egregie pugnantem militesque quosdam cum eo amissos.

3.43.6primo fides nuntiantibus fuit; profecta deinde cohors ad sepeliendos qui ceciderant decemvirorum decemviroru m permissu, postquam nullum spoliatum ibi corpus Sicciumque in medio iacentem armatum omnibus in eum versis corporibus videre, hostium neque corpus ullum nec vestigia abeuntium, profecto ab suis interfectum memorantes rettulere corpus.

3.43.7invidiaeque plena castra erant, et Romam ferri protinus Siccium placebat, ni decemviri funus militare ei publica public inpensa facere maturassent. sepultus ingenti militum maestitia, pessima decemvirorum in volgus fama est.

3.44.1sequitur aliud in urbe nefas ab libidine ortum, haud minus foedo eventu quam quod per stuprum caedemque Lucretiae urbe regnoque Tarquinios expulerat, ut non finis solum idem decemviris qui regibus sed causa etiam eadem imperii amittendi esset.

3.44.2Ap . Claudium virginis plebeiae stuprandae libido cepit. pater virginis, L. Verginius, honestum ordinem in Algido ducebat, vir exempli recti domi militiaeque. perinde uxor instituta fuerat liberique instituebantur.

3.44.3desponderat filiam L. Icilio tribunicio, viro acri et pro causa plebis expertae virtutis.

3.44.4hanc virginem adultam forma excellentem Appius amore amens pretio ac spe perlicere adortus, postquam omnia pudore saepta animadvertit, ad crudelem superbamque vim animum convertit.

3.44.5M. Claudio clienti negotium dedit ut virginem in servitutem adsereret neque cederet secundum libertatem postulantibus vindicias, quod pater puellae abesset locum iniuriae esse ratus.

3.44.6virgini venienti in forum —ibi namque in tabernaculis litterarum ludi erant— minister decemviri libidinis manum iniecit, serva sua natam servamque appellans, sequique se iubebat: cunctantem vi abstracturum.

3.44.7pavida puella stupente ad clamorem nutricis fidem Quiritium implorantis fit concursus. Vergini patris sponsique Icili populare nomen celebrabatur. notos gratia eorum, turbam indignitas rei virgini conciliat.

3.44.8iam a vi tuta erat, cum adsertor nihil opus esse multitudine concitata ait; se iure grassari, non vi. vocat puellam in ius.

3.44.9auctoribus qui aderant ut Sequeretur, Ad tribunal Appi perventum est. notam iudici fabulam petitor, quippe apud ipsum auctorem argumenti, peragit: puellam domi suae natam furtoque inde in domum Vergini translatam suppositam ei esse;

3.44.10id se indicio compertum adferre probaturumque vel ipso Verginio iudice, ad quem maior pars iniuriae eius pertineat; interim dominum sequi ancillam aequum esse.

3.44.11advocati puellae, cum Verginium rei publicae causa dixissent abesse, biduo adfuturum si nuntiatum ei sit,

3.44.12iniquum esse absentem de liberis dimicare, postulant ut rem integram in patris adventum differat, lege ab ipso lata vindicias det secundum libertatem, neu patiatur virginem adultam famae prius quam libertatis periculum adire.

3.45.1Appius decreto praefatur, quam libertati faverit eam ipsam legem declarare quam Vergini amici postulationi suae praetendant;

3.45.2ceterum ita in ea firmum libertati fore praesidium si nec causis nec personis variet; in aliis enim qui adserantur in libertatem quia quivis lege agere possit, id iuris esse: in ea quae in patris manu sit neminem esse alium cui dominus possessione cedat.

3.45.3placere itaque patrem arcessiri, interea iuris sui iacturam adsertorem non facere quin ducat puellam sistendamque in adventum eius qui pater dicatur promittat.

3.45.4adversus iniuriam decreticum multi magis fremerent quam quisquam unus recusare auderet, P. Numitorius, puellae avus, et sponsus Icilius interveniunt;

3.45.5dataque inter turbam via, cum multitudo multitude Icili maxime interventu resisti posse Appio crederet, lictor decresse ait vociferantemque Icilium submovet.

3.45.6placidum quoque ingenium tam atrox iniuria accendisset. ferro hinc tibi submovendus sum, Appi inquit, ut tacitum feras quod celari vis. virginem ego hanc sum ducturus nuptamque pudicam habiturus.

3.45.7proinde omnes collegarum quoque lictores convoca; expediri virgas et secures iube; non manebit extra domum patris sponsa Icili.

3.45.8non , si tribunicium auxilium et provocationem plebi Romanae, duas arces libertatis tuendae, ademistis, ideo in liberos quoque nostros coniugesque regnum vestrae libidini datum est.

3.45.9saevite in tergum et in cervices nostras: pudicitia saltem in tuto sit. huic si vis adferetur, ego praesentium Quiritium pro sponsa, Verginius militum pro unica filia, omnes deorum hominumque implorabimus fidem, neque tu istud unquam decretum sine caede nostra referes.

3.45.10postulo , Appi, etiam atque etiam consideres quo progrediare.

3.45.11Verginius viderit de filia ubi venerit quid agat; hoc tantum sciat, sibi si huius vindiciis cesserit condicionem filiae quaerendam esse. me vindicantem sponsam in libertatem vita citius deseret quam fides.

3.46.1concitata multitudo erat certamenque instare videbatur. lictores Icilium circumsteterant; nec ultra minas tamen processum est, cum Appius non Verginiam defendi ab Icilio,

3.46.2sed inquietum hominem et tribunatum etiam nunc spirantem locum seditionis quaerere diceret.

3.46.3non praebiturum se illi eo die materiam; sed ut iam sciret non id petulantiae suae sed Verginio absenti et patrio nomini et libertati datum, ius eo die se non dicturum neque decretum interpositurum: a M. Claudio petiturum, ut decederet iure suo vindicarique puellam in posterum diem pateretur;

3.46.4quod nisi pater postero die adfuisset, denuntiare se Icilio similibusque Icili, neque legi suae latorem neque decemviro constantiam defore. nec se utique collegarum lictores convocaturum ad coercendos seditionis auctores: contentum se suis lictoribus fore.

3.46.5cum dilatum tempus iniuriae esset secessissentque advocati puellae, placuit omnium primum fratrem Icili filiumque Numitori, impigros iuvenes, pergere inde recta ad portam, et quantum adcelerari posset Verginium acciri e castris:

3.46.6in eo verti puellae salutem, si postero die vindex iniuriae ad tempus praesto esset. iussi pergunt citatisque equis nuntium ad patrem perferunt.

3.46.7cum instaret adsertor puellae ut vindicaret sponsoresque daret, atque id ipsum agi diceret Icilius, sedulo tempus terens dum praeciperent iter nuntii missi in castra, manus tollere undique multitudo multitude et se quisque paratum ad spondendum Icilio ostendere.

3.46.8atque ille lacrimabundus Gratum est inquit; crastina die vestra opera utar; sponsorum nunc satis est. ita vindicatur Verginia spondentibus propinquis.

3.46.9Appius paulisper moratus ne eius rei causa sedisse videretur, postquam omissis rebus aliis prae cura unius nemo adibat, domum se recepit collegisque in castra scribit, ne Verginio commeatum dent atque etiam in custodia habeant.

3.46.10improbum consilium serum, ut debuit, fuit, et iam commeatu sumpto profectus Verginius prima vigilia erat, cum postero die mane de retinendo eo nequiquam litterae redduntur.

3.47.1at in urbe prima luce cum civitas in foro exspectatione erecta staret, Verginius sordidatus filiam secum obsoleta veste comitantibus aliquot matronis cum ingenti advocatione in forum deducit.

3.47.2circumire ibi et prensare homines coepit et non orare solum precariam opem, sed pro debita petere: Se pro liberis eorum ac coniugibus cottidie in acie stare, nec alium virum esse cuius strenue ac fortiter facta in bello plura memorari possent; quid prodesse si, incolumi urbe, quae capta ultima timeantur liberis suis sint patienda?

3.47.3haec prope contionabundus circumibat homines. similia his ab Icilio iactabantur.

3.47.4comitatus muliebris plus tacito fletu quam ulla vox movebat. adversus quae omnia obstinato animo Appius—tanta vis amentiae verius quam amoris mentem turbaverat—in tribunal escendit, et ultro querente pauca petitore quod ius sibi pridie per ambitionem dictum non esset, priusquam aut ille postulatum perageret aut Verginio respondendi daretur locus, Appius interfatur.

3.47.5quem decreto sermonem praetenderit, forsan aliquem verum auctores antiqui tradiderint: quia nusquam ullum in tanta foeditate decreti veri similem invenio, id quod constat nudum videtur proponendum, decresse vindicias secundum servitutem.

3.47.6primo stupor omnes admiratione rei tam atrocis defixit; silentium inde aliquamdiu tenuit. dein cum M. Claudius circumstantibus matronis iret ad prehendendam virginem, lamentabilisque eum mulierum comploratio excepisset, Verginius intentans in Appium manus,

3.47.7Icilio inquit, Appi , non tibi filiam despondi et ad nuptias, non ad stuprum educavi. placet pecudum ferarumque ritu promisce in concubitus ruere? passurine haec isti sint, nescio: non spero esse passuros illos, qui arma habent.

3.47.8cum repelleretur adsertor virginis a globo mulierum circumstantiumque advocatorum, silentium factum per praeconem.

3.48.1decemvir alienatus ad libidinem animo negat ex hesterno tantum convicio Icili violentiaque Vergini, cuius testem populum Romanum habeat, sed certis quoque indiciis compertum se habere nocte tota coetus in urbe factos esse ad movendam seditionem.

3.48.2itaque se haud baud inscium eius dimicationis cum armatis descendisse, non ut quemquam quietum violaret, sed ut turbantes civitatis otium pro maiestate imperii imperil coerceret.

3.48.3proinde quiesse erit melius. I, inquit, lictor, submove turbam et da viam domino ad prehendendum mancipium. cum haec intonuisset plenus irae, multitudo multitude ipsa se sua sponte dimovit desertaque praeda iniuriae puella stabat.

3.48.4tum Verginius ubi nihil usquam auxilii vidit, quaeso inquit, Appi , primum ignosce patrio dolori, si quo inclementius in te sum invectus; deinde sinas hic coram virgine nutricem percontari quid hoc rei sit, ut si falso pater dictus sum aequiore hinc animo discedam.

3.48.5data venia seducit filiam ac nutricem prope Cloacinae ad tabernas quibus nunc novis est nomen atque ibi ab lanio cultro arrepto, hoc te uno quo possum ait modo, filia, in libertatem vindico. pectus deinde puellae transfigit respectansque ad tribunal te inquit, Appi , tuumque caput sanguine hoc consecro.

3.48.6clamore ad tam atrox facinus orto excitus Appius comprehendi Verginium iubet. ille ferro quacumque ibat viam facere, donec multitudine etiam prosequentium tuente ad portam perrexit.

3.48.7Icilius Numitoriusque exsangue corpus sublatum ostentant populo; scelus Appi, puellae infelicem formam, necessitatem patris deplorant.

3.48.8sequentes clamitant matronae: eamne liberorum procreandorum condicionem, ea pudicitiae praemia esse?—cetera quae in tali re muliebris dolor, quo est maestior imbecillo animo, eo miserabilia magis querentibus subicit.

3.48.9virorum et maxime Icili vox tota tribuniciae potestatis ac provocationis ad populum ereptae publicarumque indignationum erat.

3.49.1concitatur multitudo multitude partim atrocitate sceleris, partim spe per occasionem repetendae libertatis.

3.49.2Appius nunc vocari Icilium, nunc retractantem arripi, postremo, cum locus adeundi apparitoribus non daretur, ipse cum agmine patriciorum iuvenum per turbam vadens in vincula duci iubet.

3.49.3iam circa Icilium non solum multitudo sed duces quoque multitudinis erant, L. Valerius et M. Horatius, qui repulso lictore, si iure ageret, vindicare se a privato Icilium aiebant; si vim adferre conaretur, ibi quoque haud impares fore.

3.49.4hinc atrox rixa oritur. Valerium Horatiumque lictor decemviri invadit: franguntur a multitudine fasces. in contionem Appius escendit: sequuntur Horatius Valeriusque. eos contio audit: decemviro obstrepitur.

3.49.5iam pro imperio Valerius discedere a privato lictores iubebat, cum fractis animis Appius vitae metuens in domum se propinquam foro insciis adversariis capite obvoluto recipit.

3.49.6Sp . Oppius, ut auxilio collegae esset, in forum ex altera parte inrumpit. videt imperium vi victum. agitatus deinde consiliis ad quae ex omni parte adsentiendo multis auctoribus trepidaverat, senatum postremo vocari iussit.

3.49.7ea res, quod magnae parti patrum displicere acta decemvirorum videbantur, spe per senatum finiendae potestatis eius multitudinem sedavit.

3.49.8senatus nec plebem inritandam censuit et multo magis providendum ne quid Verginii adventus in exercitu motus faceret.

3.50.1itaque missi iuniores patrum in castra, quae tum in monte Vecilio erant, nuntiant decemviris ut omni ope ab seditione milites contineant.

3.50.2ibi Verginius maiorem quam reliquerat in urbe motum excivit.

3.50.3nam praeterquam quod agmine prope quadringentorum hominum veniens, qui ab urbe indignitate rei accensi comites ei se dederant, conspectus est, strictum etiam telum respersusque ipse cruore tota in se castra convertit. et togae multifariam in castris visae maioris aliquanto quam erat speciem urbanae multitudinis fecerant.

3.50.4quaerentibus quid rei esset flens diu vocem non misit; tandem, ut iam ex trepidatione concurrentium turba constitit ac silentium fuit, ordine cuncta, ut gesta erant, exposuit.

3.50.5supinas deinde tendens manus commilitones appellans orabat ne quod scelus Ap. Claudi esset sibi attribuerent neu se ut parricidam liberum aversarentur.

3.50.6sibi vitam filiae sua cariorem fuisse, si liberae ac pudicae vivere licitum fuisset: cum velut servam ad stuprum rapi videret, morte amitti melius ratum quam contumelia liberos, misericordia se in speciem crudelitatis lapsum.

3.50.7nec se superstitem filiae futurum fuisse, nisi spem ulciscendae mortis eius in auxilio commilitonum habuisset. illis quoque enim filias sorores coniugesque esse, nec cum filia sua libidinem Ap. Claudi exstinctam esse, sed quo impunitior sit, eo effrenatiorem fore.

3.50.8aliena calamitate documentum datum illis cavendae similis iniuriae. quod ad se attineat, uxorem sibi fato ereptam, filiam, quia non ultra pudica victura fuerit, miseram sed honestam mortem occubuisse;

3.50.9non esse iam Appi libidini locum in domo sua: ab alia violentia eius eodem se animo suum corpus vindicaturum quo vindicaverit filiae: ceteri sibi ac liberis suis consulerent.

Book 3, Part 5

3.50.10haec Verginio vociferanti succlamabat multitudo nec illius dolori nec suae libertati se defuturos. et immixti turbae militum togati, eadem illa querendo docendoque quanto visa quam audita indigniora potuerint videri, simul profligatam iam rem nuntiando Romae esse,

3.50.11insecutis qui Appium prope interemptum in exsilium abisse dicerent, perpulerunt ut ad arma conclamaretur vellerentque signa et Romam proficiscerentur.

3.50.12decemviri simul iis quae videbant iisque quae acta Romae audierant perturbati, alius in aliam partem castrorum ad sedandos motus discurrunt. et leniter agentibus responsum non redditur: imperium si quis inhiberet, et viros et armatos se esse respondetur.

3.50.13eunt agmine ad urbem et Aventinum insidunt, ut quisque occurrerat plebem ad repetendam libertatem creandosque tribunos tribunes plebis adhortantes.

3.50.14alia vox nulla violenta audita est. senatum Sp. Oppius habet. nihil placet aspere agi; quippe ab ipsis datum locum seditioni esse.

3.50.15mittuntur tres legati consulares, Sp. Tarpeius C. Iulius P. Sulpicius, qui quaererent senatus verbis, cuius iussu castra deseruissent aut quid sibi vellent qui armati Aventinum obsedissent belloque averso ab hostibus patriam suam cepissent.

3.50.16non defuit quod responderetur: deerat qui daret responsum nullodum certo duce nec satis audentibus singulis invidiae se offerre. id modo a multitudine conclamatum est ut L. Valerium et M. Horatium ad se mitterent: his se daturos responsum.

3.51.1dimissis legatis admonet milites Verginius in re non maxima paulo ante trepidatum esse quia sine capite multitudo fuerit, responsumque quamquam non inutiliter, fortuito tamen magis consensu quam communi consilio esse.

3.51.2placere decem creari qui summae rei praeessent militarique honore tribunos militum appellari.

3.51.3cum ad eum ipsum primum is honos deferretur, melioribus meis vestrisque rebus reservate inquit ista de me iudicia;

3.51.4nec mihi filia inulta honorem ullum iucundum esse patitur, nec in perturbata re publica eos utile est praeesse vobis qui proximi invidiae sint.

3.51.5si quis usus mei est, nihilo minor ex privato capietur.

3.51.6ita decem numero tribunos militares creant.

3.51.7neque in Sabinis quievit exercitus. ibi quoque auctore Icilio Numitorioque secessio ab decemviris facta est, non minore motu animorum Sicci caedis memoria renovata quam quem nova fama de virgine adeo foede ad libidinem petita accenderat.

3.51.8Icilius ubi audivit tribunos militum in Aventino creatos, ne comitiorum militarium praerogativam urbana comitia iisdem tribunis plebis creandis sequerentur,

3.51.9peritus rerum popularium imminensque ei potestati et ipse, priusquam iretur ad urbem, pari potestate eundem numerum ab suis creandum curat.

3.51.10Porta Collina urbem intravere sub signis, mediaque urbe agmine in Aventinum pergunt. ibi coniuncti alteri exercitui viginti tribunis militum negotium dederunt ut ex suo numero duos crearent qui summae rerum praeessent. M. Oppium Sex. manilium creant.

3.51.11patres solliciti de summa rerum cum senatus cottidie esset iurgiis saepius terunt tempus quam consiliis.

3.51.12Sicci caedes decemviris et Appiana libido et dedecora militiae obiciebantur. placebat Valerium Horatiumque ire in Aventinum. illi negabant se aliter ituros quam si decemviri deponerent insignia magistratus eius quo anno iam ante abissent.

3.51.13decemviri querentes se in ordinem cogi non ante quam perlatis legibus quarum causa creati essent deposituros imperium se aiebant.

3.52.1per M. Duillium, qui tribunus plebis fuerat, certior facta plebs contentionibus adsiduis nihil transigi, in Sacrum montem ex Aventino transit

3.52.2adfirmante Duillio non prius quam deseri urbem videant curam in animos patrum descensuram; admoniturum Sacrum montem constantiae plebis, sciturosque sine restituta potestate tribunicia redigi in concordiam resne queant.

3.52.3Via Nomentana, cui tum Ficolensi nomen fuit, profecti castra in monte Sacro locavere modestiam patrum suorum nihil violando imitati. secuta exercitum plebs nullo qui per aetatem ire posset retractante.

3.52.4prosequuntur coniuges liberique, cuinam se relinquerent in ea urbe in qua nec pudicitia nec libertas sancta esset miserabiliter rogitantes.

3.52.5cum vasta Romae omnia insueta solitudo fecisset, in foro praeter paucos seniorum nemo esset, vocatis utique in senatum patribus desertum apparuisset forum, plures iam quam Horatius ac Valerius vociferabantur:

3.52.6quid exspectabitis, patres conscripti? si decemviri finem pertinaciae non faciunt, ruere ac deflagrare omnia passuri estis? quod autem istud imperium est, decemviri, quod amplexi tenetis?

3.52.7tectis ac parietibus iura dicturi estis? non pudet lictorum vestrorum maiorem prope numerum in foro conspici quam togatorum aliorum? quid si hostes ad urbem veniant facturi estis? quid si plebs mox, ubi parum secessione moveamur, armata veniat? occasune urbis voltis finire imperium?

3.52.8atqui aut plebs non est habenda aut habendi sunt tribuni plebis. nos citius caruerimus patriciis magistratibus quam illi plebeiis.

3.52.9novam inexpertamque eam potestatem eripuere patribus nostris; ne nunc dulcedine semel capti ferant desiderium, cum praesertim nec nos temperemus imperiis, quo minus illi auxilii egeant.

3.52.10cum haec ex omni parte iactarentur, victi consensu decemviri futuros se, quando ita videatur, in potestate patrum adfirmant.

3.52.11id modo simul orant ac monent, ut ipsis ab invidia caveatur nec suo sanguine ad supplicia patrum plebem adsuefaciant.

3.53.1tum Valerius Horatiusque missi ad plebem condicionibus quibus videretur revocandam componendasque res, decemviris quoque ab ira et impetu multitudinis praecavere iubentur.

3.53.2profecti gaudio ingenti plebis in castra accipiuntur, quippe liberatores haud dubie et motus initio et exitu rei. ob haec iis advenientibus gratiae actae;

3.53.3Icilius pro multitudine verba facit. idem , cum de condicionibus ageretur, quaerentibus legatis quae postulata plebis essent, composito iam ante adventum legatorum consilio ea postulavit ut appareret in aequitate rerum plus quam in armis reponi spei.

3.53.4potestatem enim tribuniciam provocationemque repetebant, quae ante decemviros creatos auxilia plebis fuerant, et ne cui fraudi esset concisse milites aut plebem ad repetendam per secessionem libertatem.

3.53.5de decemvirorum modo supplicio atrox postulatum fuit; dedi quippe eos aequum censebant vivosque igni concrematuros minabantur.

3.53.6legati ad ea: quae consilii fuerunt adeo aequa postulastis ut ultro vobis deferenda fuerint; libertati enim ea praesidia petitis, non licentiae ad impugnandos alios.

3.53.7irae vestrae magis ignoscendum quam indulgendum est, quippe qui crudelitatis odio in crudelitatem ruitis et prius paene quam ipsi liberi sitis dominari iam in adversarios voltis.

3.53.8numquamne quiescet civitas nostra a suppliciis aut patrum in plebem Romanam aut plebis in patres?

3.53.9scuto vobis magis quam gladio opus est. satis superque humili est, qui iure aequo in civitate vivit nec inferendo iniuriam nec patiendo.

3.53.10etiam si quando metuendos vos praebituri estis, cum reciperatis magistratibus legibusque vestris iudicia penes vos erunt de capite nostro fortunisque, tunc tune ut quaeque causa erit statuetis: nunc libertatem repeti satis est.

3.54.1facerent ut vellent permittentibus cunctis mox redituros se legati rebus perfectis adfirmant.

3.54.2profecti cum mandata plebis patribus exposuissent, alii decemviri, quando quidem praeter spem ipsorum supplicii sui nulla mentio fieret, haud quicquam abnuere:

3.54.3Appius truci ingenio et invidia praecipua odium in se aliorum suo in eos metiens odio, haud ignaro inquit imminet fortuna.

3.54.4video donec arma adversariis tradantur differri adversus nos certamen. dandus invidiae est sanguis. nihil ne ego quidem moror quo minus decemviratu abeam.

3.54.5factum senatus consultum ut decemviri se primo quoque tempore magistratu abdicarent, Q. Furius pontifex maximus tribunos plebis crearet, et ne cui fraudi esset secessio militum plebisque.

3.54.6his senatus consultis perfectis dimisso senatu decemviri prodeunt in contionem abdicantque se magistratu ingenti hominum laetitia. nuntiantur haec plebi.

3.54.7legatos quidquid in urbe hominum supererat prosequitur. huic multitudini laeta alia turba ex castris occurrit. congratulantur libertatem concordiamque civitati restitutam.

3.54.8legati pro contione: quod bonum faustum felixque sit vobis reique publicae, redite in patriam ad penates, coniuges liberosque vestros; sed qua hic modestia fuistis, ubi nullius ager in tot rerum usu necessario tantae multitudini est violatus, eam modestiam ferte in urbem. in Aventinum ite, unde profecti estis.

3.54.9ibi felici loco, ubi prima initia incohastis libertatis vestrae, tribunos plebi creabitis. praesto erit pontifex maximus qui comitia habeat.

3.54.10ingens adsensus alacritasque cuncta adprobantium fuit. convellunt inde signa profectique Romam certant cum obviis gaudio. armati per urbem silentio in Aventinum perveniunt.

3.54.11ibi extemplo pontifice maximo comitia habente tribunos plebis creaverunt, omnium primum L. Verginium, inde L. Icilium et P. Numitorium, avunculum Verginiae, auctores secessionis, tum C. Sicinium, progeniem eius,

3.54.12quem primum tribunum plebis creatum in Sacro monte proditum memoriae est, et M. Duillium, qui tribunatum insignem ante decemviros creatos gesserat nec in decemviralibus certaminibus plebi defuerat.

3.54.13spe deinde magis quam meritis electi M. Titinius M. Pomponius C. Apronius P Ap . Villius C. Oppius.

3.54.14tribunatu inito L. Icilius extemplo plebem rogavit et plebs scivit ne cui fraudi esset secessio ab decemviris facta.

3.54.15confestim de consulibus creandis cum provocatione M. Duillius rogationem pertulit. ea omnia in pratis Flaminiis concilio plebis acta, quem nunc circum Flaminium appellant.

3.55.1per interregem deinde consules creati L. Valerius M. Horatius, qui extemplo magistratum occeperunt. quorum consulatus popularis sine ulla patrum iniuria nec sine offensione fuit;

3.55.2quidquid enim libertati plebis caveretur, id suis decedere opibus credebant.

3.55.3omnium primum, cum velut in controverso iure esset tenerenturne patres plebi scitis, legem centuriatis comitiis tulere ut quod tributim plebes iussisset populum teneret; qua lege tribuniciis rogationibus telum acerrimum datum est.

3.55.4aliam deinde consularem legem de provocatione, unicum praesidium libertatis, decemvirali potestate eversam, non restituunt modo, sed etiam in posterum muniunt sanciendo novam legem,

3.55.5ne quis ullum magistratum sine provocatione crearet; qui creasset, eum ius fasque esset occidi, neve ea caedes capitalis noxae haberetur.

3.55.6et cum plebem hinc provocatione hinc tribunicio auxilio satis firmassent, ipsis quoque tribunis, ut sacrosancti viderentur, cuius rei prope iam memoria aboleverat, relatis quibusdam ex magno intervallo caerimoniis renovarunt,

3.55.7et cum religione inviolatos eos tum lege etiam fecerunt, sanciendo ut qui tribunis plebis aedilibus iudicibus decemviris nocuisset, eius caput Iovi sacrum esset, familia ad aedem Cereris Liberi Liberaeque venum iret.

3.55.8hac lege iuris interpretes negant quemquam sacrosanctum esse, sed eum qui eorum cui nocuerit, Iovi sacrum sanciri;

3.55.9itaque aedilem prendi ducique a maioribus magistratibus, quod etsi non iure fiat —noceri enim ei cui hac lege non liceat—tamen argumentum esse non haberi pro sacro sanctoque aedilem;

3.55.10tribunos vetere iure iurando plebis, cum primum eam potestatem creavit, sacrosanctos esse.

3.55.11fuere qui interpretarentur eadem hac Horatia lege consulibus quoque et praetoribus, quia eisdem auspiciis quibus consules crearentur, cautum esse: iudicem enim consulem appellari.

3.55.12quae refellitur interpretatio, quod iis temporibus nondum consulem iudicem sed praetorem appellari mos fuerit.

3.55.13hae consulares leges fuere. institutum etiam ab iisdem consulibus ut senatus consulta in aedem Cereris ad aediles plebis deferrentur, quae antea arbitrio consulum supprimebantur vitiabanturque.

3.55.14M. Duillius deinde tribunus plebis plebem rogavit plebesque scivit qui plebem sine tribunis reliquisset, quique magistratum sine provocatione creasset, tergo ac capite puniretur.

3.55.15haec omnia ut invitis, ita non adversantibus patriciis transacta, quia nondum in quemquam unum saeviebatur.

3.56.1fundata deinde et potestate tribunicia et plebis libertate tum tribuni adgredi singulos tutum maturumque iam rati accusatorem primum Verginium et Appium reum deligunt.

3.56.2cum diem Appio Verginius dixisset et Appius stipatus patriciis iuvenibus in forum descendisset, redintegrata extemplo est omnibus memoria foedissimae potestatis, cum ipsum satellitesque eius vidissent.

3.56.3tum Verginius oratio inquit, rebus dubiis inventa est; itaque neque ego accusando apud vos eum tempus teram a cuius crudelitate vosmet ipsi armis vindicastis, nec istum ad cetera scelera impudentiam in defendendo se adicere patiar.

3.56.4omnium igitur tibi, Ap. Claudi, quae impie nefarieque per biennium alia super alia es ausus, gratiam facio: unius tantum criminis nisi iudicem dices, te ab libertate in servitutem contra leges vindicias non dedisse, in vincla te duci iubebo.

3.56.5nec in tribunicio auxilio Appius nec in iudicio populi ullam spem habebat; tamen et tribunos appellavit et, nullo morante arreptus a viatore, provoco inquit.

3.56.6audita vox una vindex libertatis, ex eo missa ore quo vindiciae nuper ab libertate dictae erant, silentium fecit.

3.56.7et dum pro se quisque deos tandem esse et non neglegere humana fremunt, et superbiae crudelitatique etsi seras, non leves tamen

3.56.8venire poenas—provocare qui provocationem sustulisset, et implorare praesidium populi qui omnia iura populi obtrisset, rapique in vincla egentem iure libertatis, qui liberum corpus in servitutem addixisset,—- ipsius Appi inter contionis murmur fidem populi Romani implorantis vox audiebatur.

3.56.9maiorum merita in rem publicam domi militiaeque commemorabat, suum infelix erga plebem Romanam studium, quo aequandarum legum causa cum maxima offensione patrum consulatu abisset, suas leges, quibus manentibus lator earum in vincla ducatur.

3.56.10ceterum sua propria bona malaque, cum causae dicendae data facultas sit, tum se experturum; in praesentia se communi iure civitatis civem Romanum die dicta postulare ut dicere liceat, ut iudicium populi Romani experiri. non ita se invidiam pertimuisse ut nihil in aequitate et misericordia civium suorum spei habeat.

3.56.11quod si indicta causa in vincla ducatur, iterum se tribunos plebei appellare, et monere ne imitentur quos oderint.

3.56.12quod si tribuni eodem foedere obligatos se fateantur tollendae appellationis in quod conspirasse decemviros criminati sint, at se provocare ad populum, implorare leges de provocatione et consulares et tribunicias, eo ipso anno latas.

3.56.13quem enim provocaturum, si hoc indemnato indicta causa non liceat? cui plebeio et humili praesidium in legibus fore, si Ap. Claudio non sit? se documento futurum utrum novis legibus dominatio an libertas firmata sit, et appellatio provocatioque adversus iniuriam magistratuum ostentata tantum inanibus litteris an vere data sit.

3.57.1contra ea Verginius unum Ap. Claudium et legum expertem et civilis et humani foederis esse aiebat:

3.57.2respicerent tribunal homines, castellum omnium scelerum, ubi decemvir ille perpetuus, bonis, tergo, sanguini civium infestus, virgas securesque omnibus minitans, deorum hominumque contemptor, carnificibus,

3.57.3non lictoribus stipatus, iam ab rapinis et caedibus animo ad libidinem verso virginem ingenuam in oculis populi Romani, velut bello captam, ab complexu patris abreptam ministro cubiculi sui clienti dono dederit;

3.57.4ubi crudeli decreto nefandisque vindiciis dextram patris in filiam armaverit; ubi tollentis corpus semianime virginis sponsum avumque in carcerem duci iusserit, stupro interpellato magis quam caede motus. et illi carcerem aedificatum esse quod domicilium plebis Romanae vocare sit solitus.

3.57.5proinde ut ille iterum ac saepius provocet, sic se iterum ac saepius iudicem illi ferre ni vindicias ab libertate in servitutem dederit; si ad iudicem non eat, pro damnato in vincla duci iubere.

3.57.6ut haud quoquam improbante sic magno motu animorum, cum tanti viri supplicio suamet plebi iam nimia libertas videretur, in carcerem est coniectus. tribunus ei diem prodixit.

3.57.7inter haec ab Latinis et Hernicis legati gratulatum de concordia patrum ac plebis Romam venerunt, donumque ob eam earn Iovi optumo maximo coronam auream in Capitolium tulere parvi ponderis, prout res haud opulentae erant colebanturque religiones pie magis quam magnifice.

3.57.8iisdem auctoribus cognitum est Aequos Volscosque summa vi bellum apparare.

3.57.9itaque partiri provincias consules iussi. Horatio Sabini, Valerio Aequi evenere. cum ad ea bella dilectum edixissent, favore plebis non iuniores modo sed emeritis etiam stipendiis pars magna voluntariorum ad nomina danda praesto fuere, eoque non copia modo sed genere etiam militum, veteranis admixtis, firmior exercitus fuit.

3.57.10priusquam urbe egrederentur, leges decemvirales, quibus tabulis duodecim est nomen, in aes incisas in publico proposuerunt. sunt qui iussu tribunorum aediles functos eo ministerio scribant.

3.58.1C. Claudius, qui perosus decemvirorum scelera et ante omnes fratris filii superbiae infestus Regillum, antiquam in patriam, se contulerat, is magno iam natu, cum ad pericula eius deprecanda redisset cuius vitia fugerat, sordidatus cum gentilibus clientibusque in foro prensabat singulos orabatque

3.58.2ne Claudiae genti eam earn inustam maculam vellent ut carcere et vinculis viderentur digni. virum honoratissimae imaginis futurum ad posteros, legum latorem conditoremque Romani iuris, iacere vinctum inter fures nocturnos nocturnes ac latrones.

3.58.3averterent ab ira parumper ad cognitionem cogitationemque animos, et potius unum tot Claudiis deprecantibus condonarent quam propter unius odium multorum preces aspernarentur.

3.58.4se quoque id generi ac nomini dare nec cum eo in gratiam redisse cuius adversae fortunae velit succursum. virtute libertatem reciperatam esse: dementia concordiam ordinum stabiliri posse.

3.58.5erant quos moveret sua magis pietate quam eius pro quo agebat causa; sed Verginius sui potius ut misererentur orabat filiaeque, nec gentis Claudiae regnum in plebem sortitae sed necessariorum Verginiae trium tribunorum preces audirent, qui ad auxilium plebis creati ipsi plebis fidem atque auxilium implorarent.

3.58.6iustiores hae lacrimae videbantur. itaque spe incisa, priusquam prodicta dies adesset, Appius mortem sibi conscivit.

3.58.7subinde arreptus a P. Numitorio Sp. Oppius, proximus invidiae, quod in urbe fuerat cum iniustae vindiciae a collega dicerentur.

3.58.8plus tamen facta iniuria Oppio quam non prohibita invidiae fecit. testis productus, qui septem et viginti enumeratis stipendiis octiens extra ordinem donatus donaque ea gerens in conspectu populi, scissa veste tergum laceratum virgis ostendit, nihilum deprecans quin si quam suam noxam reus dicere posset, privatus iterum in se saeviret.

3.58.9Oppius quoque ductus in vincula est, et ante iudicii diem finem ibi vitae fecit. bona Claudi Oppique tribuni publicavere. collegae eorum exsilii causa solum verterunt; bona publicata sunt.

3.58.10et M. Claudius, adsertor Verginiae, die dicta damnatus, ipso remittente Verginio ultimam poenam dimissus Tibur exsulatum abiit,

3.58.11manesque Verginiae, mortuae quam vivae felicioris, per tot domos ad petendas poenas vagati nullo relicto sonte tandem quieverunt.

3.59.1ingens metus incesserat patres, voltusque iam iidem tribunorum erant qui decemvirorum fuerant, cum M. Duillius tribunus plebis inhibito

3.59.2salubriter modo nimiae potestati et libertatis inquit, nostrae et poenarum ex inimicis satis est; itaque hoc anno nec diem dici cuiquam nec in vincla duci quemquam sum passurus.

3.59.3nam neque vetera peccata repeti iam oblitterata placet, cum nova expiata sint decemvirorum suppliciis, et nihil admissum iri, quod vim tribuniciam desideret spondet perpetua consulum amborum in libertate vestra tuenda cura.

3.59.4ea primum moderatio tribuni metum patribus dempsit, eademque auxit consulum invidiam, quod adeo toti plebis fuissent ut patrum salutis libertatisque prior plebeio magistratui quam patricio cura fuisset, et ante inimicos satietas poenarum suarum cepisset quam obviam ituros licentiae eorum consules appareret.

3.59.5multique erant qui mollius consultum dicerent, quod legum ab iis latarum patres auctores fuissent, neque erat dubium quin turbato rei publicae statu tempori succubuissent.

3.60.1consules rebus urbanis compositis fundatoque plebis statu in provincias diversi abiere. Valerius adversus coniunctos iam in Algido exercitus Aequorum Volscorumque sustinuit consilio bellum;

3.60.2quod si extemplo rem fortunae commisisset, haud scio an, qui tum animi ab decemvirorum infelicibus auspiciis Romanis hostibusque erant, magno detrimento certamen staturum fuerit.

3.60.3castris mille passuum ab hoste positis copias continebat. hostes medium inter bina castra spatium acie instructa complebant, provocantibusque ad proelium responsum Romanus nemo reddebat.

3.60.4tandem fatigati stando ac nequiquam exspectando certamen Aequi Volscique, postquam concessum propemodum de victoria credebant, pars in Hernicos, pars in Latinos praedatum abeunt; relinquitur magis castris praesidium quam satis virium ad certamen.

3.60.5quod ubi consul sensit, reddit inlatum antea terrorem instructaque acie ultro hostem lacessit.

3.60.6ubi illi conscientia quid abesset virium detractavere pugnam, crevit extemplo Romanis animus, et pro victis habebant paventes intra vallum.

3.60.7cum per totum diem stetissent intenti ad certamen, nocti cessere. et Romani quidem pleni spei corpora curabant: haudquaquam pari hostes animo nuntios passim trepidi ad revocandos praedatores dimittunt. recurritur ex proximis locis: ulteriores non inventi.

3.60.8ubi inluxit, egreditur castris Romanus vallum invasurus ni copia pugnae fieret. et postquam multa iam dies erat neque movebatur quicquam ab hoste, iubet signa inferri consul; motaque acie indignatio Aequos et Volscos incessit, si victores exercitus vallum potius quam virtus et arma tegerent. igitur et ipsi efflagitatum ab ducibus signum pugnae accepere.

3.60.9iamque pars egressa portis erat, deincepsque alii servabant ordinem in suum quisque locum descendentes, cum consul Romanus, priusquam totis viribus fulta constaret hostium acies, intulit signa;

3.60.10adortusque nec omnes dum eductos, nec qui erant, satis explicatis ordinibus, prope fluctuantem turbam trepidantium huc atque illuc circumspectantiumque se ac suos, addito turbatis mentibus clamore atque impetu invadit. rettulere primo pedem hostes;

3.60.11deinde, cum animos collegissent et undique duces victisne cessuri essent increparent, restituitur pugna.

3.61.1consul ex altera parte Romanos meminisse iubebat illo die primum liberos pro libera urbe Romana pugnare: sibimet ipsis victuros, non ut decemvirorum victores praemium essent.

Book 3, Part 6

3.61.2non Appio duce rem geri, sed consule Valerio, ab liberatoribus populi Romani orto, liberatore ipso. ostenderent prioribus proeliis per duces, non per milites stetisse ne vincerent;

3.61.3turpe esse contra cives plus animi habuisse quam contra hostes, et domi quam foris servitutem magis timuisse.

3.61.4unam Verginiam fuisse cuius pudicitiae in pace periculum esset, unum Appium civem periculosae libidinis; at si fortuna belli inclinet, omnium liberis ab tot milibus hostium periculum fore;

3.61.5nolle ominari quae nec Iuppiter nec Mars pater passuri sint iis auspiciis conditae urbi accidere. aventini Sacrique montis admonebat, ut ubi libertas parta esset paucis ante mensibus,

3.61.6eo imperium inlibatum referrent, ostenderentque eandem indolem militibus Romanis post exactos decemviros esse quae ante creatos fuerit, nec aequatis legibus imminutam virtutem populi Romani esse.

3.61.7haec ubi inter signa peditum dicta dedit, avolat deinde ad equites: agite , iuvenes inquit, praestate virtute peditem ut honore atque ordine praestatis.

3.61.8primo concursu pedes movit hostem, pulsum vos immissis equis exigite e campo. non sustinebunt impetum, et nunc cunctantur magis quam resistunt.

3.61.9concitant equos permittuntque in hostem pedestri iam turbatum pugna et perruptis ordinibus elati ad novissimam aciem, pars libero spatio circumvecti iam fugam undique capessentes plerosque a castris avertunt praeterequitantesque absterrent.

3.61.10peditum acies et consul ipse visque omnis belli fertur in castra, captisque cum ingenti caede maiore praeda potitur.

3.61.11huius pugnae fama perlata non in urbem modo sed in Sabinos ad alterum exercitum, in urbe laetitia celebrata est, in castris animos militum ad aemulandum decus accendit.

3.61.12iam Horatius eos excursionibus proeliisque levibus experiundo adsuefecerat sibi potius fidere quam meminisse ignominiae decemvirorum ductu acceptae, parvaque certamina in summam totius profecerant spei.

3.61.13nec cessabant Sabini, feroces ab re priore anno bene gesta, lacessere atque instare, rogitantes quid latrocinii modo procursantes pauci recurrentesque tererent tempus et in multa proelia parvaque carperent summam unius belli?

3.61.14quin illi congrederentur acie inclinandamque semel fortunae rem darent?

3.62.1ad id quod sua sponte satis conlectum animorum erat indignitate etiam Romani accendebantur: iam alterum exercitum victorem in urbem rediturum, sibi ultro per contumelias hostem insultare; quando autem se, si tum non sint, pares hostibus fore?

3.62.2ubi haec fremere militem in castris consul sensit, contione advocata Quem ad modum inquit, in Algido res gesta sit, arbitror vos, milites, audisse. qualem liberi populi exercitum decuit esse, talis fuit. consilio collegae, virtute militum victoria parta est.

3.62.3quod ad me attinet, id consilii animique habiturus sum quod vos mihi feceritis. et trahi bellum salubriter et mature perfici potest. si trahendum est,

3.62.4ego ut in dies spes virtusque vestra crescat, eadem qua institui disciplina efficiam: si iam satis animi est decernique placet, agitedum clamorem qualem in acie sublaturi estis tollite hic hie indicem voluntatis virtutisque vestrae.

3.62.5postquam ingenti alacritate clamor est sublatus, quod bene vertat gesturum se illis morem posteroque die in aciem deducturum adfirmat. reliquum diei apparandis armis consumptum est.

3.62.6postero die simul instrui Romanam aciem Sabini videre et ipsi, iam pridem avidi certaminis, procedunt. proelium fuit, quale inter fidentes sibimet ambo exercitus, veteris perpetuaeque alterum gloriae, alterum nuper nova victoria elatum.

3.62.7consilio etiam Sabini vires adiuvere; nam cum aequassent aciem, duo extra ordinem milia quae in sinistrum cornu Romanorum in ipso certamine impressionem facerent tenuere.

3.62.8quae ubi inlatis ex transverso signis degravabant prope circumventum cornu, equites duarum legionum sescenti fere ex equis desiliunt cedentibusque iam suis provolant in primum simulque et hosti se opponunt et aequato primum periculo, pudore deinde animos peditum accendunt;

3.62.9verecundiae erat equitem suo alienoque Marte pugnare, peditem ne ad pedes quidem degresso equiti parem esse.

3.63.1vadunt igitur in proelium ab sua parte omissum et locum ex quo cesserant repetunt; momentoque non restituta modo pugna, sed inclinatur etiam Sabinis cornu.

3.63.2eques inter ordines peditum tectus se ad equos recipit. transvolat inde in partem alteram suis victoriae nuntius; simul et in hostes iam pavidos, quippe fuso suae partis validiore cornu, impetum facit. non aliorum eo proelio virtus magis enituit.

3.63.3consul providere omnia, laudare fortis, increpare sicubi segnior pugna esset. castigati fortium statim virorum opera edebant, tantumque hos pudor quantum alios laudes excitabant.

3.63.4redintegrato clamore undique omnes conisi hostem avertunt, nec deinde Romana vis sustineri potuit. Sabini fusi passim per agros castra hosti ad praedam relinquunt. ibi non sociorum sicut in Algido res, sed suas Romanus populationibus agrorum amissas recipit.

3.63.5gemina victoria duobus bifariam proeliis parta maligne senatus in unum diem supplicationes consulum nomine decrevit. populus iniussu et altero die frequens iit supplicatum; et haec vaga popularisque supplicatio studiis prope celebratior fuit.

3.63.6consules ex composito eodem biduo ad urbem accessere senatumque in Martium campum evocavere. ubi cum de rebus ab se gestis agerent, questi primores patrum senatum inter milites dedita opera terroris causa haberi.

3.63.7itaque inde consules, ne criminationi locus esset, in prata Flaminia, ubi nunc aedes Apollinis est—iam tum Apollinare appellabant,— avocavere senatum.

3.63.8ubi cum ingenti consensu patrum negaretur triumphus, L. Icilius tribunus plebis tulit ad populum de triumpho consulum multis dissuasum prodeuntibus,

3.63.9maxime C. Claudio vociferante de patribus, non de hostibus consules triumphare velle, gratiamque pro privato merito in tribunum, non pro virtute honorem peti. numquam ante de triumpho per populum actum; semper aestimationem arbitriumque eius honoris penes senatum fuisse;

3.63.10ne reges quidem maiestatem summi ordinis imminuisse; ne ita omnia tribuni potestatis suae implerent, ut nullum publicum consilium sinerent esse; ita demum liberam civitatem fore, ita aequatas leges, si sua quisque iura ordo, suam maiestatem teneat.

3.63.11in eandem sententiam multa et a ceteris senioribus patrum cum essent dicta, omnes tribus eam earn rogationem acceperunt. tum primum sine auctoritate senatus populi iussu triumphatum est.

3.64.1haec victoria tribunorum plebisque prope in haud salubrem luxuriam vertit conspiratione inter tribunos facta ut iidem tribuni reficerentur, et quo sua minus cupiditas emineret, consules quoque continuarent magistratum.

3.64.2consensum patrum causabantur, quo per contumeliam consulum iura tribunorum plebis labefactata essent.

3.64.3quid futurum nondum firmatis legibus, si novos tribunos per factionis suae consules adorti essent? non enim semper Valerios Horatiosque consules fore, qui libertati plebis suas opes postferrent.

3.64.4forte quadam utili ad tempus ut comitiis praeesset potissimum M. Duillio sorte evenit, viro prudenti et ex continuatione magistratus invidiam imminentem cernenti.

3.64.5qui cum ex veteribus tribunis negaret se ullius rationem habiturum, pugnarentque collegae ut liberas tribus in suffragium mitteret aut concederet sortem comitiorum collegis, habituris e lege potius comitia quam ex voluntate patrum,

3.64.6iniecta contentione Duillius consules ad subsellia accitos cum interrogasset quid de comitiis consularibus in animo haberent, respondissentque se novos consules creatures, auctores populares sententiae haud popularis nactus in contionem cum iis processit.

3.64.7ubi cum consules producti ad populum interrogatique, si eos populus Romanus, memor libertatis per illos receptae domi, memor militiae rerum gestarum, consules iterum faceret, quidnam facturi essent,

3.64.8nihil sententiae suae mutassent, conlaudatis consulibus quod perseverarent ad ultimum dissimiles decemvirorum esse, comitia habuit; et quinque tribunis plebi creatis cum prae studiis aperte petentium novem tribunorum alii candidati tribus non explerent, concilium dimisit nec deinde comitiorum causa habuit.

3.64.9satisfactum legi aiebat, quae numero nusquam praefinito tribuni modo ut relinquerentur sanciret, et ab iis qui creati essent cooptari collegas 10 iuberet; recitabatque rogationis carmen, in quo sic erat: si tribunos plebei decem rogabo; si qui vos minus hodie decem tribunos plebei feceritis, tum ut ii quos hi sibi collegas cooptassint legitimi eadem lege tribuni plebei sint ut illi quos hodie tribunos plebei feceritis.

3.64.10Duillius cum ad ultimum perseverasset negando quindecim tribunos plebei rem publicam habere posse, victa collegarum cupiditate pariter patribus plebeique acceptus magistratu abiit.

3.65.1novi tribuni plebis in cooptandis collegis patrum voluntatem foverunt; duos etiam patricios consularesque, Sp. Tarpeium et A. Aternium, cooptavere.

3.65.2consules creati Sp. Herminius T. Verginius Caelimontanus, nihil magnopere ad patrum aut plebis causam inclinati,

3.65.3otium domi ac foris habuere. L. Trebonius tribunus plebis, infestus patribus quod se ab iis in cooptandis tribunis fraude captum proditumque a collegis aiebat, rogationem tulit ut qui plebem Romanam tribunos plebi rogaret,

3.65.4is usque eo rogaret dum decem tribunos plebi faceret; insectandisque patribus, unde Aspero etiam inditum est cognomen, tribunatum gessit.

3.65.5inde M. Geganius Macerinus et C. Iulius consules facti contentiones tribunorum adversus nobilium iuventutem ortas sine insectatione potestatis eius conservata maiestate patrum sedavere.

3.65.6plebem decreto ad bellum Volscorum et Aequorum dilectu sustinendo rem ab seditionibus continuere, urbano otio foris quoque omnia tranquilla esse adfirmantes, per discordias civiles externos tollere animos.

3.65.7cura pacis concordiae quoque intestinae causa fuit. sed alter semper ordo gravis alterius modestiae erat; quiescenti plebi ab iunioribus patrum iniuriae fieri coeptae.

3.65.8ubi tribuni auxilio humilioribus essent, in primis parum proderat; deinde ne ipsi quidem inviolati erant, utique postremis mensibus, cum et per coitiones potentiorum iniuria fieret et vis potestatis omnis aliquanto posteriore anni parte languidior ferme esset.

3.65.9iamque lamque plebs ita in tribunatu ponere aliquid spei, si similes Icilio tribunos haberet: nomina tantum se biennio habuisse.

3.65.10seniores contra patrum, ut nimis feroces suos credere iuvenes esse, ita malle, si modus excedendus esset, suis quam adversariis superesse animos.

3.65.11adeo moderatio tuendae libertatis, dum aequari velle simulando ita se quisque extollit ut deprimat alium, in difficili est, cavendoque ne metuant, homines metuendos ultro se efficiunt, et iniuriam a nobis repulsam, tamquam aut facere aut pati necesse sit, iniungimus aliis.

3.66.1T. Quinctius Capitolinus quartum et Agrippa Furius consules inde facti nec seditionem domi nec foris bellum acceperunt; sed imminebat utrumque.

3.66.2iam non ultra discordia civium reprimi poterat et tribunis et plebe incitata in patres, cum dies alicui nobilium dicta novis semper certaminibus contiones turbaret.

3.66.3ad quarum primum strepitum velut signo accepto arma cepere Aequi ac Volsci, simul quod persuaserant iis duces, cupidi praedarum, biennio ante dilectum indictum haberi non potuisse abnuente iam plebe imperium; eo adversus se non esse missos exercitus.

3.66.4dissolvi licentia militandi morem, nec pro communi iam patria Romam esse. quidquid irarum simultatiumque cum externis fuerit in ipsos verti. occaecatos lupos intestina rabie opprimendi occasionem esse.

3.66.5coniunctis exercitibus Latinum primum agrum perpopulati sunt; deinde postquam ibi nemo vindex occurrebat, tum vero exsultantibus belli auctoribus ad moenia ipsa Romae populabundi regione portae Esquilinae accessere vastationem agrorum per contumeliam urbi ostentantes.

3.66.6unde postquam inulti praedam prae se agentes retro ad Corbionem agmine iere, Quinctius consul ad contionem populum vocavit.

3.67.1ibi in hanc sententiam locutum accipio: " etsi mihi nullius noxae conscius, Quirites, sum, tamen cum pudore summo in contionem in conspectum vestrum processi. hoc vos scire, hoc posteris memoriae traditum iri, Aequos et Volscos, vix Hernicis modo pares, T. Quinctio quartum consule ad moenia urbis Romae impune armatos venisse! hanc ego ignominiam,

3.67.2quamquam iam diu ita vivitur ut nihil boni divinet animus, si huic potissimum imminere anno scissem, vel exsilio vel morte, si alia fuga honoris non esset, vitassem.

3.67.3ergo si viri arma illa habuissent quae in portis fuere nostris, capi Roma me consule potuit. satis honorum, satis superque vitae erat;

3.67.4mori consulem tertium oportuit. quem tandem ignavissimi hostium contempsere? nos consules an vos, Quirites? si culpa in nobis est, auferte imperium indignis, et si id parum est, insuper poenas expetite:

3.67.5si in vobis, nemo deorum nec hominum sit qui vestra puniat peccata, Quirites: vosmet tantum eorum paeniteat. non illi vestram ignaviam contempsere nec suae virtuti confisi sunt; quippe totiens fusi fugatique, castris exuti, agro multati, sub iugum missi et se et vos novere:

3.67.6discordia ordinum et venenum urbis huius, patrum ac plebis certamina, dum nec nobis imperii nec vobis libertatis est modus, dum taedet vos patriciorum, nos plebeiorum magistratuum,

3.67.7sustulere illis animos. pro deum fidem quid vobis voltis? tribunos plebis concupistis; concordiae causa concessimus. decemviros desiderastis; creari passi sumus. decemvirorum vos pertaesum est;

3.67.8coegimus abire magistratu. manente in eosdem privatos ira vestra mori atque exsulare nobilissimos viros honoratissimosque passi sumus.

3.67.9tribunos plebis creare iterum voluistis; creastis; consules facere vestrarum partium; etsi patribus videbamus iniquum, patricium quoque magistratum plebi donum fieri vidimus. auxilium tribunicium, provocationem ad populum, scita plebis iniuncta patribus, sub titulo aequandarum legum nostra iura oppressa tulimus et ferimus.

3.67.10qui finis erit discordiarum? ecquando unam urbem habere, ecquando communem hanc esse patriam licebit? victi nos aequiore animo quiescimus quam vos victores.

3.67.11satisne est nobis vos metuendos esse? adversus nos Aventinum capitur, adversus nos Sacer occupatur mons; Esquilias vidimus ab hoste prope captas, et scandentem in aggerem Volscum. hostem nemo submovit: in nos viri, in nos armati estis.

3.68.1agitedum , ubi hic curiam circumsederitis et forum infestum feceritis et carcerem impleveritis principibus, iisdem istis ferocibus animis egredimini extra portam Esquilinam,

3.68.2aut si ne hoc quidem audetis, ex muris visite agros vestros ferro ignique vastatos, praedam abigi, fumare incensa passim tecta.

3.68.3at enim communis res per haec loco est peiore; ager uritur, urbs obsidetur, belli gloria penes hostes est. quid tandem? privatae res vestrae quo statu sunt? iam unicuique ex agris sua damna nuntiabuntur.

3.68.4quid est tandem domi unde ea expleatis? tribuni vobis amissa reddent ac restituent? vocis verborumque quantum voletis ingerent et criminum in principes et legum aliarum super alias et contionum; sed ex illis contionibus nunquam vestrum quisquam re, fortuna domum auctior rediit.

3.68.5ecquis rettulit aliquid ad coniugem ac liberos praeter odia offensiones simultates publicas privatasque? a quibus semper non vestra virtute innocentiaque,

3.68.6sed auxilio alieno tuti sitis. at hercules cum stipendia nobis consulibus, non tribunis ducibus, et in castris, non in foro faciebatis, et in acie vestrum clamorem hostes, non in contione patres Romani horrebant, praeda parta, agro ex hoste capto, pleni fortunarum gloriaeque simul publicae simul privatae triumphantes domum ad penates redibatis: nunc oneratum vestris fortunis hostem abire sinitis.

3.68.7haerete adfixi contionibus et in foro vivite: sequetur vos necessitas militandi quam fugitis. grave erat in Aequos et Volscos proficisci: ante portas est bellum. si inde non pellitur, iam intra moenia erit et arcem et Capitolium scandet et 8 in domos vestras vos persequetur. biennio ante senatus dilectum haberi et educi exercitum in Algidum iussit: sedemus desides domi mulierum ritu inter nos altercantes, praesenti pace laeti nec cernentes ex otio illo brevi multiplex bellum rediturum.

3.68.8his ego gratiora dictu alia esse scio; sed me vera pro gratis loqui, etsi meum ingenium non moneret, necessitas cogit. vellem equidem vobis placere, Quirites; sed multo malo vos salvos esse, qualicumque erga me animo futuri estis.

3.68.9natura hoc ita comparatum est ut qui apud multitudinem sua causa loquitur gratior eo sit cuius mens nihil praeter publicum commodum videt; nisi forte adsentatores publicos, plebicolas istos, qui vos nec in armis nec in otio esse sinunt, vestra vos causa incitare et stimulare putatis.

3.68.10concitati aut honori aut quaestui illis estis, et quia in concordia ordinum nullos se usquam esse vident, malae rei se quam nullius duces esse volunt.

3.68.11quarum rerum si vos taedium tandem capere potest et patrum vestrosque antiquos mores voltis pro his novis sumere, nulla supplicia recuso,

3.68.12nisi paucis diebus hos populatores agrorum nostrorum fusos fugatosque castris exuero et a portis nostris moenibusque ad illorum urbes hunc belli terrorem quo nunc vos attoniti estis transtulero.

3.69.1raro alias tribuni popularis oratio acceptior plebi quam tunc tune severissimi consulis fuit.

3.69.2iuventus quoque, quae inter tales metus detractationem militiae telum acerrimum adversus patres habere solita erat, arma et bellum spectabat. et agrestium fuga spoliatique in agris et volnerati, foediora iis quae subiciebantur oculis nuntiantes, totam urbem ira implevere.

3.69.3in senatum ubi venture est, ibi vero in Quinctium omnes versi ut unum vindicem maiestatis Romanae intueri, et primores patrum dignam dicere contionem imperio consulari, dignam tot consulatibus ante actis, dignam vita omni, plena honorum saepe gestorum,

3.69.4saepius meritorum. alios consules aut per proditionem dignitatis patrum plebi adulatos aut acerbe tuendo iura ordinis asperiorem domando multitudinem fecisse: T. Quinctium orationem memorem maiestatis patrum concordiaeque ordinum et temporum in primis habuisse.

3.69.5orare eum collegamque ut capesserent rem publicam; orare tribunos ut uno animo cum consulibus bellum ab urbe ac moenibus propulsari vellent plebemque oboedientem in re tam trepida patribus praeberent; appellare tribunos communem patriam auxiliumque eorum implorare vastatis agris, urbe prope oppugnata.

3.69.6consensu omnium dilectus decernitur habeturque. cum consules in contione pronuntiassent tempus non esse causas cognoscendi; omnes iuniores postero die prima luce in campo Martio adessent;

3.69.7cognoscendis causis eorum qui nomina non dedissent bello perfecto se daturos tempus; pro desertore futurum cuius non probassent causam;—omnis iuventus adfuit postero die.

3.69.8cohortes sibi quaeque centuriones legerunt, bini senatores singulis cohortibus praepositi. haec omnia adeo mature perfecta accepimus ut signa eo ipso die a quaestoribus ex aerario prompta delataque in campum quarta diei hora mota ex campo sint exercitusque novus paucis cohortibus veterum militum voluntate sequentibus manserit ad decimum lapidem.

3.69.9insequens dies hostem in conspectum dedit, castraque ad Corbionem castris sunt coniuncta. tertio die,

3.69.10cum ira Romanos, illos, cum totiens rebellassent, conscientia culpae ac desperatio inritaret, mora dimicandi nulla est facta.

3.70.1in exercitu Romano cum duo consules essent potestate pari, quod saluberrimum in administratione magnarum rerum est, summa imperii concedente Agrippa penes collegam erat; et praelatus ille facilitati summittentis se comiter respondebat communicando consilia laudesque et aequando imparem sibi.

3.70.2in acie Quinctius dextrum cornu, Agrippa sinistrum tenuit; Sp. Postumio Albo legato datur media acies tuenda, legatum alterum P. Sulpicium equitibus praeficiunt.

3.70.3pedites ab dextro cornu egregie pugnavere haud segniter resistentibus Volscis.

3.70.4P. Sulpicius per mediam hostium aciem cum equitatu perrupit. unde cum eadem reverti posset ad suos priusquam hostis turbatos ordines reficeret, terga impugnare hostium satius visum est; momentoque temporis in aversam incursando aciem ancipiti terrore dissipasset hostes, ni suo proprio eum proelio equites Volscorum et Aequorum exceptum aliquamdiu tenuissent.

3.70.5ibi vero Sulpicius negare cunctandi tempus esse, circumventos interclusosque ab suis vociferans, ni equestre proelium conixi omni vi perficerent.

3.70.6nec fugare equitem integrum satis esse: conficerent equos virosque, ne quis reveheretur inde ad proelium aut integraret pugnam; non posse illos resistere sibi, quibus conferta peditum acies cessisset.

3.70.7haud surdis auribus dicta. impressione una totum equitatum fudere, magnam vim ex equis praecipitavere, ipsos equosque spiculis confodere.

3.70.8is finis pugnae equestris fuit. tunc tune adorti peditum aciem nuntios ad consules rei gestae mittunt, ubi iam inclinabatur hostium acies. Nuntius deinde et vincentibus Romanis animos auxit et referentes gradum perculit Aequos.

3.70.9in media primum acie vinci coepti, qua permissus equitatus turbaverat ordines;

3.70.10sinistrum deinde cornu ab Quinctio consule pelli coeptum; in dextro plurimum laboris fuit. ibi Agrippa, aetate viribusque ferox, cum omni parte pugnae melius rem geri quam apud se videret, arrepta signa ab signiferis ipse inferre, quaedam iacere etiam in confertos hostes coepit;

3.70.11cuius ignominiae ignomniniae metu concitati milites invasere hostem. ita aequata ex omni parte victoria est Nuntius tum a Quinctio venit victorem iam se imminere hostium castris; nolle inrumpere antequam sciat debellatum et in sinistro cornu esse:

3.70.12si iam fudisset hostes, conferret ad se signa, ut simul omnis exercitus praeda potiretur.

3.70.13victor Agrippa cum mutua gratulatione ad victorem collegam castraque hostium venit. ibi paucis defendentibus momentoque fusis sine certamine in munitiones inrumpunt, praedaque ingenti conpotem exercitum suis etiam rebus reciperatis quae populatione agrorum amissae erant reducunt.

3.70.14triumphum nec ipsos postulasse nec nee delatum iis ab senatu accipio, nec traditur causa spreti aut non sperati honoris.

3.70.15ego quantum in tanto intervallo temporum conicio, cum Valerio atque Horatio consulibus, qui praeter Volscos et Aequos Sabini etiam belli perfecti gloriam pepererant, negatus ab senatu triumphus esset, verecundiae fuit pro parte dimidia rerum consulibus petere triumphum, ne etiamsi impetrassent magis hominum ratio quam meritorum habita videretur.

3.71.1victoriam honestam ex hostibus partam turpe domi de finibus sociorum iudicium populi deformavit.

3.71.2Aricini atque Ardeates de ambiguo agro cum saepe bello certassent, multis in vicem cladibus fessi iudicem populum Romanum cepere. cum ad causam orandam venissent,

3.71.3concilio populi a magistratibus dato magna contentione actum. iamque editis testibus cum tribus vocari et populum inire suffragium oporteret, consurgit P. Scaptius de plebe magno natu et si licet inquit, consules, de re publica dicere, errare ego populum in hac causa non patiar.

3.71.4cum ut vanum eum negarent consules audiendum esse vociferantemque prodi publicam causam submoveri iussissent, tribunos appellat.

3.71.5tribuni , ut fere semper reguntur a multitudine magis quam regunt, dedere cupidae audiendi plebi ut quae vellet Scaptius diceret.

3.71.6ibi infit annum se tertium et octogensimum agere et in eo agro de quo agitur militasse, non iuvenem, vicesima iam stipendia merentem, cum ad Coriolos sit bellatum. eo rem se vetustate oblitteratam, ceterum suae memoriae infixam adferre,

3.71.7agrum de quo ambigitur finium Coriolanorum fuisse captisque Coriolis iure belli publicum populi Romani factum. mirari se quonam ore Ardeates Aricinique, cuius agri ius nunquam usurpaverint incolumi Coriolana re, eum se a populo Romano, quem pro domino iudicem fecerint, intercepturos sperent.

3.71.8sibi exiguum vitae tempus superesse; non potuisse se tamen inducere in animum quin, quem agrum miles pro parte virili manu cepisset, eum senex quoque voce, qua una posset, vindicaret. magnopere se suadere populo, ne inutili pudore suam ipse causam damnaret.

3.72.1consules , cum Scaptium non silentio modo, sed cum adsensu etiam audiri animadvertissent, deos hominesque testantes flagitium ingens fieri 2 patrum primores arcessunt. cum iis circumire tribus, orare ne pessimum facinus peiore exemplo admitterent iudices in suam rem litem vertendo, cum praesertim etiam si fas sit curam emolumenti sui iudici esse, nequaquam tantum agro intercipiendo adquiratur, quantum amittatur alienandis iniuria sociorum animis.

3.72.2nam famae quidem ac fidei damna maiora esse quam quae aestimari possent. hoc legatos referre domum, hoc volgari, hoc socios audire, hoc hostes,

3.72.3quo cum dolore hos, quo cum gaudio illos! scaptione hoc, contionali seni, adsignaturos putarent finitimos populos? clarum hac fore imagine Scaptium; sed populum Romanum quadruplatoris et interceptoris litis alienae personam laturum.

3.72.4quem enim hoc private rei iudicem fecisse ut sibi controversiosam adiudicaret rem? Scaptium ipsum id quidem, etsi praemortui iam sit pudoris, non facturum.

3.72.5haec consules, haec patres vociferantur; sed plus cupiditas et auctor cupiditatis Scaptius valet. vocatae tribus iudicaverunt agrum publicum populi Romani esse.

3.72.6nec abnuitur ita fuisse, si ad iudices alios itum foret; nunc haud baud sane quicquam bono causae levatur dedecus iudicii; idque non Aricinis Ardeatibusque quam patribus Romanis foedius atque acerbius visum. reliquum anni quietum ab urbanis motibus et ab externis mansit.

Book 4, Part 1

4.1.1hos secuti M. Genucius et C. Curtius consules. fuit annus domi forisque infestus. nam principio et de conubio patrum et plebis C. Canuleius tribunus plebis rogationem promulgavit,

4.1.2qua contaminari sanguinem suum patres confandique iura gentium rebantur, et mentio primo sensim inlata a tribunis, ut alterum ex plebe consulem liceret fieri, eo processit deinde ut rogationem novem tribuni promulgarent,

4.1.3ut populo potestas esset, seu de plebe seu de patribus vellet, consules faciendi; id vero si fieret, non volgari modo cum infimis, sed prorsus auferri a primoribus ad plebem summum imperium credebant.

4.1.4laeti ergo audiere patres Ardeatium populum ob iniuriam agri abiudicati descisse, et Veientes depopulatos extrema agri Romani, et Volscos Aequosque ob communitam Verruginem fremere; adeo vel infelix bellum ignominiosae paci praeferebant.

4.1.5his itaque in maius etiam acceptis, ut inter strepitum tot bellorum conticiscerent actiones tribuniciae, dilectus haberi, bellum armaque vi summa apparari iubent, si quo intentius possit, quam T. Quinctio consule apparatum sit.

4.1.6tum C. Canuleius pauca in senatu vociferatus: nequiquam territando consules avertere plebem a cura novarum legum; nunquam eos se vivo dilectum habituros, antequam ea quae promulgata ab se collegisque essent plebes scivisset, confestim ad contionem advocavit.

4.2.1eodem tempore et consules senatum in tri. bunum et tribunus populum in consules incitabat. negabant consules iam ultra ferri posse furores tribunicios; ventum iam ad finem esse; domi plus belli concitari quam foris. id adeo non plebis quam patrum neque tribunorum magis quam consulum culpa accidere.

4.2.2cuius rei praemium sit in civitate, eam earn maximis semper auctibus crescere; sic pace bonos, sic bello fieri.

4.2.3maximum Romae praemium seditionum esse; ideo singulis universisque semper honori fuisse.

4.2.4reminiscerentur quam maiestatem senatus ipsi a patribus accepissent, quam liberis tradituri essent, vel quem ad modum plebs gloriari posset auctiorem amplioremque se esse. finem ergo non fieri nec futuram donec quam felices seditiones tam honorati seditionum auctores essent.

4.2.5quas quantasque res C. Canuleium adgressum! conluvionem gentium, perturbationem auspiciorum publicorum privatorumque adferre, ne quid sinceri, ne quid incontaminati sit, ut discrimine omni sublato nec se quisquam nec suos noverit.

4.2.6quam enim aliam vim conubia promiscua habere nisi ut ferarum prope ritu volgentur concubitus plebis patrumque? ut qui natus sit ignoret, cuius sanguinis, quorum sacrorum sit; dimidius patrum sit, dimidius plebis, ne secum quidem ipse concors.

4.2.7parum id videri, quod omnia divina humanaque turbentur; iam ad consulatum volgi turbatores accingi. et primo ut alter consul ex plebe fieret, id modo sermonibus temptasse; nunc rogari ut seu ex patribus seu ex plebe velit populus consules creet. et creaturos haud dubie ex plebe seditiosissimum quemque; Canuleios igitur Iciliosque consules fore.

4.2.8ne id Iuppiter optimus maximus sineret regiae maiestatis imperium eo recidere; et se miliens morituros potius quam ut tantum dedecoris admitti patiantur. certum habere maiores quoque,

4.2.9si divinassent concedendo omnia non mitiorem in se plebem, sed asperiorem alia ex aliis iniquiora postulando cum prima impetrasset futuram, primo quamlibet dimicationem subituros fuisse potius quam eas leges sibi imponi paterentur.

4.2.10quia tum concessum sit de tribunis,

4.2.11iterum concessum esse; fine non fieri posse si in eadem civitate tribuni plebis et patres essent; aut hunc ordinem aut illum magistratum tollendum esse, potiusque sero quam nunquam obviam eundum audaciae temeritatique.

4.2.12illine ut impune primo discordias serentes concitent finitima bella, deinde adversus ea, quae concitaverint, armari civitatem defendique prohibeant, et cum hostes tantum non arcessierint, exercitus conscribi adversus hostes non patiantur, sed audeat Canuleius in senatu proloqui se,

4.2.13nisi suas leges tamquam victoris patres accipi sinant, dilectum haberi prohibiturum? quid esse aliud quam minari se proditurum patriam, oppugnari atque capi passurum! quid eam earn vocem animorum non plebi Romanae, sed Volscis et Aequis et Veientibus allaturam!

4.2.14nonne Canuleio duce se speraturos Capitolium atque arcem scandere posse? nisi patribus tribuni cum iure ac maiestate adempta animos etiam eripuerint, consules paratos esse duces prius adversus scelus civium quam adversus hostium arma.

4.3.1cum maxime haec in senatu agerentur, Canuleius pro legibus suis et adversus consules ita disseruit:

4.3.2"Quanto opere vos, Quirites, contemnerent patres, quam indignos ducerent qui una secum urbe intra eadem moenia viveretis, saepe equidem et ante videor animadvertisse, nunc tamen maxime quod adeo atroces in has rogationes nostras coorti sunt,

4.3.3quibus quid aliud quam admonemus cives nos eorum esse, et si non easdem opes habere, eandem tamen patriam incolere?

4.3.4altera conubium petimus, quod finitimis externisque dari dai solet—nos quidem civitatem, quae plus quam conubium est, hostibus etiam victis dedimus;

4.3.5—altera nihil novi ferimus, sed id quod populi est repetimus atque usurpamus, ut quibus velit populus Romanus honores mandet.

4.3.6quid tandem est cur caelum ac terras misceant, cur in me impetus modo paene in senatu sit factus, negent se manibus temperaturos violaturosque denuntient sacrosanctam potestatem?

4.3.7si populo Romano liberum suffragium datur, ut quibus velit consulatum mandet, et non praeciditur spes plebeio quoque, si dignus summo honore erit, apiscendi summi honoris, stare urbs haec non poterit? de imperio actum est? et perinde hoc valet, plebeiusne consul fiat, tamquam servum aut libertinum aliquis consulem futurum dicat?

4.3.8ecquid sentitis in quanto contemptu vivatis? lucis vobis huius partem, si liceat, adimant; quod spiratis, quod vocem mittitis, quod formas hominum habetis, indignantur;

4.3.9quin etiam, si dis placet, nefas aiunt esse consulem plebeium fieri. obsecro vos, si non ad fastos, non ad commentarios pontificum admittimur, ne ea quidem scimus quae omnes peregrini etiam sciunt, consules in locum regum successisse nec aut iuris aut maiestatis quicquam habere quod non in regibus ante fuerit?

4.3.10en unquam creditis fando auditum esse Numam Pompilium, non modo non patricium sed ne civem quidem Romanum, ex Sabino agro accitum, populi iussu, patribus auctoribus Romae regnasse?

4.3.11L. deinde Tarquinium, non Romanae modo, sed ne Italicae quidem gentis, Demarati Corinthii filium, incolam ab Tarquiniis, vivis liberis Anci, regem factum?

4.3.12Ser . Tullium post hunc, captiva Corniculana natum, patre nullo, matre serva, ingenio virtute regnum tenuisse? quid enim de T. Tatio Sabino dicam, quem ipse Romulus, parens urbis, in societatem regni accepit?

4.3.13ergo dum nullum fastiditur genus in quo eniteret virtus, crevit imperium Romanum. paeniteat nunc vos plebeii consulis, cum maiores nostri advenas reges non fastidierint et ne regibus quidem exactis clausa urbs fuerit peregrinae virtuti?

4.3.14claudiam certe gentem post reges exactos ex Sabinis non in civitatem modo accepimus sed etiam in patriciorum numerum.

4.3.15ex peregrinone patricius, deinde consul fiat, civis Romanus si sit ex plebe, praecisa consulatus spes erit?

4.3.16utrum tandem non credimus fieri posse ut vir fortis ac strenuus, pace belloque bonus, ex plebe sit, Numae, L. Tarquinio, Ser. tullio similis, an,

4.3.17ne si sit quidem, ad gubernacula rei publicae accedere eum patiemur, potiusque decemviris, taeterrimis mortalium, qui tamen omnes ex patribus erant, quam optimis regum, novis hominibus, similes consules sumus habituri?

4.4.1" at enim nemo post reges exactos de plebe consul fuit. quid postea? nullane res nova institui debet, et quod nondum est factum—multa enim nondum sunt facta in novo populo,—ea ne si utilia quidem sint fieri oportet?

4.4.2pontifices , augures Romulo regnante nulli erant; ab Numa Pompilio creati sunt. census in civitate et discriptio centuriarum classiumque non erat; ab Ser. tullio est facta.

4.4.3consules nunquam fuerant; regibus exactis creati sunt. dictatoris nec imperium nec nomen fuerat: apud patres esse coepit. tribuni plebi, aediles, quaestores nulli erant; institutum est, ut fierent. decemviros legibus scribendis intra decem hos annos et creavimus et e re publica sustulimus.

4.4.4quis dubitat quin in aeternum urbe condita, in immensum crescente nova imperia, sacerdotia, iura gentium hominumque instituantur?

4.4.5hoc ipsum, ne conubium patribus cum plebe esset, non decemviri tulerunt paucis his annis pessimo publico, cum summa iniuria plebis? An esse ulla maior aut insignitior contumelia potest quam partem civitatis velut contaminatam indignam conubio haberi?

4.4.6quid est aliud quam exsilium intra eadem moenia, quam relegationem pati? ne adfinitatibus, ne propinquitatibus immisceamur cavent, ne societur sanguis. quid ?

4.4.7hoc si polluit nobilitatem istam vestram, quam plerique oriundi ex Albanis et Sabinis non genere nec sanguine sed per cooptationem in patres habetis, aut ab regibus lecti aut post reges exactos iussu populi, sinceram servare privatis consiliis non poteratis, nec ducendo ex plebe neque vestras filias sororesque enubere ecnubere sinendo e patribus?

4.4.8nemo plebeius patriciae virgini vim adferret; patriciorum ista libido est; nemo invitum pactionem nuptialem quemquam facere coegisset.

4.4.9verum enimvero lege id prohiberi et conubium tolli patrum ac plebis, id demum demumr contumeliosum plebi est. cur enim non fertis, ne sit conubium divitibus ac pauperibus?

4.4.10quod privatorum consiliorum ubique semper fuit, ut in quam cuique feminae convenisset domum nuberet, ex qua pactus esset vir domo in matrimonium duceret, id vos sub legis superbissimae vincula conicitis, qua dirimatis societatem civilem duasque ex una civitate faciatis.

4.4.11cur non sancitis ne vicinus patricio sit plebeius nec eodem itinere eat, ne idem convivium ineat, ne in foro eodem consistat? quid enim in re est aliud, si plebeiam patricius duxerit, si patriciam plebeius? quid iuris tandem mutatur? nempe patrem sequuntur liberi.

4.4.12nec quod nos ex conubio vestro petamus quicquam est, praeterquam ut hominum, ut civium numero simus, nec vos, nisi in contumeliam ignominiamque nostram certare iuvat, quod contendatis quicquam est.

4.5.1denique utrum tandem populi Romani an vestrum summum imperium est? regibus exactis utrum vobis dominatio an omnibus aequa libertas parta est?

4.5.2oportet licere populo Romano, si velit, iubere legem; an, ut quaeque rogatio promulgata erit, vos dilectum pro poena decernetis, et, simul ego tribunus vocare tribus in suffragium coepero, tu statim consul sacramento iuniores adiges et in castra educes et minaberis plebi, minaberis tribuno?

4.5.3quid si non quantum istae minae adversus plebis consensum valerent, bis iam experti essetis? scilicet quia nobis consultum volebatis, certamine abstinuistis; an ideo non est dimicatum, quod quae pars firmior eadem modestior fuit?

4.5.4nec nunc erit certamen, Quirites; animos vestros illi temptabunt semper, vires non experientur.

4.5.5itaque ad bella ista, seu falsa seu vera sunt, consules, parata vobis plebes est, si conubiis redditis unam hanc civitatem tandem facitis; si coalescere, si iungi miscerique vobis privatis necessitudinibus possunt; si spes, si aditus ad honores viris strenuis et fortibus datur; si in consortio, si in societate rei publicae esse, si, quod aequae libertatis est, in vicem annuis magistratibus parere atque imperitare licet.

4.5.6si haec impediet aliquis, ferte sermonibus et multiplicate fama bella; nemo est nomen daturus, nemo arma capturus, nemo dimicaturus pro superbis dominis, cum quibus nec in re publica honorum nec in privata conubii societas est.

4.6.1cum in contionem consumes processissent et res a perpetuis orationibus in altercationem vertisset, interroganti tribuno cur plebeium consulem fieri non oporteret,

4.6.2ut fortasse vere, sic parum utiliter in praesens Curtius respondit, quod nemo plebeius auspicia haberet, ideoque decemviros conubium diremisse ne incerta prole auspicia turbarentur.

4.6.3plebes ad id maxime maxinme indignatione exarsit, quod auspicari, tamquam invisi dis immortalibus, negarentur posse; nec ante finis contentionum fuit, cum et tribunum acerrimum auctorem plebes nacta esset et ipsa cum eo pertinacia certaret, quam victi tandem patres ut de conubio ferretur concessere,

4.6.4ita maxime rati contentionem de plebeiis consulibus tribunos aut totam deposituros aut post bellum dilaturos esse, contentamque interim conubio plebem paratam dilectui fore.

4.6.5cum Canuleius victoria de patribus et plebis favore ingens esset, accensi alii tribuni ad certamen pro rogatione sua summa vi pugnant et crescente in dies fama belli dilectum impediunt.

4.6.6consules , cum per senatum intercedentibus tribunis nihil agi posset, concilia principum domi habebant. apparebat aut hostibus aut civibus de victoria concedendum concedendurn esse.

4.6.7soli ex consularibus Valerius atque Horatius non intererant consiliis. C. Claudi sententia consules armabat in tribunos; Quinctiorum, Cincinnatique et Capitolini, sententiae abhorrebant a caede violandisque quos foedere icto cum plebe sacrosanctos accepissent.

4.6.8per haec consilia eo deducta est res ut tribunos militum consulari potestate promisce ex patribus ac plebe creari sinerent, de consulibus creandis nihil mutaretur; eoque contenti tribuni, contenta plebs fuit.

4.6.9comitia tribunis consulari potestate tribus creandis indicuntur. quibus indictis indietis extemplo quicumque aliquid seditiose dixerat aut fecerat unquam, maxime tribunicii, et prensare homines et concursare toto foro candidati coepere,

4.6.10ut patricios desperatio primo inritata plebe apiscendi honoris, deinde indignatio, si cum his gerendus esset honos, deterreret. postremo coacti tamen a primoribus prirnoribus petiere, ne cessisse possessione rei publicae viderentur.

4.6.11eventus eorum comitiorum docuit alios animos in contentione libertatis dignitatisque, alios secundum deposita certamina incorrupto iudicio esse; tribunos enim omnes patricios creavit populus, contentus eo quod ratio habita plebeiorum esset.

4.6.12hanc modestiam aequitatemque et altitudinem animi ubi nunc in uno inveneris, quae tum populi universi fuit?

4.7.1anno trecentesimo decimo quam urbs Roma condita erat primum primurn tribuni militum pro consulibus magistratum ineunt, A. Sempronius Atratinus L. Atilius T. Cloelius, quorum in magistratu concordia domi pacem etiam foris praebuit.

4.7.2sunt qui propter adiectum Aequorum Volscorumque bello et Ardeatium defectioni Veiens bellum, quia duo consules obire tot simul bella nequirent, tribunos militum tres creatos dicant, sine mentione promulgatae legis de consulibus creandis ex plebe, et imperio et insignibus consularibus usos.

4.7.3non tamen pro firmato iam stetit magistratus eius ius, quia tertio mense quam inierunt, augurum decreto perinde ac vitio creati, honore abiere, quod C. Curtius, qui comitiis eorum praefuerat, parum recte tabernaculum cepisset.

4.7.4legati ab Ardea Romam venerunt, ita de iniuria querentes ut si demeretur ea in foedere atque amicitia mansuros restituto agro appareret.

4.7.5Ab senatu responsum est iudicium populi rescindi ab senatu non posse, praeterquam quod nullo nec exemplo nec iure fieret, concordiae etiam ordinum causa:

4.7.6si Ardeates sua tempora exspectare velint arbitriumque senatui levandae iniuriae suae permittant, fore ut postmodo gaudeant se irae moderatos moderates , sciantque patribus aeque curae fuisse ne qua iniuria in eos oreretur ac ne orta diuturna esset.

4.7.7ita legati cum se rem integram relaturos dixissent, comiter dimissi.

4.7.7patricii , cum sine curuli magistratu res publica esset, coiere et interregem creavere. contentio consulesne an tribuni militum crearentur in interregno rem dies complures tenuit.

4.7.8interrex ac senatus consulum comitia, tribuni plebis et plebs tribunorum militum ut habeantur tendunt. vicerunt patres, quia et plebs, patriciis seu hunc seu illum delatura honorem honored ,

4.7.9frustra certare supersedit, et principes plebis ea comitia malebant quibus non haberetur ratio sua, quam quibus ut indigni praeterirentur. tribuni quoque plebi certamen sine effectu in beneficio apud primores patrum reliquere.

4.7.10T. Quinctius Barbatus interrex consules creat L. Papirium Mugillanum, L. Sempronium Atratinum. his consulibus cum Ardeatibus foedus renovatum est; idque monumenti est consules eos illo anno fuisse, qui neque in annalibus priscis neque in libris magistratuum inveniuntur.

4.7.11credo quod tribuni militum initio anni fuerunt, eo perinde ac si totum totunm annum in imperio fuerint, suffectos iis consules praetermissos.

4.7.12nomina consulum horum Licinius Macer auctor est et in foedere Ardeatino et in linteis libris ad Monetae inventa. et foris, cum tot terrores a finitimis ostentati essent, et domi otium fuit.

4.8.1hunc annum, seu tribunos modo seu tribunis suffectos consules quoque habuit, sequitur annus haud dubiis consulibus, M. Geganio Macerino iterum T. Quinctio Capitolino quintum.

4.8.2idem hic annus censurae initium fuit, rei a parva origine ortae, quae deinde tanto incremento aucta est ut morum disciplinaeque Romanae penes eam earn regimen, senatui equitumque centuriis decoris dedecorisque discrimen sub dicione eius magistratus, ius publicorum privatorumque locorum, vectigalia populi Romani sub nutu atque arbitrio eius essent.

4.8.3ortum autem initium est rei, quod in populo per multos annos incenso neque differri census poterat neque consulibus, cum tot populorum bella imminerent, operae erat id negotium agere.

4.8.4mentio inlata ad senatum est rem operosam ac minime consularem suo proprio magistratu egere, cui scribarum ministerium custodiaeque tabularum cura, cui arbitrium formulae censendi subiceretur.

4.8.5et patres quamquam rem parvam, tamen taren quo plures patricii magistratus in re publica essent, laeti accepere, id quod evenit, futurum, credo, etiam rati, ut mox opes eorum qui praeessent ipsi honori ius maiestatemque adicerent; et tribuni,

4.8.6id quod tunc tune erat, magis necessarii quam speciosi ministerii procurationem intuentes, ne in parvis quoque rebus incommode adversarentur, haud sane tetendere.

4.8.7cum a primoribus civitatis spretus honor esset, Papirium Semproniumque, quorum de consulatu dubitatur, ut eo magistratu parum solidum consulatum explerent, censui agendo populus suffragiis praefecit. censores ab re appellati sunt.

4.9.1dum haec Romae geruntur, legati ab Ardea veniunt pro veterrima societate renovataque foedere recenti auxilium prope eversae urbi implorantes.

4.9.2frui namque pace optimo consilio cum populo Romano servata per intestina arma non licuit; quorum causa atque initium traditur ex certamine factionum ortum,

4.9.3quae fuerunt eruntque pluribus populis exitio quam bella externa, quam fames morbive, quaeque alia in deum iras velut ultima publicorum malorum vertunt.

4.9.4virginem plebeii generis maxime forma notam duo petiere iuvenes, alter virgini genere par, tutoribus fretus, qui et ipsi eiusdem corporis erant, nobilis alter, nulla re praeterquam forma captus.

4.9.5adiuvabant eum optumatium studia, per quae in domum quoque puellae certamen partium penetravit. nobilis superior iudicio matris esse, quae quam splendidissimis nuptiis iungi puellam volebat: tutores in ea quoque re partium memores ad suum tendere.

4.9.6cum res peragi intra parietes nequisset, ventum in ius est. postulatu audito matris tutorumque magistratus secundum parentis arbitrium dant ius nuptiarum.

4.9.7sed vis potentior fuit; namque tutores, inter suae partis homines de iniuria decreti palam in foro contionati, manu facta virginem ex domo matris rapiunt;

4.9.8adversus quos infestior coorta optumatium acies sequitur accensum iniuria iuvenem. fit proelium atrox. pulsa plebs, nihil Romanae plebi similis, armata ex urbe profecta colle quodam capto in agros optumatium cum ferro ignique excursiones facit;

4.9.9urbem quoque omni etiam expertium ante certaminis multitudine opificum ad spem praedae evocata obsidere parat;

4.9.10nec ulla species cladesque belli abest velut contacta civitate rabie duorum iuvenum funestas nuptias ex occasu patriae petentium.

4.9.11parum parti utrique domi armorum bellique est visum; optumates Romanos ad auxilium urbis obsessae, plebs ad expugnandam secum Ardeam Volscos excivere.

4.9.12priores Volsci duce Aequo Cluilio Ardeam venere et moenibus hostium vallum obiecere. quod ubi Romam est nuntiatum,

4.9.13extemplo M. Geganius consul cum exercitu profectus tria milia passuum ab hoste locum castris cepit praecipitique iam die curare corpora milites iubet. quarta deinde vigilia signa profert, coeptumque opus adeo adproperatum est ut sole orto Volsci firmiore se munimento ab Romanis circumvallatos quam a se urbem viderent;

4.9.14et alia parte consul muro Ardeae bracchium iniunxerat, qua ex oppido sui commeare possent.

4.10.1Volscus imperator, qui ad eam diem non commeatu praepalato sed ex populatione agrorum rapto in diem frumento aluisset militem, postquam saeptus vallo repente inops omnium rerum erat, ad conloquium consule evocato, si solvendae obsidionis causa venerit Romanus, abducturum se inde Volscos ait.

4.10.2adversus ea consul victis condiciones accipiendas esse, non ferendas respondit, neque ut venerint ad oppugnandos socios populi Romani suo arbitrio, ita abituros Volscos esse.

4.10.3dedi imperatorem, arma poni iubet, et fatentes victos se esse imperio parere; aliter tam abeuntibus quam manentibus se hostem infensum victoriam potius ex Volscis quam pacem infidam Romam relaturum.

Book 4, Part 2

4.10.4Volsci exiguam spem in armis alia undique abscisa cum temptassent, praeter cetera adversa loco quoque iniquo ad pugnam congressi, iniquiore ad fugam, cum ab omni parte caederentur, ad preces a certamine versi, dedito imperatore traditisque armis sub iugum missi cum singulis vestimentis ignominiae cladisque pleni dimittuntur;

4.10.5et cum haud procul urbe Tusculo consedissent, vetere Tusculanorum odio inermes oppressi dederunt poenas vix nuntiis caedis relictis.

4.10.6Romanus Ardeae turbatas seditione res principibus eius motus securi percussis bonisque eorum in publicum Ardeatium redactis composuit; demptamque iniuriam iudicii tanto beneficio populi Romani Ardeates credebant; senatui superesse aliquid ad delendum publicae avaritiae monumentum videbatur.

4.10.7consul triumphans in urbem redit Cluilio duce Volscorum ante currum ducto praelatisque spoliis quibus dearmatum exercitum hostium sub iugum miserat.

4.10.8aequavit , quod haud facile est, Quinctius consul togatus armati gloriam collegae, quia concordiae pacisque domesticae curam iura infimis summisque moderando ita tenuit ut eum et patres severum consulem et plebs satis comem crediderint.

4.10.9et adversus tribunos auctoritate plura quam certamine tenuit; quinque consulatus eodem tenore gesti vitaque omnis consulariter acta verendum paene ipsum magis quam honorem faciebant. eo tribunorum militarium nulla mentio his consulibus fuit.

4.11.1consules creantur M. Fabius Vibulanus, Postumus Aebutius Cornicen.

4.11.2Fabius et Aebutius consules, quo maiori gloriae rerum domi forisque gestarum succedere se cernebant, maxime autem memorabilem annum apud finitimos socios hostesque esse, quod Ardeatibus in re praecipiti tanta foret cura subventum,

4.11.3eo impensius, ut delerent prorsus ex animis hominum infamiam iudicii, senatus consultum fecerunt ut, quoniam civitas Ardeatium intestino tumultu redacta ad paucos esset, coloni eo praesidii causa adversus Volscos scriberentur.

4.11.4hoc palam relatum in tabulas, ut plebem tribunosque falleret iudicii rescindendi consilium initum; consenserant autem ut multo maiore parte Rutulorum colonorum quam Romanorum scripta nec ager ullus divideretur nisi is, qui interceptus iudicio infami erat, nec ulli prius Romano ibi quam omnibus Rutulis divisus esset, gleba ulla agri adsignaretur.

4.11.5sic ager ad Ardeates rediit. triumviri ad coloniam Ardeam deducendam creati Agrippa Menenius T. Cloelius Siculus, M. Aebutius Helva;

4.11.6qui praeter minime populare ministerium, agro adsignando sociis quem populus Romanus suum iudicasset cum plebem offendissent, ne primoribus quidem patrum satis accepti,

4.11.7quod nihil gratiae cuiusquam dederant, vexationes ad populum iam die dicta ab tribunis, remanendo in colonia, quam testem integritatis iustitiaeque habebant, vitavere.

4.12.1pax domi forisque fuit et hoc et insequente anno C. Furio Paculo et M. Papirio Crasso consulibus.

4.12.2ludi ab decemviris per secessionem plebis a patribus ex senatus consulto voti eo anno facti sunt.

4.12.3causa seditionum nequiquam a Poetelio quaesita, qui tribunus plebis iterum ea ipsa denuntiando factus

4.12.4neque ut de agris dividendis plebi referrent consules ad senatum pervincere potuit, et cum magno certamine obtinuisset ut consulerentur patres, consulum an tribunorum placeret comitia haberi, consules creari iussi sunt;

4.12.5ludibrioque erant minae tribuni denuntiantis se dilectum impediturum, cum quietis finitimis neque bello neque belli apparatu opus esset.

4.12.6sequitur hanc tranquillitatem rerum annus Proculo Geganio Macerino L. Menenio Lanato consulibus multiplici clade ac periculo insignis, seditionibus, fame, regno prope per largitionis dulcedinem in cervices accepto;

4.12.7unum afuit bellum externum; quo si adgravatae res essent, vix ope deorum omnium resisti potuisset. coepere a fame mala, seu adversus annus frugibus fuit, seu dulcedine contionum et urbis deserto agrorum cultu; nam utrumque traditur. et patres plebem desidem et tribuni plebis nunc fraudem nunc neglegentiam consulum accusabant.

4.12.8postremo perpulere plebem haud adversante senatu ut L. Minucius praefectus annonae crearetur, felicior in eo magistratu ad custodiam libertatis futurus quam ad curationem ministerii sui, quamquam postremo annonae quoque levatae haud immeritam iinmeritam et gratiam et gloriam tulit.

4.12.9qui cum multis circa finitimos populos legationibus terra marique nequiquam missis, nisi quod ex Etruria haud baud ita multum frumenti advectum est, nullum momentum annonae fecisset, et revolutus ad dispensationem inopiae,

4.12.10profiteri cogendo frumentum et vendere quod usui menstruo superesset, fraudandoque parte diurni cibi servitia, criminando inde et obiciendo irae populi frumentarios, acerba inquisitione aperiret magis quam levaret inopiam,

4.12.11multi ex plebe, spe amissa, potius quam ut cruciarentur trahendo animam, capitibus obvolutis se in Tiberim praecipitaverunt.

4.13.1tum Sp. Maelius ex equestri ordine, ut illis temporibus praedives, rem utilem pessimo exemplo peiore consilio est adgressus.

4.13.2frumento namque ex Etruria privata pecunia per hospitum clientiumque ministeria coempto, quae, credo, ipsa res ad levandam publica cura annonam impedimento fuerat, largitiones frumenti facere instituit;

4.13.3plebemque hoc munere delenitam, quacumque incederet, conspectus elatusque supra modum hominis privati, secum trahere, haud dubium consulatum favore ac spe despondentem.

4.13.4ipse , ut est humanus animus insatiabilis eo quod fortuna spondet, ad altiora et non concessa tendere, et quoniam consulatus quoque eripiendus invitis patribus esset, de regno agitare: id unum dignum tanto apparatu consiliorum et certamine, quod ingens exsudandum esset, praemium fore.

4.13.5iam comitia consularia instabant; quae res eum necdum compositis maturisve satis consiliis oppressit.

4.13.6consul sextum creatus T. Quinctius Capitolinus, minime opportunus vir novanti res; collega additur ei Agrippa Menenius, cui Lanato erat cognomen;

4.13.7et L. Minucius praefectus annonae seu refectus seu, quoad res posceret, in incertum creatus; nihil enim constat, nisi in libros linteos utroque anno relatum inter magistratus praefecti nomen.

4.13.8hic Minucius eandem publice curationem agens quam Maelius privatim agendam susceperat, cum in utraque domo genus idem hominum versaretur, rem compertam ad senatum defert:

4.13.9tela in domum Maeli conferri, eumque contiones domi dorni habere, ac non dubia regni consilia esse. tempus agendae rei nondum stare: cetera iam convenisse: et tribunos mercede emptos ad prodendam libertatem et partita ducibus multitudinis ministeria esse. serius se paene quam tutum fuerit, ne cuius incerti vanique auctor esset, ea deferre.

4.13.10quae postquam sunt audita, cum undique primores patrum et prioris anni consules increparent quod eas largitiones coetusque plebis in privata domo passi essent fieri, et novos consules quod exspectassent donec done a praefecto annonae tanta res ad senatum deferretur, quae consulem non auctorem solum desideraret sed etiam vindicem;

4.13.11tum Quinctius consules immerito increpari ait, qui constricti legibus de provocatione ad dissolvendum imperium latis, nequaquam tantum virium in magistratu ad eam rem pro atrocitate vindicandam quantum animi haberent. opus esse non forti solum viro, sed etiam libero exsolutoque legum vinclis.

4.13.12itaque se dictatorem L. Quinctium dicturum; ibi animum parem tantae potestati esse. adprobantibus cunctis primo Quinctius abnuere et quid sibi vellent rogitare, qui se aetate exacta tantae dimicationi obicerent.

4.13.13dein cum undique plus in illo senili animo non consilii modo, sed etiam virtutis esse quam in omnibus aliis dicerent laudibusque haud immeritis onerarent, et consul nihil remitteret,

4.13.14precatus tandem deos immortales Cincinnatus ne senectus sua in tam trepidis rebus damno dedecorive rei publicae esset, dictator a consule dicitur. ipse deinde C. Servilium Ahalam magistrum equitum dicit.

4.14.1postero die dispositis praesidiis cum in forum descendisset conversaque in eum plebs novitate rei ac miraculo esset, et Maeliani atque ipse dux eorum in se intentam vim tanti imperii cernerent,

4.14.2expertes consiliorum regni qui tumultus, quod bellum repens aut dictatoriam maiestatem aut Quinctium post octogesimum annum rectorem rei publicae quaesisset rogitarent,

4.14.3missus ab dictatore Servilius magister equitum ad Maelium vocat te inquit, dictator. cum pavidus ille quid vellet quaereret Serviliusque causam dicendam esse proponeret crimenque a Minucio delatum ad senatum diluendum,

4.14.4tunc tune Maelius recipere se in catervam suorum, et primum circumspectans tergiversari, postremo cum apparitor iussu magistri equitum duceret, ereptus a circumstantibus fugiensque fidem plebis Romanae implorare, et opprimi se consensu patrum dicere,

4.14.5quod plebi benigne fecisset; orare ut opem sibi ultimo in discrimine ferrent neve ante oculos suos trucidari sinerent.

4.14.6haec eum vociferantem adsecutus Ahala Servilius obtruncat, respersusque cruore, stipatus caterva patriciorum iuvenum, dictatori renuntiat vocatum ad eum Maelium repulso apparitore concitantem multitudinem poenam meritam habere.

4.14.7tum dictator macte virtute inquit, C. Servili, esto liberata re publica.

4.15.1tumultuantem deinde multitudinem incerta existimatione facti ad contionem vocari iussit et Maelium iure caesum pronuntiavit etiam si regni crimine insons fuerit, qui vocatus a magistro equitum ad dictatorem non venisset.

4.15.2se ad causam cognoscendam consedisse, qua cognita habiturum habitururn fuisse Maelium similem causae fortunam; vim parantem ne iudicio se committeret, vi coercitum esse.

4.15.3nec nee cum eo tamquam cum cive agendum fuisse, qui natus in libero populo inter iura legesque, ex qua urbe reges exactos sciret eodemque anno sororis filios regis et liberos consulis, liberatoris patriae, propter pactionem indicatam recipiendorum in urbem regum a patre securi esse percussos,

4.15.4ex qua Collatinum Tarquinium consulem nominis odio abdicare se magistratu atque exsulare iussum, in qua de Sp. Cassio post aliquot annos propter consilia inita de regno supplicium sumptum, in qua nuper decemviros bonis, exsilio, capite multatos ob superbiam regiam, in ea Sp. Maelius spem regni conceperit.

4.15.5et quis homo? quamquam nullam nobilitatem, nullos honores, nulla merita cuiquam ad dominationem pandere viam; sed tamen Claudios, Cassios consulatibus, decemviratibus, suis maiorumque honoribus, splendore familiarum sustulisse animos quo nefas fuerit:

4.15.6Sp . Maelium, cui tribunatus plebis magis optandus quam sperandus fuerit, frumentarium divitem, bilibris farris sperasse libertatem se civium suorum emisse, ciboque obiciendo ratum victorem finitimorum omnium populum in servitutem perlici posse,

4.15.7ut quem quern senatorem concoquere civitas vix posset regem ferret, Romuli conditoris, ab dis orti, recepti ad deos, insignia atque imperium habentem. non pro scelere id magis quam pro monstro habendum,

4.15.8nec satis esse sanguine eius expiatum, nisi tecta parietesque intra quae tantum amentiae conceptum esset dissiparentur bonaque contacta pretiis regni mercandi publicarentur. iubere itaque quaestores vendere ea bona atque in publicum redigere.

4.16.1domum deinde, ut monumento area esset oppressae nefariae spei, dirui extemplo iussit. id Aequimaelium appellatum est.

4.16.2L. Minucius bove et statua aurata extra portam Trigeminam est donatus ne plebe quidem invita quia frumentum Maelianum assibus in modios aestimatum plebi divisit.

4.16.3hunc Minucium apud quosdam auctores transisse a patribus ad plebem undecimumque tribunum plebis cooptatum seditionem motam ex Maeliana caede sedasse invenio;

4.16.4ceterum vix credibile est numerum tribunorum patres augeri passos, idque potissimum exemplum a patricio homine introductum, nec deinde id plebem concessum eoncessum semel obtinuisse aut certe temptasse. sed ante omnia refellit falsum imaginis titulum paucis ante annis lege cautum ne tribunis collegam cooptare liceret.

4.16.5Q. Caecilius, Q. Iunius, Sex. Titinius soli ex collegio tribunorum neque tulerant de honoribus Minuci legem et criminari nunc Minucium nunc Servilium apud plebem querique indignam necem Maeli non destiterant.

4.16.6pervicerunt igitur ut tribunorum militum potius quam consulum comitia haberentur, haud dubii quin sex locis—tot enim iam creari licebat—et plebeii aliqui profitendo se ultores fore Maelianae caedis, crearentur.

4.16.7Plebs , quamquam agitata multis eo anno et variis motibus erat, nec pluris quam tres tribunos consulari potestate creavit et in his L. Quinctium, Cincinnati filium, ex cuius dictaturae invidia tumultus quaerebatur.

4.16.8praelatus suffragiis Quinctio Mamercus Aemilius, vir summae dignitatis; L. Iulium tertium creant.

4.17.1in horum magistratu Fidenae, colonia Romana, ad Lartem Tolumnium ac Veientes defecere.

4.17.2maius additum defectioni scelus: C. Fulcinium Cloelium Tullum Sp. Antium L. Roscium, legatos Romanos, causam novi consilii quaerentes, iussu Tolumni interfecerunt.

4.17.3levant quidam regis facinus: in tesserarum prospero iactu vocem eius ambiguam, ut occidi iussisse videretur, a Fidenatibus exceptam causam mortis legatis fuisse,—rem incredibilem,

4.17.4interventu Fidenatium, novorum sociorum, consulentium consulentiurn de caede ruptura ius gentium, non aversum ab intentione lusus animum nec deinde in errorem versum facinus.

4.17.5propius est fidem obstringi Fidenatium populum ne respicere spem ullam ab Romanis posset conscientia tanti sceleris voluisse.

4.17.6legatorum qui Fidenis caesi erant statuae publice in Rostris positae sunt. cum Veientibus Fidenatibusque, praeterquam finitimis populis, ab causa etiam tam nefanda bellum exorsis atrox dimicatio instabat.

4.17.7itaque ad curam summae rerum quieta plebe tribunisque eius nihil controversiae fuit quin consules crearentur M. Geganius Macerinus tertium et L. Sergius Fidenas.

4.17.8a bello credo quod deinde gessit appellatum; hic enim primus cis Anienem cum rege Veientium secundo proelio conflixit, nec nee incruentam victoriam rettulit. maior itaque ex civibus amissis dolor quam laetitia fusis hostibus fuit, et senatus ut in trepidis rebus dictatorem dici Mamercum Aemilium iussit.

4.17.9is magistrum equitum ex collegio prioris anni, quo simul tribuni militum consulari potestate fuerant, L. Quinctium Cincinnatum, dignum parente iuvenem, dixit.

4.17.10ad dilectum dilectur a consulibus habitum centuriones veteres belli periti adiecti et numerus amissorum proxima pugna expletus. legatos T. Quinctium Capitolinum et M. Fabium Vibulanum sequi se dictator iussit.

4.17.11cum potestas maior tum vir quoque potestati par hostes ex agro Romano trans Anienem submovere; collesque inter Fidenas atque Anienem ceperunt referentes castra, nec ante in campos degressi sunt quam legiones Faliscorum auxilio venerunt.

4.17.12tum demum castra Etruscorum pro moenibus Fidenarum posita. et dictator Romanus haud procul inde ad confluentes consedit in utriusque ripis amnis, qua sequi munimento poterat vallo interposito. postero die in aciem eduxit.

4.18.1inter hostes variae fuere sententiae. faliscus , procul ab domo militiam aegre patiens satisque fidens sibi, poscere pugnam: Veienti Fidenatique plus spei in trahendo bello esse.

4.18.2Tolumnius , quamquam suorum magis placebant consilia, ne longinquam militiam non paterentur Falisci, postero die se pugnaturum edicit.

4.18.3dictatori ac Romanis, quod detractasset pugnam hostis, animi accessere; posteroque die iam militibus castra urbemque se oppugnaturos frementibus ni copia pugnae fiat, utrimque acies inter bina castra in medium campi procedunt.

4.18.4Veiens multitudine abundans, qui inter dimicationem castra Romana adgrederentur post montes circummisit. trium populorum exercitus ita stetit instructus ut dextrum cornu Veientes, sinistrum Falisci tenerent, medii Fidenates essent.

4.18.5Dictator dextro cornu adversus Faliscos, sinistro contra Veientem Capitolinus Quinctius intulit signa; ante mediam aciem cum equitatu magister equitum processit.

4.18.6parumper silentium et quies fuit nec Etruscis, nisi cogerentur, pugnam inituris et dictatore arcem Romanam respectante, ut ex ea ab auguribus, simul aves rite admisissent, ex composito tolleretur signum.

4.18.7quod simul conspexit, primos equites clamore sublato in hostem emisit; secuta peditum acies ingenti vi conflixit.

4.18.8nulla parte legiones Etruscae sustinuere impetum Romanorum; eques maxime resistebat; equitumque longe fortissimus ipse rex ab omni parte effuse sequentibus obequitans Romanis trahebat certamen.

4.19.1erat tum inter equites tribunus militum A. Cornelius Cossus, eximia pulchritudine corporis, animo ac viribus par memorque generis, quod amplissimum acceptum maius auctiusque reliquit posteris.

4.19.2is cum ad impetum Tolumni, quacumque se intendisset, trepidantes Romanas videret turmas, insignemque eum regio habitu volitantem tota acie cognosset,

4.19.3hicine est inquit, ruptor foederis humani violatorque gentium iuris? iam ego hanc mactatam victimam, si modo sancti quicquam in terris esse di volunt, legatorum manibus dabo.

4.19.4calcaribus subditis infesta cuspide in unum fertur hostem; quem cum ictum equo deiecisset, confestim et ipse hasta innixus se in pedes excepit.

4.19.5adsurgentem ibi regem umbone resupinat repetitumque saepius cuspide ad terram adfixit. tum exsangui detracta spolia caputque abscisum victor spiculo gerens terrore caesi regis hostes fundit. ita equitum quoque fusa acies, quae una fecerat anceps certamen.

4.19.6Dictator legionibus fugatis instat et ad castra compulsos caedit. Fidenatium plurimi locorum notitia effugere in montes. Cossus Tiberim cum equitatu transvectus ex agro Veientano ingentem detulit praedam ad urbem.

4.19.7inter proelium et ad castra Romana pugnatum est adversus partem copiarum ab Tolumnio, ut ante dictum est, ad castra missam.

4.19.8Fabius Vibulanus corona primum vallum defendit; intentos deinde hostes in vallum, egressus dextra principali cum triariis, repente invadit. quo pavore iniecto caedes minor, quia pauciores erant, fuga non minus trepida quam in acie fuit.

4.20.1omnibus locis re bene gesta dictator senatus consulto iussuque populi triumphans in urbem rediit.

4.20.2longe maximum triumphi spectaculum fuit Cossus spolia opima regis interfecti gerens. in eum milites carmina incondita aequantes eum Romulo canere.

4.20.3spolia in aede Iovis Feretri prope Romuli spolia quae, prima opima appellata, sola ea tempestate erant, cum sollemni dedicatione dono fixit; averteratque in se a curru dictatoris civium ora et celebritatis eius diei fructum prope solus tulerat.

4.20.4Dictator coronam auream, libram pondo; ex publica pecunia populi iussu in Capitolio Iovi donum posuit.

4.20.5omnes ante me auctores secutus, A. Cornelium Cossum tribunum militum secunda spolia opima Iovis Feretrii templo intulisse exposui;

4.20.6ceterum, praeterquam quod ea rite opima spolia habentur quae dux duci detraxit, nec ducem novimus nisi cuius auspicio bellum geritur, titulus ipse spoliis inscriptus illos meque arguit consulem ea Cossum cepisse.

4.20.7hoc ego cum Augustum Caesarem, templorum omnium conditorem aut restitutorem, ingressum aedem Feretri Iovis, quam vetustate dilapsam refecit, se ipsum in thorace linteo scriptum legisse audissem, prope sacrilegium ratus sum Cosso spoliorum suorum Caesarem, ipsius templi auctorem, subtrahere testem.

4.20.8quis ea in re sit error, quod tam veteres annales quodque magistratuum libri, quos linteos in aede repositos Monetae Macer Licinius citat identidem auctores, septimo post demum anno cum T. Quinctio Poeno A. Cornelium Cossum consulem habeant, existimatio communis omnibus est.

4.20.9nam etiam illud accedit, ne tam clara pugna in eum annum transferri posset, quod imbelle triennium ferme pestilentia inopiaque frugum circa A. Cornelium consulem fuit, adeo ut quidam annales velut funesti nihil praeter nomina consulum suggerant.

4.20.10tertius ab consulatu Cossi annus tribunum eum militum consulari potestate habet, eodem anno magistrum equitum; quo in imperio alteram insignem edidit pugnam equestrem.

4.20.11ea libera coniectura est, sed, ut ego arbitror, vana; aversari enim omnes opiniones licet, cum auctor pugnae recentibus spoliis in sacra sede positis, Iovem prope ipsum, cui vota erant, Romulumque intuens, haud spernendos falsi tituli testes, se A. Cornelium Cossum consulem scripserit.

4.21.1M. Cornelio Maluginense L. Papirio Crasso consulibus exercitus in agrum Veientem ac Faliscum ducti, praedae abactae hominum pecorumque;

4.21.2hostis in agris nusquam inventus neque pugnandi copia facta; urbes tamen non oppugnatae, quia pestilentia populum invasit.

4.21.3et seditiones domi quaesitae sunt nec motae tamen ab Sp. Maelio tribuno plebis, qui favore nominis moturum se aliquid ratus et Minucio diem dixerat et rogationem de publicandis bonis Servili Ahalae tulerat,

4.21.4falsis criminibus a Minucio circumventum Maelium arguens, Servilio caedem civis indemnati obiciens. quae vaniora ad populum ipso auctore fuere.

Book 4, Part 3

4.21.5ceterum magis vis morbi ingravescens curae erat terroresque ac prodigia, maxime quod crebris motibus terrae ruere in agris nuntiabantur tecta. obsecratio itaque a populo duumviris praeeuntibus est facta.

4.21.6pestilentior inde annus C. Iulio iterum et L. Verginio consulibus tantum metus et vastitatis in urbe agrisque fecit, ut non modo praedandi causa quisquam ex agro Romano exiret bellive inferendi memoria patribus aut plebi esset,

4.21.7sed ultro Fidenates, qui se primo aut montibus aut muris tenuerant, populabundi descenderent in agrum Romanum.

4.21.8deinde Veientium exercitu accito—nam Falisci perpelli ad instaurandum bellum neque clade Romanorum neque sociorum precibus potuere—duo populi transiere Anienem atque haud procul Collina porta signa habuere. trepidatum itaque non in agris magis quam in urbe est.

4.21.9Iulius consul in aggere murisque explicat copias, a Verginio senatus in aede Quirini consulitur.

4.21.10dictatorem dici Q. Servilium placet, cui Prisco alii, alii Structo fuisse cognomen tradunt. Verginius dum collegam consuleret moratus, permittente eo nocte dictatorem dixit. is sibi magistrum equitum Postumum Aebutium Helvam dicit.

4.22.1Dictator omnes luce prima extra portam Collinam adesse iubet. quibuscumque vires suppetebant ad arma ferenda praesto fuere.

4.22.2signa ex aerario prompta feruntur ad dictatorem. quae cum agerentur, hostes in loca altiora concessere. eo dictator agmine infesto subit, nec procul Nomento signis conlatis fudit Etruscas legiones; compulit inde in urbem Fidenas valloque circumdedit;

4.22.3sed neque scalis capi poterat urbs alta et munita neque in obsidione vis ulla erat, quia frumentum non necessitati modo satis sed copiae quoque abunde ex ante convecto sufficiebat.

4.22.4ita expugnandi pariter cogendique ad deditionem spe amissa, dictator in locis propter propinquitatem notis ab aversa parte urbis, maxime neglecta quia suapte natura tutissima erat, agere in arcem cuniculum instituit.

4.22.5ipse diversissimis locis subeundo ad moenia quadrifariam diviso exercitu qui alii aliis succederent ad pugnam, continenti die ac nocte proelio ab sensu operis hostes avertebat,

4.22.6donec perfosso monte erecta in arcem via est, intentisque Etruscis ad vanas a certo periculo minas clamor supra caput hostilis captam captain urbem ostendit.

4.22.7eo anno C. Furius Paculus et M. Geganius Macerinus censores villam publicam in campo Martio probaverunt, ibique primum census populi est actus.

4.23.1eosdem consules insequenti anno refectos, Iulium tertium, Verginium iterum, apud Macrum Licinium invenio:

4.23.2Valerius Antias atque Q. Tubero M. Manlium et Q. Sulpicium consules in eum annum edunt. ceterum in tam discrepanti editione et Tubero et Macer libros linteos auctores profitentur; neuter tribunos militum eo anno fuisse traditum a scriptoribus antiquis dissimulat.

4.23.3licinio libros haud dubie sequi linteos placet: Tubero incertus veri est. sit inter cetera vetustate cooperta hoc quoque in incerto positum.

4.23.4trepidatum in Etruria est post Fidenas captas non Veientibus solum exterritis metu similis excidii, sed etiam Faliscis memoria initi primo cum iis belli, quamquam rebellantibus non adfuerant.

4.23.5igitur cum duae civitates legatis circa duodecim populos missis impetrassent ut ad Voltumnae fanum indiceretur omni Etruriae concilium, velut magno inde tumultu imminente senatus Mam. Aemilium dictatorem iterum dici iussit.

4.23.6Ab eo A. Postumius Tubertus magister equitum est dictus; bellumque tanto maiore quam proximo conatu apparatum est quanto plus erat ab omni Etruria periculi quam ab duobus populis fuerat.

4.24.1ea res aliquanto exspectatione omnium tranquillior fuit.

4.24.2itaque cum renuntiatum a mercatoribus esset negata Veientibus auxilia, iussosque suo consilio bellum initum suis viribus exsequi nec adversarum rerum quaerere socios, cum quibus spem integram communicati non sint,

4.24.3tum dictator, ne nequiquam creatus esset, materia quaerendae bello gloriae adempta, in pace aliquid operis edere quod monumentum esset dictaturae cupiens, censuram minuere parat seu nimiam potestatem ratus seu non tam magnitudine honoris quam diuturnitate offensus.

4.24.4contione itaque advocata rem publicam foris gerendam ait tutaque omnia praestanda deos immortales suscepisse: se, quod intra muros agendum esset, libertati populi Romani consulturum; maximam autem eius custodiam esse si magna imperia diuturna non essent et temporis modus imponeretur quibus iuris imponi non posset;

4.24.5alios magistratus annuos esse, quinquennalem censuram; grave esse iisdem per tot annos magna parte vitae obnoxios vivere; se legem laturum, ne plus quam annua ac semestris censura esset.

4.24.6consensu ingenti populi legem postero die pertulit et ut re ipsa inquit sciatis, Quirites, quam mihi diuturna non placeant imperia, dictatura me abdico.

4.24.7deposito suo magistratu, imposito fine alteri, cum gratulatione ac favore ingenti populi domum est reductus. censores aegre passi Mamercum quod magistratum populi Romani minuisset tribu moverunt octiplicatoque censu aerarium fecerunt.

4.24.8quam rem ipsum ingenti animo tulisse ferunt causam potius ignominiae intuentem quam ignominiam; primores patrum, quamquam deminutum censurae ius noluissent, exemplo acerbitatis censoriae offensos, quippe cum se quisque diutius ac saepius subiectum censoribus fore cerneret quam censuram gesturum:

4.24.9populi certe tanta indignatio coorta dicitur ut vis a censoribus nullius auctoritate praeterquam ipsius Mamerci deterreri quiverit.

4.25.1tribuni plebi adsiduis contentionibus prohibendo consularia comitia cum res prope ad interregnum perducta esset, evicere tandem ut tribuni militum consulari potestate crearentur.

4.25.2victoriae praemium quod petebatur, ut plebeius crearetur, nullum fuit; omnes patricii creati sunt, M. Fabius Vibulanus M. Folius L. Sergius Fidenas.

4.25.3pestilentia eo anno aliarum rerum otium praebuit. aedis Apollini pro valetudine populi vota est. multa duumviri ex libris placandae deum irae avertendaeque a populo pestis causa fecere;

4.25.4magna tamen clades in urbe agrisque promiscua hominum pecorumque pernicie accepta. famem quoque ex pestilentia morbo implicitis cultoribus agrorum timentes in Etruriam Pomptinumque agrum et Cumas, postremo in Siciliam quoque frumenti causa misere. consularium comitiorum nulla mentio habita est;

4.25.5tribuni militum consulari potestate omnes patricii creati sunt, L. Pinarius Mamercus L. Furius Medullinus Sp. Postumius Albus.

4.25.6eo anno vis morbi levata neque a penuria frumenti, quia ante provisum erat, periculum fuit.

4.25.7consilia ad movenda bella in Volscorum Aequorumque conciliis et in Etruria ad fanum Voltumnae agitata.

4.25.8ibi prolatae in annum res, decretoque cautum ne quod ante concilium fieret, nequiquam Veiente populo querente eandem qua Fidenae deletae sint imminere Veiis fortunam.

4.25.9interim Romae principes plebis, iam diu nequiquam imminentes spei maioris honoris dum foris otium esset, coetus indicere in domos tribunorum plebis;

4.25.10ibi secreta consilia agitare; queri se a plebe adeo spretos, ut cum per tot annos tribuni militum consulari potestate creentur, nulli unquam plebeio ad eum honorem aditus fuerit.

4.25.11multum providisse suos maiores, qui caverint ne cui patricio plebeii magistratus paterent; aut patricios habendos fuisse tribunos plebi; adeo se suis etiam sordere nec a plebe minus quam a patribus contemni.

4.25.12alii purgare plebem, culpam in patres vertere: eorum ambitione artibusque fieri ut obsaeptum plebi sit ad honorem iter; si plebi respirare ab eorum mixtis precibus minisque liceat, memorem eam suorum inituram suffragia esse et parto auxilio imperium quoque adscituram.

4.25.13placet tollendae ambitionis causa tribunos legem promulgare ne cui album in vestimentum addere petitionis causa liceret. parva nunc res et vix serio agenda videri possit, quae tunc ingenti certamine patres ac plebem accendit.

4.25.14vicere tamen tribuni ut legem perferrent; apparebatque inritatis animis plebem ad suos studia inclinaturam. quae ne libera essent, senatus consultum factum est ut consularia comitia haberentur.

4.26.1tumultus causa fuit, quem ab Aequis et Volscis Latini atque Hernici nuntiarant.

4.26.2T. Quinctius L. f. Cincinnatus—eidem et Poeno cognomen additur—et Cn. Iulius Mento consules facti.

4.26.3nec ultra terror belli est dilatus. lege sacrata, quae maxima apud eos vis cogendae militiae erat, dilectu habito utrimque utrimnque validi exercitus profecti in Algidum convenere,

4.26.4ibique seorsum Aequi, seorsum Volsci castra communivere, intentiorque quam unquam ante muniendi exercendique militem cura ducibus erat.

4.26.5eo plus nuntii terroris Romam attulere. senatui dictatorem dici placuit, quia etsi saepe victi populi maiore tamen conatu quam alias unquam rebellarant, et aliquantum Romanae iuventutis morbo absumptum erat.

4.26.6ante omnia pravitas consulum discordiaque inter ipsos et certamina in consiliis omnibus terrebant. sunt qui male pugnatum ab his consulibus in Algido auctores sint eamque causam dictatoris creandi fuisse.

4.26.7illud satis constat ad alia discordes in uno adversus patrum voluntatem consensisse ne dicerent dictatorem, donec donee cum alia aliis terribiliora adferrentur nec in auctoritate senatus consules essent, Q. Servilius Priscus, summis honoribus egregie usus,

4.26.8Vos inquit, tribuni plebis, quoniam ad extrema ventum est, senatus appellat ut in tanto discrimine rei publicae dictatorem dicere consules pro potestate vestra cogatis.

4.26.9qua voce audita occasionem oblatam rati tribuni augendae potestatis secedunt proque collegio pronuntiant placere consules senatui dicto audientes esse; si adversus consensum amplissimi ordinis ultra tendant, in vincla se duci eos iussuros.

4.26.10consules ab tribunis quam ab senatu vinci maluerunt, proditum a patribus summi imperii ius datumque sub iugum tribuniciae potestati consulatum memorantes, si quidem cogi aliquid pro potestate ab tribuno consules et—quo quid ulterius private timendum foret?—in vincla etiam duci possent.

4.26.11sors , ut dictatorem diceret—nam ne id quidem inter collegas convenerat — T. Quinctio evenit. is A. Postumium Tubertum, socerum suum, severissimi imperii virum, dictatorem dixit; ab eo L. Iulius magister equitum est dictus.

4.26.12dilectus simul edicitur et iustitium, neque aliud tota urbe agi quam bellum apparari. cognitio vacantium militiae munere post bellum differtur; ita dubii quoque inclinant ad nomina danda. et Hernicis Latinisque milites imperati; utrimque enixe oboeditum dictatori est.

4.27.1haec omnia celeritate ingenti acta; relictoque Cn. Iulio consule ad praesidium urbis et L. iulio lulio magistro equitum ad subita belli ministeria, ne qua res qua eguissent in castris moraretur, dictator praeeunte A. Cornelio pontifice maximo ludos magnos tumultus causa vovit,

4.27.2profectusque ab urbe diviso cum Quinctio consule exercitu ad hostes pervenit.

4.27.3sicut bina castra hostium parvo inter se spatio distantia viderant, ipsi quoque mille ferme passus ab hoste dictator Tusculo, consul Lanuvio propiorem locum castris ceperunt.

4.27.4ita quattuor exercitus totidem munimenta planitiem in medio non parvis modo excursionibus ad proelia, sed vel ad explicandas utrimque acies satis patentem habebant.

4.27.5nec ex quo castris castra conlata sunt cessatum a levibus proeliis est, facile patiente dictatore conferendo vires spem universae victoriae temptato paulatim eventu certaminum suos praecipere.

4.27.6itaque hostes nulla in proelio iusto relicta spe, noctu adorti castra consulis rem in casum ancipitis eventus committunt. clamor subito ortus non consulis modo vigiles, exercitum deinde omnem, sed dictatorem quoque ex somno excivit.

4.27.7ubi praesenti ope res egebant, consul nec animo defecit nec consilio: pars militum portarum stationes firmant, pars corona 8 vallum cingunt. in alteris apud dictatorem castris quo minus tumultus est, eo plus animadvertitur quid opus facto sit. missum extemplo ad castra subsidium, cui Sp. Postumius Albus legatus praeficitur: ipse parte copiarum parvo circuitu locum maxime secretum ab tumultu petit unde ex necopinato aversum hostem invadat.

4.27.8Q. Sulpicium legatum praeficit castris; M. Fabio legato adsignat equites, nec ante lucem movere iubet manum inter nocturnos tumultus moderatu difficilem. omnia , quae vel alius imperator prudens et impiger in tali re praeciperet ageretque, praecipit ordine atque agit;

4.27.9illud eximium consilii animique specimen et neutiquam volgatae laudis, quod ultro ad oppugnanda castra hostium, unde maiore agmine profectos exploratum fuerat, M. Geganium cum cohortibus delectis misit.

4.27.10qui postquam intentos homines in eventum periculi alieni pro se incautos neglectis vigiliis stationibusque est adortus, prius paene cepit castra quam oppugnari hostes satis scirent.

4.27.11inde fumo, ut convenerat, datum signum ubi conspectum ab dictatore est, exclamat capta hostium castra nuntiarique passim iubet.

4.28.1et iam lucescebat omniaque sub oculis erant. et Fabius cum equitatu impetum dederat et consul eruptionem e castris in trepidos iam hostes fecerat;

4.28.2dictator autem parte altera subsidia et secundam aciem adortus circumagenti se ad dissonos clamores ac subitos tumultus hosti undique obiecerat victorem peditem equitemque.

4.28.3circumventi igitur iam in medio ad unum omnes poenas rebellionis dedissent, ni Vettius Messius ex Volscis, nobilior vir factis quam genere, iam orbem volventes suos increpans clara voce Hic praebituri inquit,

4.28.4vos telis hostium estis indefensi, inulti? quid igitur arma habetis aut quid ultro bellum intulistis, in otio tumultuosi, in bello segnes? quid hic stantibus spei est? An deum aliquem protecturum vos rapturumque hinc putatis? ferro via facienda est.

4.28.5hac , qua me praegressum videritis, agite, qui visuri domos parentes coniuges liberos estis, ite mecum! non murus nec vallum sed armati armatis obstant. virtute pares, necessitate, quae ultimum ac maximum telum est, superiores estis.

4.28.6haec locutum exsequentemque dicta redintegrato clamore secuti dant impressionem qua Postumius Albus cohortes obiecerat; et moverunt victorem, donec done dictator pedem iam referentibus suis advenit, eoque omne proelium versum est.

4.28.7uni viro Messio fortuna hostium innititur. multa utrimque volnera, multa passim caedes est. iam ne duces quidem Romani incruenti pugnant.

4.28.8unus Postumius ictus saxo perfracto capite acie excessit, non dictatorem umerus volneratus, non Fabium prope adfixum equo femur, non bracchium bracehium abscisum consulem ex tam ancipiti proelio submovit.

4.29.1messium impetus per stratos caede hostes cum globo fortissimorum iuvenum extulit ad castra Volscorum, quae nondum capta erant. eodem omnis acies inclinatur.

4.29.2consul effusos usque ad vallum persecutus ipsa castra vallumque adgreditur; eodem et dictator alia parte copias admovet.

4.29.3non segnior oppugnatio est quam pugna fuerat. consulem signum quoque intra vallum iniecisse ferunt, quo milites acrius subirent, repetendoque signo primam impressionem factam. et dictator proruto vallo iam in castra proelium intulerat.

4.29.4tum abici passim arma ac dedi hostes coepti, castrisque et his captis hostes praeter senatores omnes venum dati sunt. praedae pars sua cognoscentibus Latinis atque Hernicis reddita, partem sub hasta dictator vendidit; praepositoque consule castris ipse triumphans invectus urbem dictatura se abdicavit.

4.29.5egregiae dictaturae tristem memoriam faciunt, qui filium ab A. Postumio, quod occasione bene pugnandi captus iniussu decesserit praesidio, victorem securi percussum tradunt.

4.29.6nec libet credere, et licet in variis opinionibus; et argumento est, quod imperia Manliana, non Postumiana appellata sunt, cum qui prior auctor tam saevi exempli foret, occupaturus insignem titulum crudelitatis fuerit. imperioso quoque Manlio cognomen inditum; Postumius nulla tristi nota est insignitus.

4.29.7Cn . Julius consul aedem Apollinis absente collega sine sorte dedicavit. aegre id passus Quinctius cum dimisso exercitu in urbem redisset, nequiquam in senatu est conquestus.

4.29.8insigni magnis rebus anno additur nihil tum ad rem Romanam pertinere visum, quod Carthaginienses, tanti hostes futuri, tum primum per seditiones Siculorum ad partis alterius auxilium in Siciliam exercitum traiecere.

4.30.1agitatum in urbe ab tribunis plebis ut tribuni militum consulari potestate crearentur nec obtineri potuit. consules fiunt L. Papirius Crassus L. Iulius. Aequorum legati foedus ab senatu cum petissent et pro foedere deditio ostentaretur, indutias annorum octo impetraverunt:

4.30.2Volscorum res super acceptam in Algido cladem pertinaci certamine inter pacis bellique auctores in iurgia et seditiones versa: undique otium fuit Romanis.

4.30.3legem de multarum aestimatione pergratam populo cum ab tribunis parari consules unius ex collegio proditione excepissent, ipsi praeoccupaverunt ferre.

4.30.4consules L. Sergius Fidenas iterum Hostius Lucretius Tricipitinus. nihil dignum dictu actum his consulibus. secuti eos consules A. Cornelius Cossus T. Quinctius Poenus iterum.

4.30.5Veientes in agrum Romanum excursiones fecerunt. fama fuit quosdam ex Fidenatium iuventute participes eius populationis fuisse, cognitioque eius rei L. Sergio et Q. Servilio et Mam.

4.30.6Aemilio permissa. quidam Ostiam relegati, quod cur per eos dies a Fidenis afuissent parum constabat. colonorum additus numerus agerque iis bello interemptorum adsignatus.

4.30.7siccitate eo anno plurimum laboratum est, nec caelestes modo defuerunt aquae sed terra quoque ingenito umore egens vix ad perennes suffecit amnes

4.30.8defectus alibi aquarum circa torridos fontes rivosque stragem siti pecorum morientium morientum dedit; scabie alia absumpta; volgatique contactu in homines morbi. et primo in agrestes ingruerant servitiaque; urbs deinde impletur.

4.30.9nec corpora modo adfecta tabo, sed animos quoque multiplex religio et pleraque externa invasit irvasit , novos ritus sacrificandi vaticinando inferentibus in domos, quibus quaestui sunt capti superstitione animi,

4.30.10donec publicus iam pudor ad primores civitatis pervenit cernentes in omnibus vicis sacellisque peregrina atque insolita piacula pacis deum exposcendae.

4.30.11datum inde negotium aedilibus ut animadverterent ne qui nisi Romani di neu quo alio more quam patrio colerentur.

4.30.12irae adversus Veientes in insequentem annum, C. Servilium Ahalam L. Papirium Mugillanum consules, dilatae sunt.

4.30.13nihil tune quoque ne confestim bellum indiceretur neve exercitus mitterentur religio obstitit; fetiales prius mittendos ad res repetendas censuere.

4.30.14cum Veientibus nuper acie dimicatum ad Nomentum et Fidenas fuerat, indutiaeque inde, non pax facta, quarum et dies exierat et ante diem rebellaverant; missi tamen fetiales; nec eorum, cum more patrum iurati repeterent res, verba sunt audita.

4.30.15controversia inde fuit utrum populi iussu indiceretur bellum an satis esset senatus consultum. pervicere tribuni, denuntiando impedituros se dilectum, ut Quinctius consul de bello ad populum ferret. omnes centuriae iussere.

4.30.16in eo quoque plebs superior fuit, quod tenuit ne consules in proximum annum crearentur.

4.31.1tribuni militum consulari potestate quattuor creati sunt, T. Quinctius Poenus ex consulatu C. Furius M. Postumius A. Cornelius Cossus.

4.31.2ex his Cossus praefuit urbi, tres dilectu habito profecti sunt Veios documentoque fuere quam plurium imperium bello inutile esset. tendendo ad sua quisque consilia, cum aliud alii videretur, aperuerunt ad occasionem locum hosti;

4.31.3incertam namque aciem, signum aliis dari, receptui aliis cani iubentibus, invasere opportune Veientes. castra propinqua turbatos ac terga dantes accepere;

4.31.4plus itaque ignominiae quam cladis est acceptum. maesta civitas fuit vinci insueta; odisse tribunos, poscere dictatorem: in eo verti spes civitatis. et cum ibi quoque religio obstaret ne non posset nisi ab consule dici dictator, augures consulti eam religionem exemere.

4.31.5A. Cornelius dictatorem Mam. Aemilium dixit et ipse ab eo magister equitum est dictus; adeo, simul fortuna civitatis virtute vera eguit, nihil censoria animadversio effecit quo minus regimen rerum ex notata indigne domo peteretur.

4.31.6Veientes re secunda elati missis circum Etruriae populos legatis iactando tres duces Romanos ab se uno proelio fusos, cum tamen nullam publici consilii societatem movissent, voluntarios undique ad spem praedae adsciverunt.

4.31.7uni Fidenatium populo rebellare placuit; et tamquam nisi ab scelere bellum ordiri nefas esset, sicut legatorum ante, ita tum novorum colonorum caede imbutis armis Veientibus sese coniungunt.

Book 4, Part 4

4.31.8consultare inde principes duorum populorum Veios an Fidenas sedem belli caperent. Fidenae visae opportuniores; itaque traiecto Tiberi Veientes Fidenas transtulerunt bellum.

4.31.9Romae terror ingens erat. accito exercitu a Veiis, eoque ipso ab re male gesta perculso castra locantur ante portam Collinam, et in muris armati dispositi, et iustitium in foro tabernaeque clausae fiuntque omnia castris quam urbi similiora ,

4.32.1cum trepidam civitatem praeconibus per vicos dimissis

4.32.2dictator ad contionem advocatam increpuit quod animos ex tam levibus momentis fortunae suspensos gererent ut parva iactura accepta, quae ipsa non virtute hostium nec ignavia Romani exercitus sed discordia imperatorum accepta sit, Veientem hostem sexiens victum pertimescant Fidenasque prope saepius captas quam oppugnatas.

4.32.3eosdem et Romanos et hostes esse qui per tot saecula fuerint; eosdem animos, easdem corporis vires, eadem arma gerere; se quoque eundem dictatorem Mam. Aemilium esse qui antea Veientium Fidenatiumque adiunctis Faliscis ad Nomentum exercitus fuderit,

4.32.4et magistrum equitum A. Cornelium eundem in acie fore qui priore bello tribunus militum, Larte Tolumnio rege Veientium in conspectu duorum exercituum occiso, spolia opima Iovis Feretri templo intulerit.

4.32.5proinde memores secum triumphos, secum spolia, secum victoriam esse, cum hostibus scelus legatorum contra ius gentium interfectorum, caedem in pace Fidenatium colonorum, indutias ruptas, septimam infelicem defectionem, arma caperent.

4.32.6simul castra castris coniunxissent, satis confidere nec sceleratissimis hostibus diuturnum ex ignominia exercitus Romani gaudium fore, et populum Romanum

4.32.7intellecturum quanto melius de re publica meriti sint qui se dictatorem tertium dixerint quam qui ob ereptum censurae regnum labem secundae dictaturae suae imposuerint.

4.32.8votis deinde nuncupatis profectus mille et quingentos passus citra Fidenas castra locat, dextra montibus, laeva Tiberi amne saeptus.

4.32.9T. Quinctium Poenum legatum occupare montes iubet occultumque id iugum capere quod ab tergo hostibus foret.

4.32.10ipse postero die cum Etrusci pleni animorum ab pristini diei meliore occasione quam pugna in aciem processissent, cunctatus parumper, dum speculatores referrent Quinctium evasisse in iugum propinquum arci Fidenarum, signa profert peditumque aciem instructam pleno gradu in hostem inducit;

4.32.11magistro equitum praecipit ne iniussu pugnam incipiat: se cum opus sit equestri auxilio signum daturum; tum ut memor regiae pugnae, memor mernor opimi doni Romulique ac Iovis Feretri rem gereret.

4.32.12legiones impetu ingenti confligunt. Romanus odio accensus impium Fidenatem, praedonem Veientem, ruptores indutiarum, cruentos legatorum infanda caede, respersos sanguine colonorum suorum, perfidos socios, imbelles hostes compellans, factis simul dictisque odium explet.

4.33.1concusserat primo statim congressu hostem, cum repente patefactis Fidenarum portis nova erumpit acies inaudita ante id tempus invisitataque.

4.33.2ignibus armata ingens multitudo facibusque ardentibus tota conlucens velut fanatico instincta furore cursu in hostem ruit, formaque insolitae pugnae Romanos parumper exterruit.

4.33.3tum dictator magistro equitum equitibusque, tum ex montibus Quinctio accito proelium ciens ipse in sinistrum cornu, quod, incendio similius quam proelio, territum cesserat flammis, accurrit claraque voce Fumone victi inquit,

4.33.4velut examen apum loco vestro exacti inermi cedetis hosti? non ferro exstinguetis ignes? non faces has ipsas pro se quisque, si igni, non telis pugnandum est, ereptas ultro inferetis?

4.33.5agite , nominis Romani ac virtutis patrum vestraeque memores vertite incendium hoc in hostium urbem et suis flammis delete Fidenas, quas vestris beneficiis placare non potuistis. legatorum hoc vos vestrorum colonorumque sanguis vastatique fines monent.

4.33.6ad imperium dictatoris mota cuncta acies. faces partim emissae excipiuntur, partim vi eripiuntur: utraque acies armatur igni.

4.33.7magister equitum et ipse novat pugnam equestrem. frenos ut detrahant equis imperat et ipse princeps calcaribus subditis evectus effreno equo in medios ignes infertur, et alii concitati equi libero cursu ferunt equitem in hostem.

4.33.8pulvis elatus mixtusque fumo lucem ex oculis virorum equorumque aufert. ea , quae militem terruerat species nihil terruit equos. ruinae igitur similem stragem eques quacumque pervaserat dedit.

4.33.9clamor deinde accidit novus; qui cum utramque mirabundam in se aciem vertisset, dictator exclamat Quinctium legatum et suos ab tergo hostem hosted adortos; ipse redintegrato clamore infert acrius signa.

4.33.10cum duae acies, duo diversa proelia circumventos Etruscos et a fronte et ab tergo urgerent neque in castra retro neque in montes, unde se novus hostis obiecerat, iter fugae esset, et equitem passim liberis frenis distulissent equi, Veientium maxima pars Tiberim effusi petunt, Fidenatium qui supersunt ad urbem Fidenas tendunt.

4.33.11infert pavidos fuga in mediam caedem; obtruncantur in ripis; alios in aquam compulsos gurgites ferunt; etiam peritos nandi lassitudo et volnera et pavor degravant; pauci ex multis tranant. alterum agmen fertur per castra in urbem.

4.33.12eodem et Romanos sequentes impetus rapit, Quinctium maxime et cum eo degressos modo de montibus, recentissimum ad laborem militem, quia ultimo proelio advenerat.

4.34.1hi postquam mixti hostibus portam intravere, in muros evadunt suisque capti oppidi signum ex muro tollunt.

4.34.2quod ubi dictator conspexit—iam enim et ipse in deserta hostium castra penetraverat,—cupientem militem discurrere ad praedam spe iniecta maioris in urbe praedae ad portam ducit receptusque intra muros in arcem, quo ruere fugientium turbam videbat, pergit.

4.34.3nec minor caedes in urbe quam in proelio fuit, donec abiectis armis nihil praeter vitam petentes dictatori deduntur.

4.34.4urbs castraque diripiuntur. postero die singulis captivis ab equite ac centurionibus sorte ductis, et quorum eximia virtus fuerat, binis, aliis sub corona venumdatis venundatis exercitum victorem opulentumque praeda triumphans dictator Romam reduxit;

4.34.5iussoque magistro equitum abdicare se magistratu ipse deinde abdicat die sexto decimo reddito in pace imperio, quod in bello trepidisque rebus acceperat.

4.34.6classi quoque ad Fidenas pugnatum cum Veientibus quidam in annales rettulere, rem aeque difficilem atque incredibilem nec nunc lato satis ad hoc amne et tum aliquanto,

4.34.7ut a veteribus accepimus, artiore, nisi in traiectu forte fluminis prohibendo aliquarum navium concursum in maius, ut fit, celebrantes navalis victoriae vanum titulum appetivere.

4.35.1insequens annus tribunos militares consulari potestate habuit A. Sempronium Atratinum L. Quinctium Cincinnatum L. Furium Medullinum L. Horatium Barbatum.

4.35.2Veientibus annorum viginti indutiae datae et Aequis triennii, cum plurium annorum petissent; et a seditionibus urbanis otium fuit.

4.35.3annum insequentem neque bello foris neque domi seditione insignem ludi bello voti celebrem et tribunorum militum apparatu et finitimorum concursu fecere.

4.35.4tribuni consulari potestate erant Ap. Claudius Crassus Sp. Nautius Rutulus L. Sergius Fidenas Sex. Julius Iulus. spectaculum comitate etiam hospitum, ad quam publice consenserant, advenis gratius fuit.

4.35.5post ludos contiones seditiosae tribunorum plebi fuerunt, obiurgantium multitudinem quod admiratione eorum quos odisset stupens,

4.35.6in aeterno se ipsa teneret servitio, et non modo ad spem consulatus in partem revocandam adspirare non auderet, sed ne in tribunis quidem militum creandis, quae communia essent comitia patrum ac plebis, aut sui aut suorum meminisset.

4.35.7desineret ergo mirari cur nemo de commodis plebis ageret; eo impendi laborem ac periculum unde emolumentum atque honos speretur; nihil non adgressuros homines si magna conatis magna praemia proponantur;

4.35.8ut quidem aliquis tribunus plebis ruat caecus in certamina periculo ingenti, fructu nullo, ex quibus pro certo habeat patres, adversus quos tendered, bello inexpiabili se persecuturos, apud plebem, pro qua dimicaverit, nihilo se honoratiorem fore, neque sperandum neque postulandum esse.

4.35.9magnos animos magnis honoribus fieri. neminem se plebeium contempturum, ubi contemni desissent. experiundam rem denique in uno aut altero esse sitne aliqui plebeius ferendo magno honori, an portento simile miraculoque sit fortem ac strenuum virum aliquem exsistere ortum ex plebe.

4.35.10summa vi expugnatum esse ut tribuni militum consulari potestate et ex plebe crearentur. petisse viros domi militiaeque spectatos; primis annis suggillatos, repulsos, risui patribus fuisse; desisse postremo praebere ad contumeliam os.

4.35.11nec se videre cur non lex quoque abrogetur, qua id liceat quod nunquam futurum sit; minorem quippe ruborem fore in iuris iniquitate quam si per indignitatem ipsorum praetereantur.

4.36.1huius generis orationes cum adsensu auditae incitavere quosdam ad petendum tribunatum militum, alium alia de commodis plebis laturum se in magistratu profitentem.

4.36.2agri publici dividendi coloniarumque deducendarum ostentatae spes et vectigali possessoribus agrorum imposito in stipendium militum erogandi aeris.

4.36.3captatum deinde tempus ab tribunis militum, quo per discessum hominum ab urbe, cum patres clandestina denuntiatione revocati ad diem certam essent, senatus consultum fieret

4.36.4absentibus tribunis plebi ut quoniam Volscos in Hernicorum agros praedatum exisse fama esset, ad rem inspiciendam tribuni militum proficiscerentur consulariaque comitia haberentur.

4.36.5profecti Ap. Claudium, filium decemviri, praefectum urbis relinquunt, impigrum iuvenem et iam inde ab incunabulis imbutum odio tribunorum plebisque. tribuni plebi nec cum absentibus iis, qui senatus consultum fecerant, nec cum Appio, transacta re quod contenderent, fuit.

4.37.1creati consules sunt C. Sempronius Atratinus Q. Fabius Vibulanus. peregrina res, sed memoria digna traditur eo anno facta, Volturnum, Etruscorum urbem, quae nunc Capua est, ab Samnitibus captam Capuamque ab duce eorum Capye vel, quod propius vero est, a campestri agro appellatam.

4.37.2cepere autem prius bello fatigatis Etruscis in societatem urbis agrorumque accepti, deinde festo die graves somno epulisque incolas veteres novi coloni nocturna caede adorti.

4.37.3his rebus actis consules ii quos diximus idibus Decembribus magistratum occepere. iam non

4.37.4solum qui ad id missi erant rettulerant imminere Volscum bellum, sed legati quoque ab Latinis et Hernicis nuntiabant non ante unquam Volscos nec ducibus legendis nec exercitui scribendo intentiores fuisse;

4.37.5volgo fremere aut in perpetuum arma bellumque oblivioni danda iugumque accipiendum, aut iis cum quibus de imperio certetur nec virtute nec patientia nec disciplina rei militaris cedendum esse.

4.37.6haud vana attulere; sed nec perinde patres moti sunt, et C. Sempronius, cui ea provincia sorti evenit, tamquam constantissimae rei fortunae fretus, quod victoris populi adversus victos dux esset, omnia temere ac neglegenter egit,

4.37.7adeo ut disciplinae Romanae plus in Volsco exercitu quam in Romano esset. ergo fortuna, ut saepe alias, virtutem est secuta.

4.37.8primo proelio, quod ab Sempronio incaute inconsulteque commissum est, non subsidiis firmata acie, non equite apte locato concursum est.

4.37.9clamor indicium primum fuit quo res inclinatura esset, excitatior crebriorque ab hoste sublatus: ab Romanis dissonus, impar, segnius saepe iteratus prodidit pavorem animorum.

4.37.10eo ferocior inlatus hostis urgere scutis, micare gladiis. altera ex parte nutant circumspectantibus galeae, et incerti trepidant applicantque se turbae;

4.37.11signa nunc resistentia deseruntur ab antesignanis, nunc inter suos manipulos recipiuntur. nondum fuga certa, nondum victoria erat; tegi magis Romanus quam pugnare; Volscus inferre signa, urgere aciem, plus caedis hostium videre quam fugae.

4.38.1iam omnibus locis ceditur nequiquam Sempronio consule obiurgante atque hortante. nihil nec imperium nec maiestas valebat,

4.38.2dataque mox terga hostibus forent, ni Sex. Tempanius , decurio equitum, labante iam re praesenti animo subvenisset. qui cum magna voce exclamasset ut equites qui salvam rem publicam vellent esse ex equis desilirent,

4.38.3omnium turmarum equitibus velut ad consulis imperium motis, nisi haec inquit, parmata cohors sistit impetum hostium, actum de imperio est. sequimini pro vexillo cuspidem meam; ostendite Romanis Volscisque neque equitibus vobis ullos equites nec peditibus esse pedites pares.

4.38.4cum clamore comprobata adhortatio esset, vadit alte cuspidem gerens. quacumque incedunt, vi viam faciunt; eo se inferunt obiectis parmis ubi suorum plurimum laborem vident.

4.38.5restituitur omnibus locis pugna, in quae eos impetus tulit; nec dubium erat quin, si tam pauci simul obire omnia possent, terga daturi hostes fuerint.

4.39.1et cum iam parte nulla sustinerentur, dat signum Volscus imperator ut parmatis, novae cohorti hostium, locus detur, donec done impetu inlati ab suis excludantur.

4.39.2quod ubi est factum, interclusi equites nec perrumpere eadem qua transierant posse, ibi maxime confertis hostibus qua viam fecerant, et consul legionesque Romanae cum quod

4.39.3tegumen modo omnis exercitus fuerat nusquam viderent, ne tot fortissimos viros interclusos opprimeret hostis, tendunt in quemcumque casum.

4.39.4diversi Volsci hinc consulem ac legiones sustinere, altera fronte instare Tempanio atque equitibus; qui cum saepe conati nequissent perrumpere ad suos, tumulo quodam occupato in orbem se tutabantur, nequaquam inulti; nec pugnae finis ante noctem fuit.

4.39.5consul quoque nusquam remisso certamine dum quicquam superfuit lucis, hostem tenuit.

4.39.6nox incertos diremit; tantusque ab imprudentia eventus utraque castra tenuit pavor ut relictis sauciis et magna parte impedimentorum ambo pro victis exercitus se in montes proximos reciperent.

4.39.7tumulus tamen circumsessus ultra mediam noctem est. quo cum circumsedentibus nuntiatum esset castra deserta esse, victos rati suos et ipsi, qua quemque in tenebris pavor tulit fugerunt.

4.39.8Tempanius metu insidiarum suos ad lucem tenuit. degressus deinde ipse cum paucis speculatum cum ab sauciis hostibus sciscitando comperisset castra Volscorum deserta esse, laetus ab tumulo suos devocat et in castra Romana penetrat.

4.39.9ubi cum vasta desertaque omnia atque eandem quam apud hostes foeditatem invenisset, priusquam Volscos cognitus error reduceret, quibus poterat sauciis ductis secum, ignarus quam regionem consul petisset, ad urbem proximis itineribus pergit.

4.40.1iam eo fama pugnae adversae castrorumque desertorum perlata erat, et ante omnia deplorati erant equites non privato magis quam publico luctu,

4.40.2fabiusque consul terrore urbi quoque iniecto stationem ante portas agebat, cum equites procul visi non sine terrore ab dubiis quinam essent, mox cogniti tantam ex metu laetitiam fecere ut clamor urbem pervaderet gratulantium salvos victoresque redisse equites,

4.40.3et ex maestis paulo ante domibus quae conclamaverant suos, procurreretur in vias, pavidaeque matres ac coniuges oblitae prae gaudio decoris obviam agmini occurrerent, in suos quaeque simul corpore atque animo vix prae gaudio compotes effusae.

4.40.4tribunis plebi qui M. Postumio et T. Quinctio diem dixerant, quod ad Veios eorum opera male pugnatum esset, occasio visa est per recens odium Semproni consulis renovandae in eos invidiae.

4.40.5itaque advocata contione cum proditam Veiis rem publicam esse ab ducibus, proditum deinde, quia illis impune fuerit, in Volscis ab consule exercitum, traditos ad caedem fortissimos equites, deserta foede castra vociferati essent,

4.40.6C. Iunius, unus ex tribunis, Tempanium equitem vocari iussit coramque ei Sex . Tempani inquit, quaero de te, arbitrerisne C. Sempronium consulem aut in tempore pugnam inisse aut firmasse subsidiis aciem aut ullo boni consulis functum officio,

4.40.7et tune ipse victis legionibus Romanis tuo consilio equitem ad pedes deduxeris restituerisque pugnam; excluso deinde ab acie nostra tibi atque equitibus num aut consul ipse subvenerit aut miserit praesidium;

4.40.8postero denique die ecquid praesidii usquam habueris, an tu cohorsque in castra vestra virtute perruperitis; ecquem in castris consulem, ecquem exercitum inveneritis, an deserta castra, relictos saucios milites.

4.40.9haec pro virtute tua fideque, qua una hoc bello res publica stetit, dicenda tibi sunt hodie; denique ubi C. Sempronius, ubi legiones nostrae sint; desertus sis an deserueris consulem exercitumque; victi denique simus an vicerimus.

4.41.1adversus haec Tempani oratio incompta fuisse dicitur, ceterum militariter gravis, non suis vana 2 laudibus, non crimine alieno laeta. quanta prudentia rei bellicae in C. Sempronio esset, non militis de imperatore existimationem esse, sed populi Romani fuisse, cum eum comitiis consulem legeret.

4.41.2itaque ne ab se imperatoria consilia neu consulares artes exquirerent, quae pensitanda magnis quoque animis atque ingeniis essent; sed quod viderit referre posse.

4.41.3vidisse autem se, priusquam ab acie intercluderetur, consulem in prima acie pugnantem, adhortantem, inter signa Romana telaque hostium versantem.

4.41.4postea se a conspectu suorum ablatum ex strepitu tamen et clamore sensisse usque ad noctem extractum certamen, nec ad tumulum quem ipse tenuerat prae multitudine hostium credere perrumpi potuisse.

4.41.5exercitus ubi esset se nescire; arbitrari, velut ipse in re trepida loci praesidio se suosque sit tutatus, sic consulem servandi exercitus causa loca tutiora castris cepisse;

4.41.6nec Volscorum meliores res esse credere quam populi Romani; fortunam noctemque omnia erroris mutui implesse. precantemque deinde, ne se fessum labore ac volneribus tenerent, cum ingenti laude non virtutis magis quam moderationis dimissum.

4.41.7cum haec agerentur, iam consul via Labicana ad fanum Quietis erat. eo missa plaustra iumentaque alia ab urbe exercitum adfectum proelio ac via nocturna excepere.

4.41.8paulo post in urbem est ingressus consul, non ab se magis enixe amovens culpam quam Tempanium meritis laudibus ferens.

4.41.9maestae civitati ab re male gesta et iratae ducibus M. Postumius reus obiectus, qui tribunus militum pro consule ad Veios fuerat, decem milibus aeris gravis damnatur.

4.41.10T. Quinctium collegam eius, quia et in Volscis consul auspicio dictatoris Postumi Tuberti et ad Fidenas legatus dictatoris alterius Mam. aemili res prospere gesserat, totam culpam eius temporis in praedamnatum collegam transferentem omnes tribus absolverunt.

4.41.11profuisse ei Cincinnati patris memoria dicitur, venerabilis viri, et exactae iam aetatis Capitolinus Quinctius suppliciter orans ne se brevi reliquo vitae spatio tam tristem nuntium ferre ad Cincinnatum paterentur.

4.42.1Plebs tribunos plebi absentes Sex. Tempanium M. Asellium Ti. Antistium Ti. Spurillium fecit, quos et pro centurionibus sibi praefecerant Tempanio auctore equites.

4.42.2senatus , cum odio Semproni consulare nomen offenderet, tribunos militum consulari potestate creari iussit. creati sunt L. Manlius Capitolinus Q. Antonius Merenda L. Papirius Mugillanus.

4.42.3principio statim anni L. Hortensius tribunus plebis C. Sempronio, consuli anni prioris, diem dixit. quem cum quattuor collegae inspectante populo Romano orarent ne imperatorem suum innoxium, in quo nihil praeter fortunam reprehendi posset,

4.42.4vexaret, aegre Hortensius pati, temptationem eam credens esse perseverantiae suae nec precibus tribunorum, quae in speciem modo iactentur, sed auxilio confidere reum.

4.42.5itaque modo ad eum conversus, ubi illi patricii spiritus, ubi subnixus et fidens innocentiae animus esset quaerebat; sub tribunicia umbra consularem virum delituisse?

4.42.6modo ad collegas: vos autem, si reum perago, quid acturi estis? an erepturi ius populo et eversuri tribuniciam potestatem?

4.42.7cum illi et de Sempronio et de omnibus summam populi Romani potestatem esse dicerent nec se iudicium populi tollere aut velle aut posse, sed si preces suae pro imperatore, qui sibi parentis esset loco,

4.42.8non valuissent, se vestem cum eo mutaturos, tum Hortensius Non videbit inquit, plebs Romana sordidatos tribunos suos. C. Sempronium nihil moror, quando hoc est in imperio consecutus, ut tam carus esset militibus.

4.42.9nec pietas quattuor tribunorum quam Hortensi tam placabile ad iustas preces ingenium pariter plebi patribusque gratius fuit.

4.42.10non diutius fortuna Aequis indulsit, qui ambiguam victoriam Volscorum pro sua amplexi fuerant.

Book 4, Part 5

4.43.1proximo anno Num. Fabio Vibulano T. Quinctio Capitolini filio Capitolino consulibus ductu Fabii, cui sorte ea provincia evenerat, nihil dignum memoratu actum.

4.43.2cum trepidam tantum ostendissent aciem Aequi, turpi fuga funduntur haud magno consulis decore. itaque triumphus negatus, ceterum ob Sempronianae cladis levatam ignominiam ut ovans urbem intraret concessum est.

4.43.3quemadmodum bellum minore quam timuerant dimicatione erat perfectum, sic in urbe ex tranquillo necopinata moles discordiarum inter plebem ac patres exorta est, coepta ab duplicando quaestorum numero.

4.43.4quam rem—praeter duos urbanos ut crearentur alii quaestores duo qui consulibus ad ministeria belli praesto essent—a consulibus relatam cum et patres summa ope adprobassent, tribuni plebi certamen intulerunt ut pars quaestorum—nam ad id tempus patricii creati erant—ex plebe fieret.

4.43.5adversus quam actionem primo et consules et patres summa ope adnisi sunt; concedendo deinde ut, quemadmodum in tribunis consulari potestate creandis, sic in quaestoribus liberum esset arbitrium populi, cum parum proficerent, totam rem de augendo quaestorum numero omittunt.

4.43.6excipiunt omissam tribuni, aliaeque subinde, inter quas et agrariae legis, seditiosae actiones exsistunt. propter quos motus cum senatus consules quam tribunos creari mallet, neque posset per intercessiones tribunicias senatus consultum fieri,

4.43.7res publica a consulibus ad interregnum, neque id ipsum—nam coire patricios tribuni prohibebant—sine certamine ingenti, redit.

4.43.8cum pars maior insequentis anni per novos tribunos plebi et aliquot interreges certaminibus extracta esset modo prohibentibus tribunis patricios coire ad prodendum interregem, modo interregem interpellantibus,

4.43.9ne senatus consultum de comitiis consularibus faceret, postremo L. Papirius Mugillanus proditus interrex castigando nunc patres, nunc tribunos plebi desertam omissamque ab hominibus rem publicam, deorum providentia curaque exceptam memorabat Veientibus indutiis et cunctatione Aequorum stare.

4.43.10unde si quid increpet terroris, sine patricio magistratu placere rem publicam opprimi? non exercitum, non ducem scribendo exercitui esse? An bello intestino bellum externum propulsaturos?

4.43.11quae si in unum conveniant, vix deorum opibus quin obruatur Romana res resisti posse. quin illi remittendo de summa quisque iuris mediis consiliis copularent concordiam,

4.43.12patres patiendo tribunos militum pro consulibus fieri, tribuni plebi non intercedendo quo minus quattuor quaestores promise de plebe ac patribus libero suffragio populi fierent?

4.44.1tribunicia primum comitia sunt habita. creati tribuni consulari potestate omnes patricii, L. Quinctius Cincinnatus tertium L. Furius Medullinus iterum M. Manlius A. Sempronius Atratinus.

4.44.2hoc tribuno comitia quaestorum habente petentibusque inter aliquot plebeios filio A. Antisti tribuni plebis et fratre alterius tribuni plebis Sex. pompili , nec potestas nec suffragatio horum valuit quin quorum patres avosque consules viderant eos nobilitate praeferrent.

4.44.3furere omnes tribuni plebi, ante omnes Pompilius Antistiusque, repulsa suorum accensi. quidnam id rei esset?

4.44.4non suis beneficiis, non patrum iniuriis, non denique ius usurpandi libidine, cum liceat quod ante non licuerit, si non tribunum militarem, ne quaestorem quidem quemquam ex plebe factum!

4.44.5non valuisse patris pro filio, fratris pro fratre preces, tribunorum plebis, potestatis sacrosanctae ad auxilium libertatis creatae. fraudem profecto in re esse, et A. Sempronium comitiis plus artis adhibuisse quam fidei. eius iniuria queri suos honore deiectos.

4.44.6itaque cum in ipsum et innocentia tutum et magistratu, in quo tunc tune erat, impetus fieri non posset, flexere iras in C. Sempronium, patruelem Atratini, eique ob ignominiam Volsci belli adiutore collega M. Canuleio diem dixere.

4.44.7subinde ab iisdem tribunis mentio in senatu de agris dividendis inlata est, cui actioni semper acerrime C. Sempronius restiterat, ratis, id quod erat, aut deposita causa leviorem futurum apud patres reum aut perseverantem sub iudicii tempus plebem offensurum.

4.44.8adversae invidiae obici maluit et suae nocere causae quam publicae deesse;

4.44.9stetitque in eadem sententia ne qua largitio, cessura in trium gratiam tribunorum, fieret; nec tum agrum plebi, sed sibi invidiam quaeri; se quoque subiturum eam tempestatem forti animo; nec senatui tanti se civem aut quemquam alium debere esse, ut in parcendo uni malum publicum fiat.

4.44.10nihilo demissiore animo, cum dies venit, causa ipse pro se dicta, nequiquam omnia expertis patribus ut mitigarent plebem, quindecim milibus aeris damnatur.

4.44.11eodem anno Postumia virgo Vestalis de incestu causam dixit crimine innoxia, ab suspicione propter cultum amoeniorem ingeniumque liberius quam virginem decet parum abhorrens.

4.44.12eam ampliatam, deinde absolutam pro collegii sententia pontifex maximus abstinere iocis colique sancte potius quam scite iussit. eodem anno a Campanis Cumae, quam Graeci tum urbem tenebant, capiuntur.

4.44.13insequens annus tribunos militum consulari potestate habuit Agrippam Menenium Lanatum P. Lucretium Tricipitinum Sp. Nautium Rutulum ,

4.45.1annus felicitate populi Romani periculo potius ingenti quam clade insignis. servitia urbem ut incenderent distantibus locis coniurarunt, populoque ad opem passim ferendam tectis intento ut arcem Capitoliumque armati occuparent.

4.45.2avertit nefanda consilia Iuppiter, indicioque duorum comprehensi sontes poenas dederunt. indicibus dena milia gravis aeris, quae tum divitiae habebantur, ex aerario numerata et libertas praemium fuit.

4.45.3bellum inde ab Aequis reparari coeptum; et novos hostes Labicanos consilia cum veteribus iungere haud incertis auctoribus Romam est allatum.

4.45.4Aequorum iam velut anniversariis armis adsueverat civitas: Labicos legati missi cum responsa inde rettulissent dubia, quibus nec tum bellum parari nec diuturnam pacem fore appareret, Tusculanis negotium datum adverterent animos ne quid novi tumultus Labicis oreretur.

4.45.5ad insequentis anni tribunos militum consulari potestate inito magistratu legati ab Tusculo venerunt, L. Sergium Fidenatem M. Papirium Mugillanum C. Servilium Prisci filium, quo dictatore Fidenae captae fuerant.

4.45.6nuntiabant legati Labicanos arma cepisse et cum Aequorum exercitu depopulatos agrum Tusculanum castra in Algido posuisse.

4.45.7tum Labicanis bellum indictum; factoque senatus consulto ut duo ex tribunis ad bellum proficiscerentur, unus res Romae curaret, certamen subito inter tribunos exortum; se quisque belli ducem potiorem ferre, curam urbis ut ingratam ignobilemque aspernari.

4.45.8cum parum decorum inter collegas certamen mirabundi patres conspicerent, Q. Servilius quando nec ordinis huius ulla inquit, nec rei publicae est verecundia, patria maiestas altercationem istam dirimet. filius meus extra sortem urbi praeerit. bellum utinam qui adpetunt consideratius concordiusque quam cupiunt gerant.

4.46.1dilectum haberi non ex toto passim populo placuit; decem tribus sorte ductae sunt. ex iis scriptos iuniores duo tribuni ad bellum duxere.

4.46.2coepta inter eos in urbe certamina cupiditate eadem imperii multo impensius in castris accendi; nihil sentire idem, pro sententia pugnare; sua consilia velle, sua imperia sola rata esse;

4.46.3contemnere in vicem et contemni, donec done castigantibus legatis tandem ita comparatum est ut alternis diebus summam imperii haberent.

4.46.4quae cum allata Romam essent, dicitur Q. Servilius, aetate et usu doctus precatus ab dis immortalibus ne discordia tribunorum damnosior rei publicae esset quam ad Veios fuisset, et velut haud dubia clade imminente institisse filio ut milites scriberet et arma pararet.

4.46.5nec falsus vates fuit. nam ductu L. Sergi, cuius dies imperii erat, loco iniquo sub hostium castris, cum, quia simulato metu receperat se hostis ad vallum, spes vana expugnandi castra eo traxisset, repentino impetu Aequorum per supinam vallem fusi sunt, multique in ruina maiore quam fuga oppressi obtruncatique.

4.46.6castraque eo die aegre retenta, postero die circumfusis iam magna ex parte hostibus per aversam portam fuga turpi deseruntur. duces legatique et quod circa signa roboris de exercitu fuit Tusculum petiere:

4.46.7palati alii per agros passim multis itineribus maioris quam accepta erat cladis nuntii Romam contenderunt.

4.46.8minus trepidationis fuit, quod eventus timori hominum congruens fuerat, et quod subsidia quae respicerent in re trepida praeparata erant ab tribune militum.

4.46.9iussuque eiusdem per minores magistratus sedato in urbe tumultu speculatores propere missi nuntiavere Tusculi duces exercitumque esse, hostem castra loco non movisse.

4.46.10et , quod plurimum animorum fecit, dictator ex senatus consulto dictus Q. Servilius Priscus, vir cuius providentiam in re publica cum multis aliis tempestatibus ante experta civitas erat tum eventu eius belli, quod uni certamen tribunorum suspectum ante rem male gestam fuerat.

4.46.11magistro equitum creato a quo ipse tribuno militum dictator erat dictus, filio suo—ut tradidere quidam; nam alii Ahalam Servilium magistrum equitum eo anno fuisse scribunt,

4.46.12—novo exercitu profectus ad bellum accitis qui Tusculi erant, duo milia passuum ab hoste locum castris cepit.

4.47.1transierat ex re bene gesta superbia neglegentiaque ad Aequos quae in Romanis ducibus fuerat.

4.47.2itaque primo statim proelio cum dictator equitatu immisso antesignanos hostium turbasset, legionum inde signa inferri propere iussit signiferumque ex suis unum cunctantem occidit.

4.47.3tantus ardor ad dimicandum fuit ut impetum Aequi non tulerint, victique acie cum fuga effusa petissent castra, brevior tempore et certamine minor castrorum oppugnatio fuit quam proelium fuerat.

4.47.4captis direptisque castris cum praedam dictator militi concessisset secutique fugientem ex castris hostem equites renuntiassent omnes Labicanos victos, magnam partem Aequorum Labicos confugisse,

4.47.5postero die ad Labicos ductus exercitus oppidumque corona circumdata scalis captum ac direptum est.

4.47.6Dictator exercitu victore Romam reducto die octavo quam creatus erat magistratu se abdicavit; et opportune senatus priusquam ab tribunis plebi agrariae seditiones mentione inlata de agro Labicano dividendo fierent, censuit frequens coloniam Labicos deducendam.

4.47.7coloni ab urbe mille et quingenti missi bina iugera acceperunt.

4.47.7captis Labicis deinde tribunis militum consulari potestate Agrippa Menenio Lanato et C. Servilio Structo et P. Lucretio Tricipitino,

4.47.8iterum omnibus his, et Sp. Rutilio Crasso, et insequente anno A. Sempronio Atratino tertium, et duobus iterum, M. Papirio Mugillano et Sp. Nautio Rutulo biennium tranquillae externae res, discordia domi ex agrariis legibus fuit.

4.48.1turbatores volgi erant Sp. Maecilius quartum et M. Metilius tertium tribuni plebis, ambo absentes creati.

4.48.2ei cum rogationem promulgassent ut ager ex hostibus captus viritim divideretur, magnaeque partis nobilium eo plebi scito

4.48.3publicarentur fortunae—nec enim ferme quicquam agri, ut in urbe alieno solo posita, non armis partum erat, nec quod venisset adsignatumve publice esset praeterquam plebs habebat,

4.48.4—atrox plebi patribusque propositum videbatur certamen. nec tribuni militum nunc in senatu, nunc conciliis privatis principum cogendis viam consilii inveniebant,

4.48.5cum Ap. Claudius, nepos eius qui decemvir legibus scribendis fuerat, minimus natu ex patrum concilio,

4.48.6dicitur dixisse vetus se ac familiare consilium domo adferre; proavum enim suum Ap. Claudium ostendisse patribus viam unam dissolvendae tribuniciae potestatis per collegarum intercessionem.

4.48.7facile homines novos auctoritate principum de sententia deduci, si temporum interdum potius quam maiestatis memor adhibeatur oratio.

4.48.8pro fortuna illis animos esse; ubi videant collegas principes agendae rei gratiam omnem ad plebem praeoccupasse nec locum in ea relictum sibi, haud gravate adclinaturos se ad causam senatus,

4.48.9per quam cum universo ordini, tum primoribus se patrum concilient.

4.48.10adprobantibus cunctis et ante omnes Q. Servilio Prisco, quod non degenerasset ab stirpe Claudia conlaudante iuvenem, negotium datur ut quos quisque posset ex collegio tribunorum ad intercessionem perlicerent.

4.48.11misso senatu prensantur ab principibus tribuni. suadendo monendo pollicendoque, gratum id singulis privatim, gratum universo senatui fore, sex ad intercessionem comparavere.

4.48.12posteroque die cum ex composito relatum ad senatum esset de seditione quam Maecilius Metiliusque largitione pessimi exempli concirent,

4.48.13eae orationes a primoribus patrum habitae sunt ut pro se quisque iam nec consilium sibi suppetere diceret nec se ullam opem cernere aliam usquam praeterquam in tribunicio auxilio; in eius potestatis fidem circumventam rem publicam, tamquam privatum inopem, confugere;

4.48.14praeclarum ipsis potestatique esse non ad vexandum senatum discordiamque ordinum movendam plus in tribunatu virium esse quam ad resistendum improbis collegis.

4.48.15fremitus deinde universi senatus ortus, cum ex omnibus partibus curiae tribuni appellarentur. tum silentio facto ii qui praeparati erant gratia principum, quam rogationem a collegis promulgatam senatus censeat dissolvendae rei publicae esse, ei se intercessuros ostendunt. gratiae intercessoribus ab senatu actae.

4.48.16latores rogationis contione advocata proditores plebis commodorum ac servos consularium appellantes aliaque truci oratione in collegas invecti actionem deposuere.

4.49.1duo bella insequens annus habuisset, quo P. Cornelius Cossus C. Valerius Potitus Q. Quinctius Cincinnatus Num. Fabius Vibulanus tribuni militum consulari potestate fuerunt,

4.49.2ni Veiens bellum religio principum distulisset, quorum agros Tiberis super ripas effusus maxime ruinis villarum vastavit.

4.49.3simul Aequos triennio ante accepta clades prohibuit Bolanis, suae gentis populo, praesidium ferre.

4.49.4excursiones inde in confinem agrum Labicanum factae erant novisque colonis bellum inlatum.

4.49.5quam noxam cum se consensu omnium Aequorum defensuros sperassent, deserti ab suis ne memorabili quidem bello, per obsidionem levemque unam pugnam et oppidum et fines amisere.

4.49.6temptatum ab L. Decio tribuno plebis, ut rogationem ferret qua Bolas quoque, sicut Labicos, coloni mitterentur, per intercessionem collegarum, qui nullum plebi scitum nisi ex auctoritate senatus passuros se perferri ostenderunt, discussum est.

4.49.7bolis insequente anno receptis Aequi coloniaque eo deducta novis viribus oppidum firmarunt, tribunis militum Romae consulari potestate Cn. Cornelio Cosso L. Valerio Potito Q. Fabio Vibulano iterum M. Postumio Regillensi.

4.49.8huic bellum adversus Aequos permissum est, pravae mentis homini, quam tamen victoria magis quam bellum ostendit.

4.49.9nam exercitu impigre scripto ductoque ad Bolas cum levibus proeliis Aequorum animos fregisset, postremo in oppidum inrupit. deinde ab hostibus in cives certamen vertit et cum inter oppugnationem praedam militis fore edixisset, capto oppido fidem mutavit.

4.49.10eam earn magis adducor ut credam irae causam exercitui fuisse quam quod in urbe nuper direpta coloniaque nova minus praedicatione tribuni praedae fuerit.

4.49.11auxit eam earn iram, postquam ab collegis arcessitus propter seditiones tribunicias in urbem revertit, audita vox eius in contione stolida ac prope vecors, qua M. Sextio tribuno plebis legem agrariam ferenti, simul Bolas quoque ut mitterentur coloni laturum se dicenti—dignum enim esse qui armis cepissent, eorum urbem agrumque Bolanum esse— malum quidem militibus meis inquit, nisi quieverint. quod auditum non contionem magis quam mox patres offendit.

4.49.12et tribunus plebis, vir acer nec infacundus, nactus inter adversarios superbum ingenium immodicamque linguam, quam inritando agitandoque in eas impelleret voces quae invidiae non ipsi tantum sed causae atque universe ordini essent, neminem ex collegio tribunorum militum saepius quam Postumium in disceptationem trahebat.

4.49.13tum vero secundum tam saevum atque inhumanum dictum auditis inquit, Quirites , sicut servis malum minantem militibus?

4.49.14tamen haec belua dignior vobis tanto honore videbitur quam qui vos urbe agrisque donatos in colonias mittunt, qui sedem senectuti vestrae prospiciunt, qui pro vestris commodis adversus tam crudeles superbosque adversarios adversaries depugnant?

4.49.15incipite deinde mirari cur pauci iam vestram suscipiant causam. quid ut a vobis sperent? An honores, quos adversariis vestris potius quam populi Romani propugnatoribus datis?

4.49.16ingemuistis modo voce huius audita. quid id refert? iam si suffragium detur, hunc qui malum vobis minatur iis qui agros sedesque ac fortunas stabilire volunt praeferetis.

4.50.1perlata haec vox Postumi ad milites multo in castris maiorem indignationem movit: praedaene interceptorem fraudatoremque etiam malum minari militibus?

4.50.2itaque cum fremitus aperte esset, et quaestor P. Sestius eadem violentia coerceri putaret seditionem posse qua mota erat, misso ad vociferantem quendam militem lictore cum inde clamor et iurgium oreretur, saxo ictus turba excedit, insuper increpante qui volneraverat,

4.50.3habere quaestorem quod imperator esset militibus minatus.

4.50.4ad hunc tumultum accitus Postumius asperiora omnia fecit acerbis quaestionibus, crudelibus suppliciis. postremo cum modum irae nullum faceret, ad vociferationem eorum quos necari sub crate iusserat concursu facto, ipse ad interpellantes poenam vecors de tribunali decurrit.

4.50.5ibi cum submoventes passim lictores centurionesque vexarent turbam, eo indignatio erupit ut tribunus militum ab exercitu suo lapidibus cooperiretur.

4.50.6quod tam atrox facinus postquam est Romam nuntiatum, tribunis militum de morte collegae per senatum quaestiones decernentibus tribuni plebis intercedebant.

4.50.7sed ea contentio ex certamine alio pendebat, quod cura incesserat patres ne metu quaestionum plebs iraque tribunos militum ex plebe crearet, tendebantque summa ope ut consules crearentur.

4.50.8cum senatus consultum fieri tribuni plebis non paterentur, iidem intercederent consularibus comitiis, res ad interregnum rediit. victoria deinde penes patres fuit.

4.51.1Q. Fabio Vibulano interrege comitia habente consules creati sunt A. Cornelius Cossus L. Furius Medullinus.

4.51.2his consulibus principio anni senatus consultum factum est, ut de quaestione Postumianae caedis tribuni primo quoque tempore ad plebem ferrent plebesque praeficeret quaestioni quem vellet. a plebe consensu consulibus negotium mandatur;

4.51.3qui summa moderatione ac lenitate per paucorum supplicium, quos sibimet ipsos conscisse mortem satis creditum est, transacta re, nequivere tamen consequi, ut non aegerrime id plebs ferret:

4.51.4iacere tam diu inritas actiones quae de suis commodis ferrentur, cum interim de sanguine ac supplicio suo latam legem confestim exerceri et tantam vim habere.

4.51.5aptissimum tempus fuerat vindicatis seditionibus delenimentum animis Bolani agri divisionem obici, quo facto minuissent desiderium agrariae legis quae possesso per iniuriam agro publico patres pellebat; tunc tune haec ipsa indignitas angebat animos:

4.51.6non in retinendis modo publicis agris quos vi teneret pertinacem nobilitatem esse, sed ne vacuum quidem agrum nuper ex hostibus captum plebi dividere, mox paucis, ut cetera, futurum praedae.

4.51.7eodem anno adversus Volscos populantes Hernicorum fines legiones ductae a Furio consule cum hostem ibi non invenissent, Ferentinum, quo magna multitudo multitude Volscorum se contulerat, cepere.

4.51.8minus praedae quam speraverant fuit, quod Volsci, postquam spes tuendi exigua erat, sublatis rebus nocte oppidum reliquerunt; postero die prope desertum capitur. Hernicis ipsum agerque dono datus.

4.52.1annum modestia tribunorum quietum excepit tribunus plebis L. Icilius Q. Fabio Ambusto C. Furio Paculo consulibus.

4.52.2is cum principio statim anni, velut pensum nominis familiaeque, seditiones agrariis legibus promulgandis cieret,

Book 4, Part 6

4.52.3pestilentia coorta, minacior tamen quam perniciosior, cogitationes hominum a foro certaminibusque publicis ad domum curamque corporum nutriendorum avertit; minusque eam damnosam fuisse, quam seditio futura fuerit credunt.

4.52.4defuncta civitate plurimorum morbis, perpaucis funeribus, pestilentem annum inopia frugum neglecto cultu agrorum, ut plerumque fit, excepit, M. Papirio Atratino C. Nautio Rutulo consulibus.

4.52.5iam fames quam pestilentia tristior erat, ni dimissis circa omnes populos legatis qui Etruscum mare quique Tiberim accolunt ad frumentum mercandum, annonae foret subventum.

4.52.6superbe ab Samnitibus qui Capuam habebant Cumasque legati prohibiti commercio sunt, contra ea benigne ab Siculorum tyrannis adiuti; maximos commeatus summo Etruriae studio Tiberis devexit.

4.52.7solitudinem in civitate aegra experti consules sunt, cum in legationes non plus singulis senatoribus invenientes coacti sunt binos equites adicere.

4.52.8praeterquam ab morbo annonaque nihil eo biennio intestini externive incommodi fuit. at ubi eae sollicitudines discessere, omnia quibus turbari solita erat civitas, domi discordia, foris bellum exortum.

4.53.1M. Aemilio C. Valerio Potito consulibus bellum Aequi parabant, Volscis, quamquam non publico consilio capessentibus arma, voluntariis mercede secutis militiam.

4.53.2ad quorum famam hostium—iam enim in Latinum Hernicumque transcenderant agrum —dilectum habentem Valerium consulem M. Menenius tribunus plebis, legis agrariae lator, cum impediret auxilioque tribuni nemo invitus sacramento diceret,

4.53.3repente nuntiatur arcem Carventanam ab hostibus occupatam esse.

4.53.4ea ignominia accepta cum apud patres invidiae Menenio fuit, tum ceteris tribunis, iam ante praeparatis intercessoribus legis agrariae, praebuit iustiorem causam resistendi collegae.

4.53.5itaque cum res diu ducta per altercationem esset, consulibus deos hominesque testantibus quidquid ab hostibus cladis ignominiaequeaut iam acceptum esset aut immineret culpam penes Menenium fore, qui dilectum impediret,

4.53.6Menenio contra vociferante, si iniusti domini possessione agri publici cederent, se moram dilectui non facere,

4.53.7decreto interposito novem tribuni sustulerunt certamen pronuntiaveruntque ex collegii sententia C. Valerio consuli se, damnum aliamque coercitionem adversus intercessionem collegae dilectus causa detractantibus militiam inhibenti, auxilio futuros esse.

4.53.8hoc decreto consul armatus cum paucis appellantibus tribunum collum torsisset, metu ceteri sacramento dixere.

4.53.9ductus exercitus ad Carventanam arcem, quamquam invisus infestusque consuli erat, impigre primo statim adventu deiectis qui in praesidio erant arcem recipit; praedatores ex praesidio per neglegentiam dilapsi occasionem aperuere ad invadendum.

4.53.10praedae ex adsiduis populationibus, quod omnia in locum tutum congesta erant, fuit aliquantum. venditum sub hasta consul in aerarium redigere quaestores iussit, tum praedicans participem praedae fore exercitum, cum militiam non abnuisset.

4.53.11auctae inde plebis ac militum in consulem irae. itaque cum ex senatus consulto urbem ovans introiret, alternis inconditi versus militari licentia iactati, quibus consul increpitus,

4.53.12Meneni celebre nomen laudibus fuit, cum ad omnem mentionem tribuni favor circumstantis populi plausuque et adsensu cum vocibus militum certaret.

4.53.13plusque ea res quam prope sollemnis militum lascivia in consulem curae patribus iniecit; et tamquam haud dubius inter tribunos militum honos Meneni, si peteret, consularibus comitiis est exclusus.

4.54.1creati consules sunt Cn. Cornelius Cossus L. Furius Medullinus iterum

4.54.2non alias aegrius plebs tulit tribunicia comitia sibi non commissa. eum dolorem quaestoriis comitiis simul ostendit et ulta est tunc tune primum plebeiis quaestoribus creatis,

4.54.3ita ut in quattuor creandis uni patricio K. Fabio Ambusto relinqueretur locus, tres plebei Q. Silius P. Aelius P. Pupius clarissimarum familiarum iuvenibus praeferrentur.

4.54.4auctores fuisse tam liberi populo suffragii Icilios accipio, ex familia infestissima patribus tres in eum annum tribunos plebis creatos, multarum magnarumque rerum molem avidissimo ad ea populo ostentantes,

4.54.5cum adfirmassent nihil se moturos si ne quaestoriis quidem comitiis, quae sola promiscua plebei patribusque reliquisset senatus, satis animi populo esset ad id quod tam diu vellent et per leges liceret.

4.54.6pro ingenti itaque victoria id fuit plebi, quaesturamque eam earn non honoris ipsius fine aestimabant, sed patefactus ad consulatum ac triumphos locus novis hominibus videbatur.

4.54.7patres contra non pro communicatis sed pro amissis honoribus fremere; negare, si ea ita sint, liberos tollendos esse, qui pulsi maiorum loco cernentesque alios in possessione dignitatis suae, salii flaminesque nusquam alio quam ad sacrificandum pro populo sine imperiis imperils ac potestatibus relinquantur.

4.54.8inritatis utriusque partis animis cum et spiritus plebs sumpsisset et tres ad popularem causam celeberrimi nominis haberet duces, patres omnia quaestoriis comitiis ubi utrumque plebi liceret similia fore cernentes, tendere ad consulum comitia quae nondum promiscua essent:

4.54.9Icilii contra tribunos militum creandos dicere et tandem aliquando impertiendos plebi honores.

4.55.1sed nulla erat consularis actio quam impediendo id quod petebant exprimerent, cum mira opportunitate Volscos et Aequos praedatum extra fines exisse in agrum Latinum Hernicumque adfertur.

4.55.2ad quod bellum ubi ex senatus consulto consules dilectum habere occipiunt, obstare tunc tune enixe tribuni sibi plebique eam fortunam oblatam memorantes.

4.55.3tres erant et omnes acerrimi viri generosique iam, ut inter plebeios. duo singuli singulos sibi consules adservandos adsidua opera desumunt; uni contionibus data nunc detinenda, nunc concienda plebs.

4.55.4nec dilectum consules nec comitia quae petebant tribuni expediebant. inclinante deinde se fortuna ad causam plebis nuntii veniunt arcem Carventanam dilapsis ad praedam militibus qui in praesidio erant, Aequos interfectis paucis custodibus arcis invasisse; alios recurrentes in arcem, alios palantes in agris caesos.

4.55.5ea adversa civitati res vires tribuniciae actioni adiecit. nequiquam enim temptati ut tum denique desisterent impediendo bello, postquam non cessere nec publicae tempestati nec suae invidiae, pervincunt ut senatus consultum fiat de tribunis militum creandis,

4.55.6certo tamen pacto ne cuius ratio haberetur qui eo anno tribunus plebis esset, neve quis reficeretur in annum tribunus plebis,

4.55.7haud dubie Icilios denotante senatu, quos mercedem seditiosi tribunatus petere consulatum insimulabant. tum dilectus haberi bellumque omnium ordinum consensu apparari coeptum.

4.55.8consules ambo profecti sint ad arcem Carventanam, an alter ad comitia habenda substiterit, incertum diversi auctores faciunt; illa pro certo habenda, in quibus non dissentiunt, ab arce Carventana, cum diu nequiquam oppugnata esset, recessum, Verruginem in Volscis eodem exercitu receptam, populationesque et praedas et in Aequis et in Volsco agro ingentes factas.

4.56.1Romae sicut plebis victoria fuit in eo ut quae mallent comitia haberent, ita eventu comitiorum patres vicere;

4.56.2namque tribuni militum consulari potestate contra spem omnium tres patricii creati sunt, C. iulius lulius Iulus P. Cornelius Cossus C. Servilius Ahala.

4.56.3artem adhibitam ferunt a patriciis, cuius eos Icilii tum quoque insimulabant, quod turbam indignorum candidatorum intermiscendo dignis taedio sordium in quibusdam insignium populum a plebeiis avertissent.

4.56.4Volscos deinde et Aequos, seu Carventana arx retenta in spem seu Verrugine amissum praesidium ad iram cum impulisset, fama adfertur summa vi ad bellum coortos;

4.56.5caput rerum Antiates esse; eorum legatos utriusque gentis populos circumisse castigantes ignaviam, quod abditi intra muros populabundos in agris vagari Romanos priore anno et opprimi Verruginis praesidium passi essent.

4.56.6iam non exercitus modo armatos sed colonias etiam in suos finis mitti; nec ipsos modo Romanos sua divisa habere, sed Ferentinum etiam de se captum Hernicis donasse.

4.56.7ad haec cum inflammarentur animi, ut ad quosque ventum erat, numerus numerous iuniorum conscribebatur. ita omnium populorum iuventus Antium contracta; ibi castris positis hostem opperiebantur.

4.56.8quae ubi tumultu maiore etiam quam res erat nuntiantur Romam, senatus extemplo, quod in rebus trepidis ultimum consilium erat, dictatorem dici iussit.

4.56.9quam rem aegre passos Iulium Corneliumque ferunt magnoque certamine animorum rem actam,

4.56.10cum primores patrum nequiquam conquesti non esse in auctoritate senatus tribunos militum postremo etiam tribunos plebi appellarent et consulibus quoque ab ea potestate vim super tali re inhibitam referrent, tribuni plebi laeti discordia patrum nihil esse in se iis auxilii dicerent,

4.56.11quibus non civium, non denique hominum numero essent: si quando promiscui honores,

4.56.12communicata res publica esset, tum se animadversuros ne qua superbia magistratuum inrita senatus consulta essent:

4.56.13interim patricii soluti legum magistratuumque viverent verecundia, per se quoque tribuni agerent.

4.57.1haec contentio minime idoneo tempore, cum tantum belli in manibus esset,

4.57.2occupaverat cogitationes hominum, donec ubi diu alternis iulius lulius Corneliusque cum ad id bellum ipsi satis idonei duces essent, non esse aequum mandatum sibi a populo eripi honorem disseruere,

4.57.3tum Ahala Servilius tribunus militum tacuisse se tam diu ait, non quia incertus sententiae fuerit—quem enim bonum civem secernere sua a publicis consilia?—sed quia maluerit collegas sua sponte cedere auctoritati senatus quam tribuniciam potestatem adversus se implorari paterentur.

4.57.4tum quoque si res sineret, libenter se daturum tempus iis fuisse ad receptum nimis pertinacis sententiae; sed cum belli necessitates non exspectent humana consilia, potiorem sibi collegarum gratia rem publicam fore,

4.57.5et si maneat in sententia senatus, dictatorem nocte proxima dicturum ac, si quis intercedat senatus consulto, auctoritate se fore contentum.

4.57.6quo facto cum haud immeritam laudem gratiamque apud omnis tulisset, dictatore P. Cornelio dicto ipse ab eo magister equitum creatus exemplo fuit collegas eumque intuentibus, quam gratia atque honos opportuniora interdum non cupientibus essent.

4.57.7bellum haud memorabile fuit. uno atque eo facili proelio caesi ad Antium hostes; victor exercitus depopulatus Volscum agrum; castellum ad lacum Fucinum vi expugnatum, atque in eo tria milia hominum capta ceteris Volscis intra moenia compulsis nec defendentibus agros.

4.57.8Dictator bello ita gesto ut tantum non defuisse fortunae videretur, felicitate quam gloria maior in urbem rediit magistratuque se abdicavit.

4.57.9tribuni militum mentione nulla comitiorum consularium habita—credo ob iram dictatoris creati—tribunorum militum comitia edixerunt.

4.57.10tum vero gravior cura patribus incessit, quippe cum prodi causam ab suis cernerent.

4.57.11itaque sicut priore anno per indignissimos ex plebeiis candidatos omnium, etiam dignorum, taedium fecerant, sic tum primoribus patrum splendore gratiaque ad petendum praeparatis omnia loca obtinuere, ne cui plebeio aditus esset.

4.57.12quattuor creati sunt, omnes iam functi eo honore, L. Furius Medullinus C. Valerius Potitus Num. Fabius Vibulanus C. Servilius Ahala, hic hie re fectus continuato honore cum ob alias virtutes, tum ob recentem favorem unica moderatione partum.

4.58.1eo anno, quia tempus indutiarum cum Veienti populo exierat, per legatos fetialesque res repeti coeptae. quibus venientibus ad finem legatio Veientium obvia fuit.

4.58.2petiere ne priusquam ipsi senatum Romanum adissent Veios iretur. Ab senatu impetratum, quia discordia intestina laborarent Veientes, ne res ab iis repeterentur; tantum afuit ut ex incommodo alieno sua occasio peteretur.

4.58.3et in Volscis accepta clades amisso Verrugine praesidio; ubi tantum in tempore fuit momenti ut cum precantibus opem militibus, qui ibi a Volscis obsidebantur, succurri si maturatum esset potuisset, ad id venerit exercitus subsidio missus ut ab recenti caede palati ad praedandum hostes opprimerentur.

4.58.4tarditatis causa non in senatu magis fuit quam tribunis, qui, quia summa vi restari nuntiabatur, parum cogitaverunt nulla virtute superari humanarum virium modum.

4.58.5fortissimi milites non tamen nec vivi nec post mortem inulti fuere.

4.58.6insequenti anno P. et Cn. Corneliis Cossis Num. Fabio Ambusto L. Valerio Potito tribunis militum consulari potestate Veiens bellum motum ob superbum responsum Veientis senatus, qui legatis repetentibus res,

4.58.7ni facesserent propere urbe finibusque, daturos quod Lars Tolumnius dedisset responderi iussit.

4.58.8id patres aegre passi decrevere ut tribuni militum de bello indicendo Veientibus primo quoque die ad populum ferrent.

4.58.9quod ubi primo promulgatum est, fremere iuventus nondum debellatum cum Volscis esse; modo duo praesidia occidione occisa, cetera cum periculo retineri; nullum annum esse quo non acie dimicetur;

4.58.10et tamquam paeniteat laboris, novum bellum cum finitimo populo et potentissimo parari qui omnem Etruriam sit concitaturus.

4.58.11haec sua sponte agitata insuper tribuni plebis accendunt.

4.58.12maximum bellum patribus cum plebe esse dictitant; eam de industria vexandam militia trucidandamque hostibus obici; eam earn procul urbe haberi atque ablegari, ne domi per otium memor libertatis coloniarumque aut agri publici public aut suffragii libere ferendi consilia agitet.

4.58.13prensantesque veteranos stipendia cuiusque et volnera ac cicatrices numerabant, quid iam integri esset in corpore loci ad nova volnera accipienda, quid super sanguinis, quod dari pro re publica posset rogitantes.

4.58.14haec cum in sermonibus contionibusque interdum agitantes avertissent plebem ab suscipiendo bello, profertur tempus ferundae legis quam si subiecta invidiae esset antiquari apparebat.

4.59.1interim tribunos militum in Volscum agrum ducere exercitum placuit; Cn. Cornelius unus Romae relictus.

4.59.2tres tribuni, postquam nullo loco castra Volscorum esse nec commissuros se proelio apparuit, tripertito ad devastandos fines discessere.

4.59.3Valerius Antium petit, Cornelius Ecetras; quacumque incessere, late populati sunt tecta agrosque, ut distinerent Volscos; Fabius, quod maxime petebatur, ad Anxur oppugnandum sine ulla populatione accessit.

4.59.4Anxur fuit, quae nunc Tarracinae sunt, urbs prona in paludes.

4.59.5Ab ea parte Fabius oppugnationem ostendit. circummissae quattuor cohortes cum C. Servilio Ahala cum imminentem urbi collem cepissent, ex loco altiore, qua nullum erat praesidium, ingenti clamore ac tumultu moenia invasere.

4.59.6ad quem tumultum obstupefacti qui adversus Fabium urbem infimam tuebantur locum dedere scalas admovendi; plenaque hostium cuncta erant, et immitis diu caedes pariter fugientium ac resistentium, armatorum atque inermium fuit. cogebantur itaque victi,

4.59.7quia cedentibus spei nihil erat, pugnam inire, cum pronuntiatum repente, ne quis praeter armatos violaretur, reliquam omnem multitudinem voluntariam exuit armis;

4.59.8quorum ad duo milia et quingenti vivi capiuntur. a cetera praeda Fabius militem abstinuit, donec denec collegae venirent,

4.59.9ab illis quoque exercitibus captum Anxur dictitans esse, qui ceteros Volscos a praesidio eius loci avertissent.

4.59.10qui ubi venerunt, oppidum vetere fortuna opulentum tres exercitus diripuere; eaque primum benignitas imperatorum plebem patribus conciliavit.

4.59.11additum deinde omnium maxime tempestivo principum in multitudinem munere, ut ante mentionem ullam plebis tribunorumve decerneret senatus ut stipendium miles de publico acciperet, cum ante id tempus de suo quisque functus eo munere esset.

4.60.1nihil acceptum unquam a plebe tanto gaudio traditur. concursum itaque ad curiam esse prensatasque exeuntium manus et patres vere appellatos, effectum esse fatentibus ut nemo pro tam munifica patria, donec quicquam virium superesset, corpori aut sanguini suo parceret.

4.60.2cum commoditas iuvaret rem familiarem saltem adquiescere eo tempore quo corpus addictum atque operatum rei publicae esset, tum quod ultro sibi oblatum esset, non a tribunis plebis unquam agitatum, non suis sermonibus efflagitatum, id efficiebat multiplex gaudium cumulatioremque gratiam rei.

4.60.3tribuni plebis, communis ordinum laetitiae concordiaeque soli expertes, negare tam id laetum patribus civibus universis nec prosperum fore quam ipsi crederent. consilium specie prima melius fuisse quam usu appariturum.

4.60.4unde enim eam pecuniam confici posse nisi tributo populo indicto? ex alieno igitur aliis largitos. neque id etiamsi ceteri ferant passuros eos, quibus iam emerita stipendia essent, meliore condicione alios militare quam ipsi militassent, et eosdem in sua stipendia impensas fecisse et in aliorum facere.

4.60.5his vocibus moverunt partem plebis. postremo indicto iam tributo edixerunt etiam tribuni auxilio se futuros si quis in militare stipendium tributum non contulisset.

4.60.6patres bene coeptam rem perseveranter tueri; conferre ipsi primi, et quia nondum argentum signatum erat, aes grave plaustris quidam ad aerarium convehentes speciosam etiam conlationem faciebant.

4.60.7cum senatus summa fide ex censu contulisset, primores plebis, nobilium amici, ex composito conferre incipiunt.

4.60.8quos cum et a patribus conlaudari et a militari aetate tamquam bonos cives conspici volgus hominum vidit, repente spreto tribunicio auxilio certamen conferendi est ortum.

4.60.9et lege perlata de indicendo Veientibus bello exercitum magna ex parte voluntarium novi tribuni militum consulari potestate Veios duxere.

4.61.1fuere autem tribuni T. Quinctius Capitolinus Q. Quinctius Cincinnatus C. Iulius Iulus iterum A. Manlius L. Furius Medullinus tertium M'. Aemilius Mamercus.

4.61.2Ab iis primum circumsessi Veii sunt. sub cuius initium obsidionis cum Etruscorum concilium ad fanum Voltumnae frequenter habitum esset, parum constitit bellone publico gentis universae tuendi Veientes essent.

4.61.3ea oppugnatio segnior insequenti anno fuit, parte tribunorum exercitusque ad Volscum avocata bellum.

4.61.4tribunos militum consulari potestate is annus habuit C. Valerium Potitum tertium M'. Sergium Fidenatem P. Cornelium Maluginensem Cn. Cornelium Cossum C. Fabium Ambustum Sp. Nautium Rutulum iterum.

4.61.5cum Volscis inter Ferentinum atque Ecetram signis conlatis dimicatum;

4.61.6Romanis secunda fortuna pugnae fuit. Artena inde, Volscorum oppidum, ab tribunis obsideri coepta. inde inter eruptionem temptatam compulso in urbem hoste occasio data est Romanis inrumpendi, praeterque arcem cetera capta; in arcem munitam natura globus armatorum concessit; infra arcem caesi captique multi mortales.

4.61.7arx deinde obsidebatur; nec aut vi capi poterat, quia pro spatio loci satis praesidii habebat, aut spem dabat deditionis omni publico frumento priusquam urbs caperetur in arcem convecto;

4.61.8taedioque recessum inde foret, ni servus arcem Romanis prodidisset. Ab eo milites per locum arduum accepti cepere; a quibus cum custodes trucidarentur, cetera multitudo multitude repentino pavore oppressa in deditionem venit.

4.61.9diruta et arce et urbe Artena, reductae legiones ex Volscis, omnisque vis Romana Veios conversa est.

Book 4, Part 7

4.61.10proditori praeter libertatem duarum familiarum bona in praemium data; Servius Romanus vocitatus. sunt qui Artenam Veientium, non Volscorum, fuisse credant.

4.61.11praebet errorem quod eiusdem nominis urbs inter Caere atque Veios fuit; sed eam earn reges Romani delevere, Caeretumque, non Veientium fuerat; altera haec nomine eodem in Volsco agro fuit, cuius excidium est dictum.

Book 5, Part 1

5.1.2pace alibi parta Romani Veiique in armis erant tanta ira odioque, ut victis finem adesse appareret. comitia utriusque populi longe diversa ratione facta sunt.

5.1.2Romani auxere tribunorum tribunoruin militum consulari potestate numerum; octo, quot nunquam antea, creati, M.' Aemilius Mamercus iterum L. Valerius Potitus tertium Ap. Claudius Crassus M. Quinctilius Varus L. Iulius Iulus M. Postumius M. Furius Camillus M.

5.1.3Postumius Albinus. Veientes contra taedio annuae ambitionis, quae interdum discordiarum causa erat, regem creavere. offendit ea res populorum Etruriae animos, non maiore odio regni quam ipsius regis.

5.1.4gravis iam is antea genti fuerat opibus superbiaque, quia sollemnia ludorum, quos intermitti nefas est,

5.1.5violenter diremisset, cum ob iram repulsae, quod suffragio duodecim populorum alius sacerdos ei praelatus esset, artifices, quorum magna pars ipsius servi erant, ex medio ludicro repente abduxit.

5.1.6gens itaque ante omnes alias eo magis dedita religionibus, quod excelleret arte colendi eas, auxilium Veientibus negandum donec done sub rege essent decrevit;

5.1.7cuius decreti suppressa fama est Veiis propter metum regis, qui a quo tale quid dictum referretur, pro seditionis eum principe, non vani sermonis auctore habebat.

5.1.8Romanis etsi quietae res ex Etruria nuntiabantur, tamen quia omnibus conciliis eam rem agitari adferebatur,

5.1.9ita muniebant ut ancipitia munimenta essent: alia in urbem et contra oppidanorum eruptiones versa, aliis frons in Etruriam spectans, auxiliis si qua forte inde venirent obstruebatur.

5.2.2cum spes maior imperatoribus Romanis in obsidione quam in oppugnatione esset, hibernacula etiam, res nova militi Romano, aedificari coepta, consiliumque erat hiemando continuare bellum.

5.2.2quod postquam tribunis plebis, iam diu nullam novandi res causam invenientibus, Romam est allatum, in contionem prosiliunt, sollicitant plebis animos,

5.2.3hoc illud esse dictitantes quod aera militibus sint constituta; nec se fefellisse id donum inimicorum veneno inlitum fore.

5.2.4venisse libertatem plebis; remotam in perpetuum et ablegatam ab urbe et ab re publica iuventutem iam ne hiemi quidem aut tempori anni cedere ac domos ac res invisere suas.

5.2.5quam putarent continuatae militiae causam esse? nullam profecto aliam inventuros quam ne quid per frequentiam iuvenum eorum in quibus vires omnes plebis essent agi de commodis eorum posset.

5.2.6vexari praeterea et subigi multo acrius quam Veientes; quippe illos hiemem sub tectis suis agere,

5.2.7egregiis muris situque naturali urbem tutantes, militem Romanum in opere ac labore nivibus pruinisque obrutum sub pellibus durare ne hiemis quidem spatio, quae omnium bellorum terra marique sit quies, arma deponentem.

5.2.8hoc neque reges neque ante tribuniciam potestatem creatam superbos illos consules neque triste dictatoris imperium neque inportunos importunes decemviros iniunxisse servitutis, ut perennem militiam facerent. quidnam illi consules dictatoresve facturi essent, qui consularem imaginem tam saevam ac trucem fecerint? sed id accidere haud immerito. non fuisse ne in octo quidem tribunis militum locum ulli plebeio.

5.2.9antea trina loca cum contentione summa patricios explere solitos: nunc iam octoiuges ad imperia obtinenda ire, et ne in turba quidem haerere plebeium quemquam qui,

5.2.10si nihil aliud, admoneat collegas liberos et cives eorum, non servos, militare, quos hieme saltem in domos ac tecta

5.2.11reduci oporteat et aliquo tempore anni parentes liberosque ac coniuges invisere et usurpare libertatem et creare magistratus.

5.2.12haec taliaque vociferantes adversarium haud imparem nacti sunt Ap. Claudium, relictum a collegis ad tribunicias seditiones comprimendas, virum inbutum irmbutum iam ab iuventa certaminibus plebeiis,

5.2.13quem auctorem aliquot annis ante fuisse memoratum est per collegarum intercessionem tribuniciae potestatis dissolvendae.

5.3.2is tum tur iam non promptus ingenio tantum sed usu etiam exercitatus, talem orationem habuit: " si unquam dubitatum est,

5.3.2Quirites , utrum tribuni plebis vestra an sua causa seditionum semper auctores fuerint, id ego hoc anno desisse dubitari certum habeo;

5.3.3et cum laetor tandem longi erroris vobis finem factum esse, tum tur , quod secundis potissimum vestris rebus hic error est sublatus, et vobis et propter vos rei publicae gratulor.

5.3.4An est quisquam qui dubitet nullis iniuriis vestris, si quae forte aliquando fuerunt, unquam aeque quam munere patrum in plebem, cum aera militantibus constituta sunt, tribunos plebis offensos ac concitatos esse?

5.3.5quid illos aliud aut tum timuisse creditis aut hodie turbare velle nisi concordiam ordinum, quam dissolvendae maxime tribuniciae potestatis rentur esse?

5.3.6sic hercule tamquam artifices improbi opus quaerunt; quippe semper aegri aliquid esse in re publica volunt, ut sit ad cuius curationem a vobis adhibeantur.

5.3.7utrum enim defenditis an impugnatis plebem? utrum militantium adversarii estis an causam agitis? nisi forte hoc dicitis: Quidquid patres faciunt displicet, sive illud pro plebe sive contra plebem est,'

5.3.8et quemadmodum servis suis vetant domini quicquam rei cum alienis hominibus esse pariterque in iis beneficio ac maleficio abstineri aequum censent, sic vos interdicitis patribus commercio plebis, ne nos comitate ac munificentia nostra provocemus plebem nec plebs nobis dicto audiens atque oboediens sit.

5.3.9quanto tandem, si quicquam in vobis, non dico civilis, sed humani esset, favere vos magis et quantum in vobis esset indulgere potius comitati patrum atque obsequio plebis oportuit?

5.3.10quae si perpetua concordia sit, quis non spondere ausit maximum hoc imperium inter finitimos brevi futurum esse?

5.4.2" atqui ego, quam hoc consilium collegarum meorum, quo abducere infecta re a Veiis exercitum noluerunt, non utile solum sed etiam necessarium fuerit, postea disseram: nunc de ipsa condicione dicere militantium libet;

5.4.2quam orationem non apud vos solum sed etiam in castris si habeatur, ipso exercitu disceptante aequam arbitror videri posse. in qua si mihi ipsi nihil quod dicerem in mentem venire posset, adversariorum certe orationibus contentus essem.

5.4.3negabant nuper danda esse aera militibus, quia nunquam data essent. quonam modo igitur nunc indignari possunt, quibus aliquid novi adiectum commodi sit, eis laborem etiam novum pro portione iniungi?

5.4.4nusquam nec nee opera sine : emolumento nec nee emolumentum ferme sine impensa opera est. labor voluptasque, dissimillima natura, societate quadam inter se naturali sunt iuncta.

5.4.5moleste antea ferebat miles se suo sumptu operam rei publicae praebere; gaudebat idem partem anni se agrum suum colere, quaerere unde domi militiaeque se ac suos tueri posset:

5.4.6gaudet nunc fructui sibi rem publicam esse et laetus stipendium accipit; aequo igitur animo patiatur se ab domo ac re familiari, cui gravis impensa non est, paulo diutius abesse.

5.4.7An si ad calculos eum res publica vocet, non merito dicat: 'annua aera habes, annuam operam ede; an tu aequum censes militia semestri solidum te stipendium accipere?'

5.4.8invitus in hac parte orationis, Quirites, moror; sic sie enim agere debent qui mercennario milite mnilite utuntur; nos tamquam cum civibus agere volumus agique tamquam cum patria nobiscum aequum censemus.

5.4.9aut non suscipi bellum oportuit aut geri pro dignitate populi Romani et perfici quam primum oportet.

5.4.10perficietur autem si urgemus obsessos, si non ante abscedimus abseedimus quam spei nostrae finem captis Veiis imposuerimus. si hercules nulla alia causa, ipsa indignitas perseverantiam imponere debuit.

5.4.11decem quondam annos urbs oppugnata est ob unam mulierem ab universa Graecia, quam procul ab domo?

5.4.12quot terras, quot maria distans? nos intra vicesimum lapidem in conspectu prope urbis nostrae annuam oppugnationem perferre piget? scilicet quia levis causa belli est nec satis quicquam iusti doloris est quod nos ad perseverandum stimulet. septiens rebellarunt;

5.4.13in pace nunquam fida fuerunt; agros nostros miliens depopulati sunt; Fidenates deficere a nobis coegerunt; colonos nostros ibi interfecerunt;

5.4.14auctores fuere contra ius caedis impiae legatorum nostrorum; Etruriam omnem adversus nos concitare voluerunt voluerunlt hodieque id moliuntur; res repetentes legatos nostros haud procul afuit quin violarent.

5.5.2" cum his molliter et per dilationes bellum geri oportet? si nos tam iustum odium nihil movet, ne illa quidem, oro vos, movent?

5.5.2operibus ingentibus saepta urbs est, quibus intra muros coercetur hostis; agrum non coluit, et culta evastata sunt bello;

5.5.3si reducimus exercitum, quis est qui dubitet illos non a cupiditate solum ulciscendi, sed etiam necessitate imposita ex alieno praedandi, cum sua amiserint, agrum nostrum invasuros? non differimus igitur bellum isto consilio, sed intra fines nostros accipimus. quid ?

5.5.4illud quod proprie ad milites pertinet, quibus boni tribuni plebis tum stipendium extorquere voluerunt, nunc consultum repente volunt, quale est? vallum fossamque,

5.5.5ingentis utrumque operis, per tantum spatii duxerunt: castella primo pauca, postea amp exercitu aucto creberrima fecerunt; munitiones non in urbem modo sed in Etruriam etiam spectantes, si qua inde auxilia veniant,

5.5.6opposuere; quid turres, quid vineas testudinesque et alium oppugnandarum urbium apparatum loquar? cum tantum laboris exhaustum sit et ad finem iam operis tandem perventum, relinquendane haec censetis, ut ad aestatem rursus novus de integro his instituendis exsudetur labor?

5.5.7quanto est minus operae tueri facta et instare ac perseverare defungique cura? brevis enim. profecto res est, si uno tenore peragitur nec ipsi per intermissiones has intervallaque lentiorem spem nostram facimus.

5.5.8loquor de operae et de temporis iactura. quid ? Periculi, quod differendo bello adimus, num oblivisci nos haec tam crebra Etruriae concilia de mittendis Veios auxiliis patiuntur?

5.5.9ut nunc res se habet, irati sunt, oderunt, negant missuros; quantum in illis est, capere Veios licet. quis est qui spondeat eundem, si differtur bellum,

5.5.10animum postea fore, cum si laxamentum dederis, maior frequentiorque legatio itura sit, cum id quod nunc offendit Etruscos, rex creatus Veiis, mutari spatio interposito possit vel consensu civitatis, ut eo reconcilient Etruriae animos, vel ipsius voluntate regis, qui obstare regnum suum saluti civium nolit?

5.5.11videte quot res quam inutiles sequantur illam viam consilii, iactura operum tanto labore factorum, vastatio imminens finium nostrorum, Etruscum bellum pro Veiente concitatum.

5.5.12haec sunt, tribuni, consilia vestra, non hercule dissimilia ac si quis aegro qui curari se fortiter passus extemplo convalescere possit, cibi gratia praesentis aut potionis longinquum et forsitan insanabilem morbum efficiat.

5.6.2" si mediusfidius, ad hoc bellum nihil pertineret, ad disciplinam certe militiae plurimum intererat insuescere militem nostrum non solum parata victoria frui,

5.6.2sed, si etiam res lentior sit, pati taedium et quamvis serae spei exitum exspectare et si non sit aestate perfectum bellum, hiemem opperiri nec, sicut aestivas aves, statim autumno tecta ac recessus circumspicere.

5.6.3obsecro vos, venandi studium ac voluptas homines per nives ac pruinas in montes silvasque rapit: belli necessitatibus eam patientiam non adhibebimus quam vel lusus ac voluptas elicere solet?

5.6.4adeone effeminata corpora militum nostrorum esse putamus, adeo molles animos, ut hiemem unam durare in castris, abesse ab domo non possint? ut tamquam navale bellum tempestatibus captandis et observando tempore anni gerant, non aestus, non frigora pati possint?

5.6.5erubescant profecto si quis eis haec obiciat, contendantque, et animis et corporibus suis virilem patientiam inesse, et se iuxta hieme atque aestate bella gerere posse nec se patrocinium mollitiae inertiaeque mandasse tribunis, et meminisse hanc ipsam potestatem non in umbra nec in tectis maiores suos creasse.

5.6.6" haec virtute militum vestrorum, haec Romano nomine sunt digna, non Veios tantum nec hoc bellum intueri quod instat, sed famam et ad alia bella et ad ceteros populos in posterum quaerere.

5.6.7An mediocre discrimen opinionis secuturum ex hac re putatis, utrum tandem finitimi populum Romanum eum esse putent cuius si qua urbs primum illum brevissimi temporis sustinuerit impetum, nihil deinde timeat,

5.6.8an hic sit terror nominis nostri ut exercitum Romanum non taedium longinquae oppugnationis, non vis hiemis ab urbe circumsessa semel amovere possit, nec finem ullum alium belli quam victoriam noverit nec impetu potius bella quam perseverantia gerat?

5.6.9quae in omni quidem genere militiae, maxime tamen in obsidendis urbibus necessaria est, quarum plerasque munitionibus ac naturali situ inexpugnabiles fame sitique tempus ipsum vincit atque expugnat,

5.6.10—sicut Veios expugnabit, nisi auxilio hostibus tribuni plebis fuerint, et Romae invenerint praesidia Veientes quae nequiquam in Etruria quaerunt.

5.6.11An est quicquam quicquain quod Veientibus optatum aeque contingere possit quam ut seditionibus primum urbs Romana, deinde velut ex contagione castra impleantur?

5.6.12at hercule apud hostes tanta modestia est ut non obsidionis taedio, non denique regni quicquam apud eos novatum sit, non negata auxilia ab Etruscis inritaverint animos;

5.6.13morietur enim extemplo quicumque erit seditionis auctor, nec cuiquam dicere ea licebit, quae apud vos impune dicuntur.

5.6.14fustuarium meretur qui signa relinquit aut praesidio decedit: auctores signa relinquendi et deserendi castra non uni aut alteri militi, sed universis exercitibus palam in contione audiuntur;

5.6.15adeo quidquid tribunus plebi loquitur, etsi prodendae patriae dissolvendaeque rei publicae est, adsuestis aequi audire et dulcedine potestatis eius capti quaelibet sub ea scelera latere sinitis.

5.6.16reliquum est ut quae hic vociferantur, eadem in castris et apud milites agant et exercitus corrumpant ducibusque parere non patiantur,

5.6.17quoniam ea demum Romae libertas est, non senatum, non magistratus, non leges, non mores maiorum, non instituta patrum, non disciplinam vereri militiae.

5.7.2par iam etiam tiam in contionibus erat Appius tribunis plebis, cum subito, unde minime quis crederet, accepta calamitas apud Veios et superiorem Appium in causa et concordiam ordinum maiorem ardoremque ad obsidendos pertinacius Veios fecit.

5.7.2nam cum agger promotus ad urbem vineaeque tantum non iam iniunctae moenibus essent, dum opera interdiu fiunt intentius quam nocte custodiuntur, patefacta repente porta ingens multitudo multitude facibus maxime armata ignes coniecit,

5.7.3horaeque momento simul aggerem ac vineas, tam longi temporis opus, incendium hausit; multique ibi mortales nequiquam opem ferentes ferro ignique absumpti sunt.

5.7.4quod ubi Romam est nuntiatum, maestitiam omnibus, senatui curam metumque iniecit, ne tum vero sustineri nec in urbe seditio nec in castris posset et tribuni plebis velut ab se victae rei publicae insultarent,

5.7.5cum repente quibus census equester erat, equi publici non erant adsignati, concilio prius prit:s inter sese habito senatum adeunt factaque dicendi potestate equis se suis stipendia facturos promittunt.

5.7.6quibus cum amplissimis verbis gratiae ab senatu actae essent famaque ea forum atque urbem pervasisset, subito ad curiam concursus fit plebis;

5.7.7pedestris ordinis aiunt nunc esse operam rei publicae extra ordinem polliceri, seu Veios seu quo alio ducere velint; si Veios ducti sint, negant se inde prius quam capta urbe hostium redituros esse.

5.7.8tum tur vero iam superfundenti se laetitiae vix temperatum est; non enim, sicut equites, dato magistratibus negotio laudari iussi,

5.7.9neque aut in curiam vocati quibus responsum daretur, aut limine curiae continebatur senatus; sed pro se quisque ex superiore loco ad multitudinem in comitio stantem voce manibusque significare publicam laetitiam,

5.7.10beatam urbem Romanam et invictam et aeternam illa concordia dicere, laudare equites, laudare plebem, diem ipsum laudibus ferre, victam esse fateri comitatem benignitatemque senatus.

5.7.11certatim patribus plebique manare gaudio lacrimae, donec revocatis in curiam patribus senatus consultum factum est ut tribuni militares contione advocata peditibus equitibusque gratias agerent,

5.7.12memorem pietatis eorum erga patriam dicerent senatum fore; placere autem auter omnibus his voluntariam extra ordinem professis militiam aera procedere; et equiti certus numerus numerous aeris est adsignatus.

5.7.13tum primum equis suis merere equites coeperunt. voluntarius ductus exercitus Veios non amissa modo restituit opera, sed nova etiam instituit. ab urbe commeatus intentiore quam antea subvehi cura, ne quid tam bene merito exercitui ad usum deesset.

5.8.2insequens annus tribunos militum consulari potestate habuit C. Servilium Ahalam tertium Q. Servilium L. Verginium Q. Sulpicium A. Manlium iterum M.

5.8.2Sergium iterum. his tribunis, dum cura omnium in Veiens bellum intenta est, neglectum Anxuri praesidium vacationibus militum et Volscos mercatores volgo receptando proditis repente portarum custodibus oppressum est.

5.8.3minus militum periit, quia praeter aegros lixarum in modum omnes per agros vicinasque urbes negotiabantur.

5.8.4nec Veiis melius gesta res, quod tum caput omnium curarum publicarum erat; nam et duces Romani plus inter se irarum quam adversus hostes animi habuerunt, et auctum est bellum adventu repentino Capenatium atque Faliscorum.

5.8.5hi duo Etruriae populi, quia proximi regione erant, devictis Veiis bello quoque Romano se proximos fore credentes,

5.8.6Falisci propria etiam causa infesti, quod Fidenati bello se iam antea immiscuerant, per legatos ultro citroque missos iure iurando inter se obligati, cum exercitibus necopinato ad Veios accessere.

5.8.7forte ea regione qua M.' Sergius tribunus militum praeerat castra adorti sunt ingentemque terrorem intulere, quia Etruriam Etruriamn omnem excitam sedibus magna mole adesse Romani Rotnani crediderant. eadem opinio Veientes in urbe concitavit.

5.8.8ita ancipiti proelio castra Romana oppugnabantur; concursantesque cum huc hue atque illuc signa transferrent, nec Veientem satis cohibere intra munitiones nec suis munimentis arcere vim ac tueri se ab exteriore poterant hoste.

5.8.9una spes erat si ex maioribus castris subveniretur, ut diversae legiones aliae adversus Capenatem ac Faliscum, aliae contra eruptionem oppidanorum pugnarent; sed castris praeerat Verginius, privatim Sergio invisus infestusque.

Book 5, Part 2

5.8.10is , cum pleraque castella oppugnata, superatas munitiones, utrimque invehi hostem nuntiaretur, in armis milites tenuit, si opus foret auxilio collegam dictitans ad se missurum.

5.8.11huius adrogantiam pertinacia alterius aequabat, qui, ne quam opem ab inimico videretur petisse, vinci ab hoste quam vincere per civem maluit.

5.8.12diu in medio caesi milites; postremo desertis munitionibus perpauci in maiora castra, pars maxima atque ipse Sergius Romam pertenderunt. ubi cum omnem culpam in collegam inclinaret, acciri Verginium ex castris, interea praeesse legatos placuit.

5.8.13acta deinde in senatu res est certatumque inter collegas maledictis. pauci rei publicae, plerique huic atque illi, ut quosque studium privatim aut gratia occupaverat, adsunt.

5.9.2primores patrum, sive culpa sive infelicitate imperatorum tam ignominiosa clades accepta esset, censuere non exspectandum iustum tempus comitiorum, sed extemplo novos tribunos militum creandos esse, qui kalendis Octobribus magistratum occiperent.

5.9.2in quam sententiam cum pedibus iretur, ceteri tribuni militum nihil contradicere;

5.9.3at enimvero Sergius Verginiusque, propter quos paenitere magistratuum eius anni senatum apparebat, primo deprecari ignominiam, deinde intercedere senatus consulto, negare se ante idus Decembres, sollemnem ineundis magistratibus diem, honore abituros esse.

5.9.4inter haec tribuni plebis, cum in concordia hominum secundisque rebus civitatis inviti silentium tenuissent, feroces repente minari tribunis militum, nisi in auctoritate senatus essent, se in vincla eos duci iussuros esse. tum tur C. Servilius Ahala tribunus militum:

5.9.5quod ad vos attinet, tribuni plebis, minasque vestras, ne ego libenter experirer quam—non plus in iis iuris quam in vobis animi esset;

5.9.6sed nefas est tendere adversus auctoritatem senatus. proinde et vos desinite inter nostra certamina locum iniuriae quaerere, et collegae aut facient quod censet senatus, aut, si pertinacius tendent, dictatorem extemplo dicam qui eos abire magistratu cogat.

5.9.7cum omnium adsensu comprobata oratio esset gauderentque patres sine tribuniciae potestatis terriculis inventam esse aliam vim maiorem ad coercendos magistratus,

5.9.8victi consensu omnium comitia tribunorum militum habuere qui kalendis Octobribus magistratum occiperent, seque ante eam earn diem magistratu abdicavere.

5.10.2L. Valerio Potito quartum M. Furio Camillo iterum M.' Aemilio Aemillo Mamerco tertium Cn. Cornelio Cosso iterum K. Fabio Ambusto L. Iulio Iulo tribunis militum consulari potestate multa domi militiaeque gesta.

5.10.2nam et bellum multiplex fuit eodem tempore, ad Veios et ad Capenam et ad Falerios et in Volscis,

5.10.3ut Anxur ab hostibus reciperaretur, et. Romae simul dilectu simul tributo conferendo laboratum est, et de tribunis plebi cooptandis contentio fuit, et haud parvum motum duo iudicia eorum qui- paulo ante consulari potestate fuerant excivere.

5.10.4omnium primum tribunis militum fuit dilectum habere, nec iuniores modo conscripti sed seniores etiam coacti nomina dare ut urbis custodiam agerent.

5.10.5quantum autem augebatur militum numerus tanto maiore pecunia in stipendium opus erat, eaque tributo conficiebatur invitis conferentibus qui domi remanebant, quia tuentibus urbem opera quoque militari laborandum serviendumque rei publicae erat.

5.10.6haec , per se gravia, indigniora ut viderentur tribuni plebis seditiosis contionibus faciebant, ideo aera militibus constituta esse arguendo, ut plebis partem militia, partem tributo conficerent.

5.10.7unum bellum annum iam tertium trahi et consulto male geri ut diutius gerant. in quattuor deinde bella uno dilectu exercitus scriptos et pueros quoque ac senes extractos.

5.10.8iam lam non aestatis nec hiemis discrimen esse, ne ulla quies unquam miserae plebi sit, quae nunc etiam vectigalis ad ultimum facta sit,

5.10.9ut cum confecta labore volneribus postremo aetate corpora rettulerint incultaque omnia diutino dominorum desiderio domi invenerint, tributum ex adfecta re familiari pendant aeraque militaria, velut fenore accepta, multiplicia rei publicae reddant.

5.10.10inter dilectum tributumque et occupatos animos maiorum rerum curis comitiis tribunorum plebis numerus expleri nequiit.

5.10.11pugnaturn inde in loca vacua ut patricii cooptarentur. postquam obtineri non poterat, tamen labefactandae legis causa effectum est ut cooptarentur tribuni plebis C. Lacerius et M. Acutius, haud dubie patriciorum opibus.

5.11.2fors ita tulit ut eo anno tribunus plebis Cn. Trebonius esset, qui nomini ac familiae debitum praestare videretur Treboniae legis patrocinium.

5.11.2is quod petissent patres quondam primo incepto repulsi, tandem tribunos militum expugnasse ait vociferans legem Treboniam sublatam et cooptatos tribunos plebis non suffragiis populi sed imperio patriciorum; eo revolvi rem ut aut patricii aut patriciorum adseculae habendi tribuni plebis sint; eripi sacratas leges,

5.11.3extorqueri tribuniciam potestatem; id fraude patriciorum, scelere ac proditione collegarum factum factumn arguere.

5.11.4cum arderent invidia non patres modo sed etiam tribuni plebis, cooptati pariter et qui cooptaverant, tum ex collegio tres, P. Curatius M. Metilius M. Minucius, trepidi rerum suarum, in Sergium Verginiumque, prioris anni tribunos tribunes militares, incurrunt; in eos ab se iram plebis invidiamque die dicta avertunt.

5.11.5quibus dilectus, quibus tributum, quibus diutina militia longinquitasque belli sit gravis, qui clade accepta ad Veios doleant, qui amissis liberis fratribus, propinquis adfinibus, lugubres domos habeant, his publici privatique doloris exsequendi ius potestatemque ex duobus noxiis capitibus datam ab se memorant.

5.11.6omnium omniumr namque malorum in Sergio Verginioque causas esse; nec id accusatores magis arguere quam fateri reos, qui noxii ambo alter in alterum alterumn causam conferant, fugam Sergi Verginius, Sergius proditionem increpans Vergini.

5.11.7quorum adeo incredibilem amentiam fuisse ut multo veri similius sit compecto eam ear rem et communi fraude patriciorum actam.

5.11.8ab his et prius datum locum Veientibus ad incendenda opera belli trahendi causa, et nunc proditum exercitum, tradita Faliscis Romana castra.

5.11.9omnia fieri ut consenescat ad Veios iuventus nec de agris nec de aliis commodis plebis ferre ad populum tribuni frequentiaque urbana celebrare actiones et resistere conspirationi patriciorum possint.

5.11.10praeiudicium iam de reis et ab senatu et ab populo Romano et ab ipsorum collegio factum esse;

5.11.11nam —et senatus consulto eos ab re publica remotos esse, et recusantes abdicare se magistratu dictatoris—metu ab collegis coercitos esse, et populum Romanum tribunos creasse qui non idibus Decembribus, die sollemni, sed extemplo kalendis Octobribus magistratum occiperent, quia stare diutius res publica his manentibus in magistratu non posset;

5.11.12et tamen eos, tot iudiciis confossos praedamnatosque venire ad populi iudicium et existimare defunctos se esse satisque poenarum dedisse quod duobus mensibus citius privati facti sint,

5.11.13neque intellegere nocendi sibi diutius tum potestatem ereptam esse, non poenam inrogatam; quippe et collegis abrogatum imperium, qui certe nihil deliquissent.

5.11.14illos repeterent animos Quirites quos recenti clade accepta habuissent, cum fuga trepidum, plenum volnerum ac pavoris incidentem portis exercitum viderint non fortunam aut quemquam deorum, sed hos duces accusantem.

5.11.15pro certo se habere neminem in contione stare qui illo die non caput domum fortunasque L. Vergini ac M.' Sergi sit exsecratus detestatusque.

5.11.16minime convenire quibus iratos quisque deos precatus sit in iis sua potestate, cum liceat et oporteat, non uti. nunquam deos ipsos admovere nocentibus manus; satis esse si occasione ulciscendi laesos arment.

5.12.2his orationibus incitata plebs denis milibus aeris gravis reos condemnat, nequiquam Sergio Martem communem belli fortunamque accusante, Verginio deprecante ne infelicior domi quam militiae esset.

5.12.2in hos versa ira populi cooptationis tribunorum fraudisque contra legem Treboniam factae memoriam obscuram fecit.

5.12.3victores tribuni, ut praesentem mercedem iudicii plebes haberet, legem agrariam promulgant tributumque conferri prohibent,

5.12.4cum tot exercitibus stipendio opus esset resque militiae ita prospere gererentur ut nullo bello veniretur ad exitum spei. namque Veiis castra quae amissa erant reciperata castellis praesidiisque firmantur; praeerant tribuni militum M.' Aemilius et K. Fabius.

5.12.5a M. Furio in Faliscis, a Cn . Cornelio in Capenate agro hostes nulli extra moenia inventi; praedae actae incendiisque villarum ac frugum vastati fines; oppida nec oppugnata nec obsessa sunt.

5.12.6at in Volscis depopulato agro Anxur nequiquam oppugnatum loco alto situm et, postquam vis inrita erat, vallo fossaque obsideri coeptum. Valerio Potito Volsci provincia evenerat.

5.12.7hoc statu militarium rerum seditio intestina maiore mole coorta quam bella tractabantur; et cum tributum conferri per tribunos tribunes non posset nec stipendium imperatoribus mitteretur aeraque militaria flagitaret miles, haud procul erat quin castra quoque urbanae seditionis contagione turbarentur.

5.12.8inter has iras plebis in patres cum tribuni plebi nunc illud tempus esse dicerent stabiliendae libertatis et ab Sergiis Verginiisque ad plebeios viros fortes ac strenuos transferendi summi honoris,

5.12.9non tamen ultra processum est quam ut unus ex plebe, usurpandi iuris causa, P. Licinius Calvus tribunus militum consulari potestate crearetur;

5.12.10ceteri patricii creati, P. Manlius L. Titinius P. Maelius L. Furius Medullinus L. Publilius Volscus.

5.12.11ipsa plebes mirabatur se tantam rem obtinuisse, non is modo qui creatus erat, vir nullis ante honoribus usus, vetus tantum senator et aetate iam gravis;

5.12.12nec satis constat cur primus ac potissimus ad novum delibandum honorem sit habitus. alii Cn. Corneli fratris, qui tribunus militum priore anno fuerat triplexque stipendium equitibus dederat, gratia extractum ad tantum honorem credunt, alii orationem ipsum tempestivam de concordia ordinum patribus plebique gratam habuisse.

5.12.13hac victoria comitiorum exsultantes tribuni plebis, quod maxime rem publicam impediebat de tributo remiserunt. conlatum oboedienter missumque ad exercitum est.

5.13.2Anxur in Volscis brevi receptum est neglectis die festo custodiis urbis. insignis annus hieme gelida ac nivosa fuit, adeo ut viae clausae, Tiberis innavigabilis fuerit. annona ex ante convecta copia nihil mutavit.

5.13.2et quia P. Licinius, ut ceperat haud tumultuose magistratum maiore gaudio plebis quam indignatione patrum, ita etiam gessit, dulcedo invasit proximis comitiis tribunorum militum plebeios creandi.

5.13.3unus M. Veturius ex patriciis candidatis locum tenuit: plebeios alios tribunos militum consulari potestate omnes fere centuriae dixere, M. Pomponium Cn. Duillium Voleronem Publilium Cn. Genucium L. Atilium.

5.13.4tristem hiemem, sive ex intemperie caeli raptim mutatione in contrarium facta sive alia qua de causa, gravis pestilensque omnibus animalibus aestas excepit.

5.13.5cuius insanabili pernicie quando nec causa nec finis inveniebatur, libri Sibyllini ex senatus consulto aditi sunt.

5.13.6duumviri sacris faciundis lectisternio tunc primum in urbe Romana facto per dies octo Apollinem Latonamque et Dianam, Herculem Mercurium atque Neptunum tribus quam amplissime tum tur apparari poterat stratis lectis placavere.

5.13.7privatim quoque id sacrum celebratum est. tota urbe patentibus ianuis promiscuoque usu rerum omnium in propatulo posito, notos ignotosque passim advenas in hospitium ductos ferunt et cum inimicis quoque benigne ac comiter sermones habitos, iurgiis ac litibus temperatum;

5.13.8vinctis quoque dempta in eos dies vincula; religioni deinde fuisse quibus eam earn opem di tulissent vinciri.

5.13.9interim ad Veios terror multiplex fuit tribus in unum bellis conlatis. namque eodem quo antea modo circa munimenta cum repente Capenates Faliscique subsidio venissent, adversus tres exercitus ancipiti proelio pugnatum est.

5.13.10ante omnia adiuvit memoria damnationis Sergi ac Vergini. itaque e maioribus castris, unde antea cessatum fuerat, brevi spatio circumductae copiae Capenates in vallum Romanum versos ab tergo adgrediuntur; inde pugna coepta et Faliscis intulit terrorem,

5.13.11trepidantesque eruptio ex castris opportune facta avertit. repulsos deinde insecuti victores ingentem ediderunt caedem.

5.13.12nec ita multo post iam forte oblati populatores Capenatis agri reliquias pugnae absumpsere.

5.13.13et Veientium refugientes in urbem multi ante portas caesi, dum prae metu, ne simul Romanus inrumperet, obiectis foribus extremos suorum exclusere.

5.14.2haec eo anno acta. et iam comitia tribunorum militum aderant, quorum prope maior patribus quam belli cura erat, quippe non communicatum modo cum plebe sed prope amissum cernentibus summum imperium.

5.14.2itaque clarissimis viris ex composito praeparatis ad petendum quos praetereundi verecundiam crederent fore, nihilo minus ipsi, perinde ac si omnes candidati essent, cuncta experientes non homines modo sed deos etiam exciebant, in religionem vertentes comitia biennio habita:

5.14.3priore anno intolerandam hiemem prodigiisque divinis similem coortam, proximo non prodigia, sed iam eventus: pestilentiam agris urbique inlatam haud dubia ira deum, quos pestis eius arcendae causa placandos esse in libris fatalibus inventum sit; comitiis auspicato quae fierent indignum dis visum honores volgari discriminaque gentium confundi.

5.14.4praeterquam maiestate petentium, religione etiam attoniti homines patricios omnes, partem magnam honoratissimum quemque, tribunos militum consulari potestate creavere, L. Valerium Potitum quintum M. Valerium Maximum M. Furium Camillum iterum L. Furium Medullinum Medullinuim tertium Q. Servilium Fidenatem iterum Q. Sulpicium Camerinum iterum.

5.14.5his tribunis ad Veios nihil admodum memorabile actum est;

5.14.6tota vis in populationibus fuit. duo summi imperatores, Potitus a Faleriis, Camillus a Capena praedas ingentes egere nulla incolumi relicta re cui ferro aut igni noceri posset.

5.15.2prodigia interim multa nuntiari, quorum pleraque, et quia singuli auctores erant, parum credita spretaque, et quia hostibus Etruscis, per quos ea procurarent, haruspices non erant:

5.15.2in unum omnium curae versae sunt, quod lacus in Albano nemore sine ullis caelestibus aquis causave qua alia quae rem miraculo eximeret, in altitudinem insolitam crevit.

5.15.3quidnam eo di portenderent prodigio missi sciscitatum oratores ad Delphicum oraculum.

5.15.4sed propior interpres fatis oblatus senior quidam Veiens, qui inter cavillantes in stationibus ac custodiis milites Romanos Etruscosque vaticinantis in modum cecinit priusquam ex lacu Albano aqua emissa foret nunquam potiturum Veiis Romanum.

5.15.5quod primo velut temere iactum sperni, agitari deinde sermonibus coeptum est, donec done unus ex statione Romana percontatus proximum oppidanorum iam per longinquitatem belli commercio sermonum facto, quisnam is esset qui per ambages de lacn Albano iaceret, postquam audivit haruspicem esse,

5.15.6vir haud intacti religione animi, causatus de privati portenti procuratione si operae illi esset consulere velle, ad conloquium vatem elicuit.

5.15.7cumque progressi ambo a suis longius essent inermes sine ullo metu, praevalens iuvenis Romanus senem infirmum in conspectu omnium raptum nequiquam tumultuantibus Etruscis ad suos transtulit.

5.15.8qui cum perductus ad imperatorem, inde Romam ad senatum missus esset, sciscitantibus quidnam id esset quod de lacu Albano docuisset,

5.15.9respondit profecto iratos deos Veienti populo illo fuisse die quo sibi eam mentem obiecissent ut excidium patriae fatale proderet.

5.15.10itaque quae tum tun cecinerit divino spiritu instinctus, ea se nec ut indicta sint revocare posse et tacendo forsitan quae di immortales volgari velint haud minus quam celanda effando nefas contrahi.

5.15.11sic igitur libris fatalibus, sic disciplina Etrusca traditum esse, quando aqua Albana abundasset, tum si eam ear Romanus rite emisisset victoriam de Veientibus dari; antequam id fiat deos moenia Veientium deserturos non esse.

5.15.12exsequebatur inde quae sollemnis derivatio esset. sed auctorem levem nec satis fidum super tanta re patres rati decrevere legatos sortesque oraculi Pythici exspectandas.

5.16.2priusquam a Delphis oratores redirent Albanive prodigii piacula invenirentur, novi tribuni militum consulari potestate L. Iulius Iulus L. Furius Medullinus quartum L. Sergius Fidenas A. Postumius Regillensis P. Cornelius Maluginensis A. Manlius magistratum inierunt.

5.16.2eo anno Tarquinienses novi hostes exorti. qui quia multis simul bellis, Volscorum Volscorurn ad Anxur, ubi praesidium obsidebatur, Aequorum ad Labicos, qui Romanam ibi coloniam oppugnabant, ad hoc Veientique et Falisco et Capenati bello occupatos videbant Romanos, nec intra muros quietiora negotia esse certaminibus patrum ac plebis,

5.16.3inter haec locum iniuriae rati esse praedatum in agrum agrurn Romanum cohortes expeditas mittunt: aut enim passuros inultam eam ear iniuriam Romanos, ne novo bello se onerarent, aut exiguo eoque parum valido exercitu persecuturos.

5.16.4Romanis indignitas maior quam cura populationis Tarquiniensium fuit; eo nec magno conatu suscepta nec in longum dilata res est.

5.16.5A. Postumius et L. Iulius non iusto dilectu—etenim ab tribunis plebis impediebantur—sed prope voluntariorum quos adhortando incitaverant coacta manu per agrum Caeretem obliquis tramitibus egressi redeuntes a populationibus gravesque praeda Tarquinienses oppressere.

5.16.6multos mortales obtruncant, omnes exuunt impedimentis, et receptis agrorum suorum spoliis Romam revertuntur.

5.16.7biduum ad recognoscendas res datum dominis; tertio incognita —erant autem ea pleraque hostium ipsorum—sub hasta veniere, quodque inde redactum militibus est divisum.

5.16.8cetera bella maximeque Veiens incerti exitus erant. iamque Romani desperata ope humana fata et deos spectabant, cum legati ab Delphis venerunt sortem oraculi adferentes congruentem response captivi vatis:

5.16.9romane , aquam Albanam cave lacu contineri, cave in mare manare suo flumine sinas; emissam per agros rigabis dissipatamque rivis exstingues;

5.16.10tum tu insiste audax hostium muris, memor quam per tot annos obsides urbem ex ea tibi his quae nunc panduntur fatis victoriam datam.

5.16.11bello perfecto donum amplum victor ad mea templa portato, sacraque patria, quorum omissa cura est, instaurata ut adsolet facito.

5.17.2ingens inde haberi captivus vates coeptus, eumque adhibere tribuni militum Cornelius Postumiusque ad prodigii Albani procurationem ac deos rite placandos coepere;

5.17.2inventumque tandem est ubi neglectas caerimonias intermissumve sollemne di arguerent: nihil profecto aliud esse quam magistratus vitio creatos Latinas sacrumque in Albano monte non rite concepisse;

5.17.3unam expiationem eorum esse ut tribuni militum abdicarent se magistratu, auspicia de integro repeterentur, et interregnum iniretur.

Book 5, Part 3

5.17.4ea ita facta sunt ex senatus consulto. interreges tres deinceps fuere, L. Valerius Q. Servilius Fidenas M. Furius Camillus.

5.17.5nunquam desitum interim turbari, comitia interpellantibus tribunis plebis donec convenisset prius ut maior pars tribunorum militum ex plebe crearetur.

5.17.6quae dum aguntur, concilia Etruriae ad fanum Voltumnae habita, postulantibusque Capenatibus ac

5.17.7Faliscis ut Veios communi animo consilioque omnes Etruriae populi ex obsidione eriperent, responsum est antea se id Veientibus negasse quia unde consilium non petissent super tanta re auxilium petere non deberent;

5.17.8nunc iam pro se fortunam suam illis negare. maxima iam in parte Etruriae gentem invisitatam, novos accolas esse, cum quibus nec pax satis fida nec bellum pro certo sit.

5.17.9sanguini tamen nominique et praesentibus periculis consanguineorum id dari ut si qui iuventutis suae voluntate ad id bellum eant non impediant.

5.17.10eum magnum advenisse hostium numerum fama Romae erat; eoque mitescere discordiae intestinae metu communi, ut fit, coepere.

5.18.2haud invitis patribus P. Licinium Calvum praerogativae tribunum militum non petentem creant, moderationis expertae in priore magistratu virum, ceterum iam tum exactae aetatis; omnesque deinceps ex collegio eiusdem anni refici apparebat,

5.18.2L. Titinium P. Maenium Cn. Genucium L. Atilium. qui priusquam renuntiarentur iure vocatis tribubus, permissu interregis P. Licinius Calvus ita verba fecit:

5.18.3omen concordiae, Quirites, rei maxime in hoc tempus utili, memoria nostri magistratus vos his comitiis petere in insequentem annum video;

5.18.4sed collegas eosdem reficitis, etiam usu meliores factos, me iam non eundem sed umbram nomenque P. Licini relictum videtis. vires corporis adfectae, sensus oculorum atque aurium hebetes, memoria labat, vigor animi obtunsus.

5.18.5en vobis inquit iuvenem, filium tenens, effigiem atque imaginem eius quem vos antea tribunum militum ex plebe primum fecistis. hunc ego institutum disciplina mea vicarium pro me rei publicae do dicoque vosque quaeso, Quirites, delatum mihi ultro honorem huic petenti meisque pro eo adiectis precibus mandetis.

5.18.6datum id petenti patri, filiusque eius P. Licinius tribunus militum consulari potestate cum iis quos supra scripsimus declaratus.

5.18.7Titinius Genuciusque tribuni militum profecti adversus Faliscos Capenatesque, dum bellum maiore animo gerunt quam consilio, praecipitavere se in insidias.

5.18.8Genucius morte honesta temeritatem luens ante signa inter primores cecidit; Titinius in editum tumulum ex multa trepidatione militibus collectis aciem restituit, nec se tamen aequo loco hosti commisit.

5.18.9plus ignominiae erat quam cladis acceptum, quae prope in cladem ingentem vertit; tantum inde terroris non Romae modo, quo multiplex fama pervenerat, sed in castris quoque fuit ad Veios.

5.18.10aegre ibi miles retentus a fuga est cum pervasisset castra rumor ducibus exercituque caeso victorem Capenatem ac Faliscum Etruriaeque omnem iuventutem haud procul inde abesse.

5.18.11his tumultuosiora Romae, iam castra ad Veios oppugnari, iam partem hostium tendere ad urbem agmine infesto, crediderant; concursumque in muros est et matronarum, quas ex domo conciverat publicus pavor, obsecrationes in templis factae, precibusque ab dis petitum,

5.18.12ut exitium ab urbis tectis templisque ac moenibus Romanis arcerent Veiosque eum averterent terrorem, si sacra renovata rite, si procurata prodigia essent.

5.19.2iam ludi Latinaeque instaurata erant, iam ex lacu Albano aqua emissa in agros, Veiosque fata adpetebant.

5.19.2igitur fatalis dux ad excidium illius urbis servandaeque patriae, M. Furius Camillus, dictator dictus magistrum equitum P. Cornelium Scipionem dixit.

5.19.3omnia repente mutaverat imperator mutatus; alia spes, alius animus hominum, fortuna quoque alia urbis videri.

5.19.4omnium primum in eos qui a Veiis in illo pavore fugerant more militari animadvertit, effecitque ne hostis maxime timendus militi esset. deinde indicto dilectu in diem certam ipse interim Veios ad confirmandos militum animos intercurrit;

5.19.5inde Romam ad scribendum novum exercitum redit nullo detractante militiam. peregrina etiam iuventus, Latini Hernicique, operam suam pollicentes ad id bellum venere;

5.19.6quibus cum gratias in senatu egisset dictator, satis iam omnibus ad id bellum paratis ludos magnos ex senatus consulto vovit Veiis captis se facturum aedemque Matutae Matris refectam dedicaturum, iam ante ab rege Ser. tullio dedicatam.

5.19.7profectus cum exercitu ab urbe exspectatione hominum maiore quam spe in agro primum Nepesino cum Faliscis et Capenatibus signa confert.

5.19.8omnia ibi summa ratione consilioque acta fortuna etiam, ut fit, secuta est. non proelio tantum fudit hostes, sed castris quoque exuit ingentique praeda est potitus; cuius pars maxima ad quaestorem redacta est, haud baud ita multum militi datum.

5.19.9inde ad Veios exercitus ductus, densioraque castella facta et a procursationibus, quae multae temere inter murum ac vallum fiebant, edicto ne quis iniussu pugnaret, ad opus milites traducti.

5.19.10operum fuit omnium longe maximum ac laboriosissimum cuniculus in arcem hostium agi coeptus. quod ne

5.19.11intermitteretur opus neu sub terra continuus labor eosdem conficeret, in partes sex munitorum numerum divisit; senae horae in orbem operi attributae sunt; nocte ac die nunquam ante omissum quam in arcem viam facerent.

5.20.2dictator cum iam in manibus videret victoriam esse, urbem opulentissimam capi, tantumque praedae fore quantum non omnibus in unum conlatis ante bellis fuisset,

5.20.2ne quam inde aut militum iram ex malignitate praedae partitae aut invidiam apud patres ex prodiga largitione caperet, litteras ad senatum misit,

5.20.3deum immortalium benignitate suis consiliis patientia militum Veios iam fore in potestate populi Romani;

5.20.4quid de praeda faciendum censerent? duae senatum distinebant sententiae, senis P. Licini, quem primum dixisse a filio interrogatum ferunt, edici palam placere populo ut qui particeps esse praedae vellet in castra Veios iret,

5.20.5altera Ap. Claudi, qui largitionem novam prodigam inaequalem inconsultam arguens, si semel nefas ducerent captam ex hostibus in aerario exhausto bellis pecuniam esse, auctor erat stipendii ex ea pecunia militi numerandi ut eo minus tributi plebes conferret;

5.20.6eius enim doni societatem sensuras aequaliter omnium domos, non avidas in direptiones manus otiosorum urbanorum praerepturas fortium bellatorum praemia esse, cum ita ferme eveniat ut segnior sit praedator, ut quisque laboris periculique praecipuam petere partem soleat.

5.20.7Licinius contra suspectam et invisam semper eam pecuniam fore aiebat causasque criminum ad plebem, seditionum inde ac legum novarum praebituram;

5.20.8satius igitur esse reconciliari eo dono plebis animos, exhaustis atque exinanitis tributo tot annorum succurri, et sentire praedae fructum ex eo bello in quo prope consenuerint. gratius id fore laetiusque quod quisque sua manu ex hoste captum domum rettulerit quam si multiplex alterius arbitrio accipiat. ipsum dictatorem fugere invidiam ex eo criminaque;

5.20.9eo delegasse ad senatum; senatum quoque debere reiectam rem ad se permittere plebi ac pati habere quod cuique fors belli dederit.

5.20.10haec tutior visa sententia est quae popularem senatum faceret. edictum itaque est ad praedam Veientem quibus videretur in castra ad dictatorem proficiscerentur.

5.21.2ingens profecta multitudo replevit castra. tum dictator auspicato egressus cum edixisset ut arma milites caperent,

5.21.2tuo ductu inquit, Pythice Apollo, tuoque numine instinctus pergo ad delendam urbem Veios tibique hinc decimam partem praedae voveo.

5.21.3te simul, Iuno regina, quae nunc Veios colis, precor, ut nos victores in nostram tuamque mox futuram urbem sequare, ubi te dignum amplitudine tua templum accipiat.

5.21.4haec precatus superante multitudine ab omnibus locis urbem adgreditur, quo minor ab cuniculo ingruentis periculi sensus esset.

5.21.5Veientes ignari se iam a suis vatibus, iam ab externis oraculis proditos, iam in partem praedae suae vocatos deos, alios votis ex urbe sua evocatos hostium templa novasque sedes spectare, seque ultimum illum diem agere,

5.21.6nihil minus timentes quam subrutis cuniculo moenibus arcem iam plenam hostium esse, in muros pro se quisque armati discurrunt,

5.21.7mirantes quidnam id esset quod, cum tot per dies nemo se ab stationibus Romanus movisset, tum velut repentino icti furore improvidi currerent ad muros.

5.21.8inseritur huic loco fabula: immolante rege Veientium vocem haruspicis, dicentis qui eius hostiae exta prosecuisset ei victoriam dari, exauditam in cuniculo movisse Romanos milites ut adaperto cuniculo exta raperent et ad dictatorem ferrent.

5.21.9sed in rebus tam antiquis si quae similia veri sint pro veris accipiantur, satis habeam: haec ad ostentationem scaenae gaudentis miraculis aptiora quam ad fidem neque adfirmare neque refellere est operae pretium.

5.21.10cuniculus delectis militibus eo tempore plenus in aedem Iunonis, quae in Veientana arce erat, armatos repente edidit, et pars aversos in muris invadunt hostes, pars claustra portarum revellunt, pars cum ex tectis saxa tegulaeque a mulieribus ac servitiis iacerentur, inferunt ignes.

5.21.11clamor omnia variis terrentium ac paventium vocibus mixto mulierum ac puerorum ploratu complet.

5.21.12momento temporis deiectis ex muro undique armatis patefactisque portis cum alii agmine inruerent, alii desertos scanderent muros, urbs hostibus impletur; omnibus locis pugnatur;

5.21.13deinde multa iam edita caede senescit pugna, et dictator praecones edicere iubet ut ab inermi abstineatur.

5.21.14is finis sanguinis fuit. dedi inde inermes coepti, et ad praedam miles permissu dictatoris discurrit. quae cum ante oculos eius aliquantum spe atque opinione maior maiorisque pretii rerum ferretur, dicitur manus ad caelum tollens

5.21.15precatus esse ut si cui deorum hominumque nimia sua fortuna populique Romani videretur, ut eam invidiam lenire quam minimo suo privato incommodo publicoque populi Romani liceret.

5.21.16convertentem se inter hanc venerationem traditur memoriae prolapsum cecidisse; idque omen pertinuisse postea eventu rem coniectantibus visum ad damnationem ipsius Camilli, captae deinde urbis Romanae, quod post paucos accidit annos, cladem.

5.21.17atque ille dies caede hostium ac direptione urbis opulentissimae est consumptus.

5.22.2postero die libera corpora dictator sub corona vendidit. ea sola pecunia in publicum redigitur, haud sine ira plebis; et quod rettulere secum praedae, nec duci, qui ad senatum, malignitatis auctores quaerendo,

5.22.2rem arbitrii sui reiecisset, nec senatui, sed Liciniae familiae, ex qua filius ad senatum rettulisset, pater tam popularis sententiae auctor fuisset, acceptum referebant.

5.22.3cum iam humanae opes egestae a Veiis essent, amoliri tum deum dona ipsosque deos, sed colentium magis quam rapientium modo, coepere.

5.22.4namque delecti ex omni exercitu iuvenes pure lautis corporibus, candida veste, quibus deportanda Romam regina Iuno adsignata erat, venerabundi templum iniere primo religiose admoventes manus,

5.22.5quod id signum more Etrusco nisi certae gentis sacerdos attractare non esset solitus. dein cum quidam seu spiritu divino tactus seu iuvenali ioco, visne Romam ire, Iuno? dixisset, adnuisse ceteri deam conclamaverunt.

5.22.6inde fabulae adiectum est vocem quoque dicentis velle auditam; motam certe sede sua parvi molimenti adminiculis sequentis modo accepimus levem ac facilem tralatu fuisse, integramque in Aventinum,

5.22.7aeternam sedem suam quo vota Romani dictatoris vocaverant, perlatam, ubi templum ei postea idem qui voverat Camillus dedicavit.

5.22.8hic Veiorum occasus fuit, urbis opulentissimae Etrusci nominis, magnitudinem suam vel ultima clade indicantis, quod decem aestates hiemesque continuas circumsessa cum plus aliquanto cladium intulisset quam accepisset, postremo iam fato quoque urgente, operibus tamen, non vi expugnata est.

5.23.2Romam ut nuntiatum est Veios captos, quamquam et prodigia procurata fuerant et vatum responsa et Pythicae sortes notae, et quantum humanis adiuvari consiliis potuerat res ducem M. Furium maximum imperatorum omnium legerant, tamen,

5.23.2quia tot annis varie ibi bellatum erat multaeque clades acceptae, velut ex insperato immensum gaudium fuit,

5.23.3et priusquam senatus decerneret plena omnia templa Romanarum matrum grates dis agentium erant. senatus in quadriduum, quot dierum nullo ante bello, supplicationes decernit.

5.23.4adventus quoque dictatoris omnibus ordinibus obviam effusis celebratior quam ullius unquam antea fuit, triumphusque omnem consuetum honorandi diei illius, modum aliquantum excessit.

5.23.5maxime conspectus ipse est curru equis albis iuncto urbem invectus; parumque id non civile modo sed humanum etiam visum.

5.23.6Iovis Solisque equis aequiperatum dictatorem in religionem etiam trahebant, triumphusque ob eam unam maxime rem clarior quam gratior fuit.

5.23.7tum Iunoni reginae templum in Aventino locavit dedicavitque Matutae Matris; atque his divinis humanisque rebus gestis dictatura se abdicavit.

5.23.8agi deinde de Apollinis dono coeptum. cui se decimam vovisse praedae partem cum diceret Camillus, pontifices solvendum religione populum censerent,

5.23.9haud facile inibatur ratio iubendi referre praedam populum, ut ex ea pars debita in sacrum secerneretur.

5.23.10tandem eo quod lenissimum videbatur decursum est, ut qui se domumque religione exsolvere vellet, cum sibimet ipse praedam aestimasset suam, decimae pretium partis in publicum deferret,

5.23.11ut ex eo donum aureum, dignum amplitudine templi ac numine dei, ex dignitate populi Romani fieret. ea quoque conlatio plebis animos a Camillo alienavit.

5.23.12inter haec pacificatum legati a Volscis et Aequis venerunt, impetrataque pax, magis ut fessa tam diutino bello adquiesceret civitas quam quod digni peterent.

5.24.2Veiis captis sex tribunos militum consulari potestate insequens annus habuit, duos P. Cornelios, Cossum et Scipionem, M. Valerium Maximum iterum K. Fabium Ambustum tertium L. Furium Medullinum quintum Q. Servilium tertium.

5.24.2corneliis Faliscum bellum, Valerio ac Servilio Capenas sorte evenit. ab iis non urbes vi aut operibus temptatae, sed ager est depopulatus praedaeque rerum agrestium actae; nulla felix arbor, nihil frugiferum in agro relictum.

5.24.3ea clades Capenatem populum subegit; pax petentibus data; in Faliscis bellum restabat.

5.24.4Romae interim multiplex seditio erat, cuius leniendae causa coloniam in Volscos, quo tria milia civium Romanorum scriberentur, deducendam censuerant, triumvirique ad id creati terna iugera et septunces viritim diviserant.

5.24.5ea largitio sperni coepta, quia spei maioris avertendae solacium obiectum censebant: cur enim relegari plebem in Volscos, cum pulcherrima urbs Veii agerque Veientanus in conspectu sit, uberior ampliorque Romano agro?

5.24.6urbem quoque urbi Romae vel situ vel magnificentia publicorum privatorumque tectorum ac locorum praeponebant.

5.24.7quin illa quoque actio movebatur, quae post captam utique Romam a Gallis celebratior fuit, transmigrandi Veios.

5.24.8ceterum partem plebis, partem senatus destinabant ad habitandos Veios, duasque urbes communi rei re publica incoli a populo Romano posse.

5.24.9adversus quae cum optimates ita tenderent ut morituros se citius dicerent in conspectu populi Romani quam quicquam earum rerum rogaretur; quippe nunc in una urbe tantum dissensionum esse:

5.24.10quid in duabus fore? victamne ut quisquam victrici patriae praeferret sineretque maiorem fortunam captis esse Veiis, quam incolumibus fuerit? postremo se relinqui a civibus in patria posse:

5.24.11ut relinquant patriam atque cives nullam vim unquam subacturam, et T. Sicinium—is enim ex tribunis plebis rogationis eius lator erat—conditorem Veios sequantur relicto deo Romulo, dei filio, parente et auctore urbis Romae.

5.25.2haec cum foedis certaminibus agerentur— nam partem tribunorum plebi patres in suam sententiam traxerant,

5.25.2—nulla res alia manibus temperare plebem cogebat quam quod, ubi rixae committendae causa clamor ortus esset, principes senatus primi turbae offerentes se peti feririque atque occidi iubebant.

5.25.3ab horum aetatibus dignitatibusque et honoribus violandis dum abstinebatur, et ad reliquos similes conatus verecundia irae obstabat.

5.25.4Camillus identidem omnibus locis contionabatur: haud mirum id quidem esse, furere civitatem, quae damnata voti omnium rerum potiorem curam quam religione se exsolvendi habeat.

5.25.5nihil de conlatione dicere, stipis verius quam decumae, quando ea se quisque privatim obligaverit, liberatus sit populus.

5.25.6enimvero illud se tacere suam conscientiam non pati quod ex ea tantum praeda quae rerum moventium sit decuma designetur: urbis atque agri capti, quae et ipsa voto contineatur, mentionem nullam fieri.

5.25.7cum ea disceptatio, anceps senatui visa, delegata ad pontifices esset, adhibito Camillo visum collegio, quod eius ante conceptum votum Veientium fuisset et post votum in potestatem populi Romani venisset, eius partem decimam Apollini sacram esse. ita in aestimationem urbs agerque venit.

5.25.8pecunia ex aerario prompta, et tribunis militum consularibus ut aurum ex ea coemerent negotium datum. cuius cum copia non esset, matronae coetibus ad eam rem consultandam habitis communi decreto pollicitae tribunis militum aurum, et omnia ornamenta sua in aerarium detulerunt.

5.25.9grata ea res ut quae maxime senatui unquam fuit; honoremque ob eam munificentiam ferunt matronis habitum ut pilento ad sacra ludosque, carpentis festo profestoque uterentur.

Book 5, Part 4

5.25.10pondere ab singulis auri accepto aestimatoque ut pecuniae solverentur, crateram auream fieri placuit quae donum Apollini Delphos portaretur.

5.25.11simul ab religione animos remiserunt, integrant seditionem tribuni plebis; incitatur multitudo multitude in omnes principes, ante alios in Camillum;

5.25.12eum praedam Veientanam publicando sacrandoque ad nihilum redegisse. absentes ferociter increpant; praesentium, cum se ultro iratis offerrent, verecundiam habent.

5.25.13simul extrahi rem ex eo anno viderunt, tribunos plebis latores legis in annum eosdem reficiunt; et patres hoc idem de intercessoribus legis adnisi. ita tribuni plebis magna ex parte iidem refecti.

5.26.2comitiis tribunorum militum patres summa ope evicerunt ut M. Furius Camillus crearetur. propter bella simulabant parari ducem; sed largitioni tribuniciae adversarius quaerebatur.

5.26.2cum Camillo creati tribuni militum consulari potestate L. Furius Medullinus sextum C. Aemilius L. Valerius Publicola Sp. Postumius P. Cornelius iterum.

5.26.3principio anni tribuni plebis nihil moverunt, donec M. Furius Camillus in Faliscos, cui id bellum mandatum erat proficisceretur. differendo deinde elanguit res, et Camillo, quem adversarium maxime metuebant, gloria in Faliscis crevit.

5.26.4nam cum primo moenibus se hostes tenerent tutissimum id rati, populatione agrorum atque incendiis villarum coegit eos egredi urbe.

5.26.5sed timor longius progredi prohibuit; mille fere passuum ab oppido castra locant nulla re alia fidentes ea satis tuta esse quam difficultate aditus, asperis confragosisque circa et partim artis partim arduis viis.

5.26.6ceterum Camillus captivum indidem ex agris secutus ducem castris multa nocte motis prima luce aliquanto superioribus locis se ostendit.

5.26.7trifariam Romani muniebant, alius exercitus proelio intentus stabat. ibi impedire opus conatos hostes fundit fugatque; tantumque inde pavoris Faliscis iniectum est ut effusa fuga castra sua quae propiora erant praelati urbem peterent.

5.26.8multi caesi volneratique priusquam paventes portis inciderent. castra capta; praeda ad quaestores redacta cum magna militum ira; sed severitate imperii victi eandem virtutem et oderant et mirabantur.

5.26.9obsidio inde urbis et munitiones, et interdum per occasionem impetus oppidanorum in Romanas stationes proeliaque parva fieri, et teri tempus neutro inclinata spe, cum frumentum copiaeque aliae ex ante convecto largius obsessis quam obsidentibus suppeterent.

5.26.10videbaturque aeque diuturnus futurus labor ac Veiis fuisset, ni fortuna imperatori Romano simul et cognitae rebus bellicis virtutis specimen et maturam victoriam dedisset.

5.27.2mos erat Faliscis eodem magistro liberorum et comite uti, simulque plures pueri, quod hodie quoque in Graecia manet, unius curae demandabantur. principum liberos, sicut fere fit, qui scientia videbatur praecellere erudiebat.

5.27.2is cum in pace instituisset pueros ante urbem lusus exercendique causa producere, nihil eo more per belli tempus intermisso, modo brevioribus modo longioribus spatiis trahendo eos a porta lusu sermonibusque variatis, longius solito ubi res dedit progressus inter stationes eos hostium castraque inde Romana in praetorium ad Camillum perduxit.

5.27.3ibi scelesto facinori scelestiorem sermonem addit,

5.27.4Falerios se in manus Romanis tradidisse, quando eos pueros quorum parentes capita ibi rerum sint in potestatem dediderit.

5.27.5quae ubi Camillus audivit, non ad similem inquit tui nec populum nec imperatorem scelestus ipse cum scelesto munere venisti.

5.27.6nobis cum Faliscis quae pacto fit humano societas non est: quam ingeneravit natura utrisque est eritque. sunt et belli sicut pacis iura, iusteque ea non minus quam fortiter didicimus gerere.

5.27.7arma habemus non adversus eam aetatem cui etiam captis urbibus parcitur, sed adversus armatos et ipsos, qui nec laesi nec lacessiti a nobis castra Romana ad Veios oppugnarunt.

5.27.8eos tu quantum in te fuit novo scelere vicisti: ego Romanis artibus, virtute opere armis, sicut Veios vincam.

5.27.9denudatum deinde eum manibus post tergum inligatis reducendum Falerios pueris tradidit, virgasque eis quibus proditorem agerent in urbem verberantes dedit.

5.27.10ad quod spectaculum concursu populi primum facto, deinde a magistratibus de re nova vocato senatu tanta mutatio animis est iniecta ut qui modo efferati odio iraque Veientium exitum paene quam Capenatium pacem mallent, apud eos pacem universa posceret civitas.

5.27.11fides Romana, iustitia imperatoris in foro et curia celebrantur; consensuque omnium legati ad Camillum in castra, atque inde permissu Camilli Romam ad senatum, qui dederent Falerios proficiscuntur.

5.27.12introducti ad senatum ita locuti traduntur: patres conscripti, victoria cui nec deus nec homo quisquam invideat victi a vobis et imperatore vestro dedimus nos vobis, rati, quo nihil victori pulchrius est, melius nos sub imperio vestro quam legibus nostris victuros.

5.27.13eventu huius belli duo salutaria exempla prodita humano generi sunt: vos fidem in bello quam praesentem victoriam maluistis; nos fide provocati victoriam ultro detulimus.

5.27.14sub dicione vestra sumus; mittite qui arma, qui obsides, qui urbem patentibus portis accipiant.

5.27.15nec vos fidei nostrae nec nos imperii vestri paenitebit. Camillo et ab hostibus et a civibus gratiae actae. Faliscis in stipendium militum eius anni, ut populus Romanus tributo vacaret, pecunia imperata. pace data exercitus Romam reductus.

5.28.2Camillus , meliore multo laude quam cum triumphantem albi per urbem vexerant equi insignis, iustitia fideque hostibus victis cum in urbem redisset, taciti eius verecundiam non tulit senatus quin sine mora voti liberaretur;

5.28.2crateramque auream donum Apollini Delphos legati qui ferrent, L. Valerius L. Sergius A. Manlius, missi longa una nave haud baud procul freto Siculo a piratis Liparensium excepti devehuntur Liparas.

5.28.3mos erat civitatis velut publico latrocinio partam praedam dividere. forte eo anno in summo magistratu erat Timasitheus quidam, Romanis vir similior quam suis;

5.28.4qui legatorum nomen donumque et deum cui mitteretur et doni causam veritus ipse multitudinem quoque, quae semper ferme regenti est similis, religionis iustae implevit adductosque in publicum hospitium legatos cum praesidio etiam navium Delphos prosecutus, Romam inde sospites restituit.

5.28.5hospitium cum eo senatus consulto est factum donaque publice data.

5.28.5eodem anno in Aequis varie bellatum, adeo ut in incerto fuerit et apud ipsos exercitus et Romae vicissent victine essent.

5.28.6imperatores Romani fuere ex tribunis militum C. Aemilius Sp. Postumius. primo rem communiter gesserunt; fusis inde acie hostibus Aemilium praesidio Verruginem obtinere placuit, Postumium fines vastare.

5.28.7ibi eum incomposito agmine neglegentius ab re bene gesta euntem adorti Aequi terrore iniecto in proximos compulere tumulos; pavorque inde Verruginem etiam ad praesidium alterum est perlatus.

5.28.8Postumius suis in tutum receptis cum contione advocata terrorem increparet ac fugam, fusos esse ab ignavissimo ac fugacissimo hoste, conclamat universus exercitus merito se ea audire et fateri admissum flagitium, sed eosdem correcturos esse neque diuturnum id gaudium hostibus fore.

5.28.9poscentes ut confestim inde ad castra hostium duceret—et in conspectu erant posita in plano— nihil poenae recusabant ni ea ante noctem expugnassent.

5.28.10conlaudatos corpora curare paratosque esse quarta vigilia iubet. et hostes nocturnam fugam ex tumulo Romanorum ut ab ea via quae ferebat Verruginem excluderent, fuere obvii, proeliumque ante lucem—sed luna pernox erat—commissum est. haud incertius diurno proelium fuit;

5.28.11sed clamor Verruginem perlatus, cum castra Romana crederent oppugnari, tantum iniecit pavoris ut nequiquam retinente atque obsecrante Aemilio Tusculum palati fugerent.

5.28.12inde fama Romam perlata est Postumium exercitumque occisum. qui , ubi prima lux metum insidiarum effuse sequentibus sustulit, cum perequitasset aciem promissa repetens, tantum iniecit ardoris ut non ultra sustinuerint impetum Aequi.

5.28.13caedes inde fugientium, qualis ubi ira magis quam virtute res geritur, ad perniciem hostium facta est; tristemque ab Tusculo nuntium nequiquam exterrita civitate litterae a Postumio laureatae sequuntur, victoriam populi Romani esse, Aequorum exercitum deletum.

5.29.2tribunorum plebis actiones quia nondum invenerant finem, et plebs continuare latoribus legis tribunatum et patres reficere intercessores legis adnisi sunt; sed plus suis comitiis plebs valuit.

5.29.2quem dolorem ulti patres sunt senatus consulto facto ut consules, invisus plebi magistratus, crearentur. annum post quintum decimum creati consules L. Lucretius Flavus Ser.

5.29.3Sulpicius Camerinus. principio huius anni ferociter, quia nemo ex collegio intercessurus erat, coortis ad perferendam legem tribunis plebis nec segnius ob id ipsum consulibus resistentibus omnique civitate in unam eam curam conversa Vitelliam coloniam Romanam in suo agro Aequi expugnant.

5.29.4colonorum pars maxima incolumis, quia nocte proditione oppidum captum liberam per aversa urbis fugam dederat, Romam perfugere.

5.29.5L. Lucretio consuli ea provincia evenit. is cum exercitu profectus acie hostes vicit, victorque Romam ad maius aliquanto certamen redit.

5.29.6dies dicta erat tribunis plebis biennii superioris A. Verginio et Q. Pomponio, quos defendi patrum consensu ad fidem senatus pertinebat; neque enim eos aut vitae ullo crimine alio aut gesti magistratus quisquam arguebat praeterquam quod gratificantes patribus rogationi tribuniciae intercessissent.

5.29.7vicit tamen gratiam senatus plebis ira, et pessimo exemplo innoxii denis milibus gravis aeris condemnati sunt.

5.29.8id aegre passi patres. Camillus palam sceleris plebem arguere, quae iam in suos versa non intellegeret se pravo iudicio de tribunis intercessionem sustulisse, intercessione sublata tribuniciam potestatem evertisse ;

5.29.9nam quod illi sperarent effrenatam licentiam eius magistratus patres laturos, falli eos. si tribunicia vis tribunicio auxilio repelli nequeat, aliud telum patres inventuros esse.

5.29.10consulesque increpabat quod fide publica decipi tribunos eos taciti tulissent qui senatus auctoritatem secuti essent. haec propalam contionabundus in dies magis augebat iras hominum.

5.30.2senatum vero incitare adversus legem haud baud desistebat: ne aliter descenderent in forum, cum dies ferendae legis venisset, quam ut qui meminissent sibi pro aris focisque et deum templis ac solo in quo nati essent dimicandum fore.

5.30.2nam quod ad se privatim attineat, si suae gloriae sibi inter dimicationem patriae meminisse sit fas, sibi amplum quoque esse urbem ab se captam frequentari, cottidie se frui monumento gloriae suae et ante oculos habere urbem latam in triumpho suo, insistere omnes vestigiis laudum suarum;

5.30.3sed nefas ducere desertam ac relictam ab dis immortalibus incoli urbem, et in captivo solo habitare populum Romanum et victrice patria victam mutari.

5.30.4his adhortationibus principis concitati patres, senes iuvenesque, cum ferretur lex agmine facto in forum venerunt, dissipatique per tribus suos quisque

5.30.5tribules prensantes orare cum lacrimis coepere ne eam earn patriam pro qua fortissime felicissimeque ipsi ac patres eorum dimicassent desererent, Capitolium, aedem Vestae, cetera circa templa deorum ostentantes;

5.30.6ne exsulem, extorrem populum Romanum ab solo patrio ac dis penatibus in hostium urbem agerent, eoque rem adducerent ut melius fuerit non capi Veios, ne Roma desereretur.

5.30.7quia non vi agebant sed precibus et inter preces multa deorum mentio erat, religiosum parti maximae fuit, et legem una plures tribus antiquarunt quam iusserunt.

5.30.8adeoque ea victoria laeta patribus fuit ut postero die referentibus consulibus senatus consultum fieret ut agri Veientani septena iugera plebi dividerentur, nec patribus familiae tantum, sed ut omnium in domo liberorum capitum ratio haberetur, vellentque in eam earn spem liberos tollere.

5.31.2eo munere delenita plebe nihil certatum est quo minus consularia comitia haberentur.

5.31.2creati consules L. Valerius Potitus M. Manlius, cui Capitolino postea fuit cognomen. hi consules magnos ludos fecere, quos M. Furius dictator voverat Veienti bello.

5.31.3eodem anno aedes Iunonis reginae ab eodem dictatore eodemque bello vota dedicatur, celebratamque dedicationem ingenti matronarum studio tradunt.

5.31.4bellum haud baud memorabile in Algido cum Aequis gestum est, fusis hostibus prius paene quam manus consererent. Valerio , quod perseverantior iis caedendis in fuga fuit, triumphus, Manlio ut ovans ingrederetur urbem, decretum est.

5.31.5eodem anno novum bellum cum Volsiniensibus exortum; quo propter famem pestilentiamque in agro Romano ex siccitate caloribusque nimiis ortam exercitus duci nequivit. ob quae Volsinienses Sappinatibus adiunctis superbia inflati ultro agros Romanos incursavere;

5.31.6bellum inde duobus populis indictum.

5.31.6C. Iulius censor decessit; in eius locum M. Cornelius suffectus, quae res postea religioni fuit quia eo lustro Roma est capta; nec deinde unquam in demortui deortui locum censor sufficitur.

5.31.7consulibusque morbo implicitis placuit per interregnum renovari auspicia.

5.31.8itaque cum ex senatus consulto consules magistratu se abdicassent, interrex creatur M. Furius Camillus, qui P. Cornelium Scipionem, is deinde L. Valerium Potitum interregem prodidit.

5.31.9ab eo creati sex tribuni militum consulari potestate ut, etiam si cui eorum incommoda valetudo fuisset, copia magistra tuum rei publicae esset.

5.32.2kalendis Quinctilibus magistratum occepere L. Lucretius Ser. Sulpicius M. Aemilius L. Furius Medullinus septimum Agrippa Furius C. Aemilius iterum.

5.32.2ex his L. Lucretio et C. Aemilio Volsinienses provincia evenit, Sappinates Agrippae Furio et Ser. Sulpicio . Prius cum Volsiniensibus pugnatum est.

5.32.3bellum numero hostium ingens, certamine haud sane asperum fuit. fusa primo prinmo concursu acies; in fugam versa milia octo armatorum ab equitibus interclusa positis armis in deditionem venerunt.

5.32.4eius belli fama effecit, ne se pugnae committerent Sappinates; moenibus armati se tutabantur. Romani praedas passim et ex Sappinati agro et ex Volsiniensi nullo eam ear vim arcente egerunt;

5.32.5donec Volsiniensibus fessis bello ea condicione ut res populo Romano redderent stipendiumque eius anni exercitui praestarent, in viginti annos indutiae datae.

5.32.6eodem anno M. Caedicius de plebe nuntiavit tribunis se in Nova via, ubi nunc sacellum est supra aedem Vestae, vocem noctis silentio audisse clariorem humana, quae magistratibus dici iuberet Gallos adventare.

5.32.7id , ut fit, propter auctoris humilitatem spretum et quod longinqua eoque ignotior gens erat. neque deorum modo monita ingruente fato spreta, sed humanam quoque opem, quae una erat, M. Furium ab urbe amovere.

5.32.8qui die dicta ab L. Apuleio tribuno plebis propter praedam Veientanam, filio quoque adulescente per idem tempus orbatus cum accitis domum tribulibus clientibusque, quae magna pars plebis erat, percontatus animos eorum responsum tulisset se conlaturos quanti damnatus esset, absolvere eum non posse,

5.32.9in exsilium abiit, precatus ab dis immortalibus si innoxio sibi ea iniuria fieret, primo quoque tempore desiderium sui civitati ingratae facerent. absens quindecim milibus gravis aeris damnatur.

5.33.2expulso cive quo manente, si quicquam humanorum certi est, capi Roma non potuerat, adventante fatali urbi clade legati ab Clusinis veniunt auxilium adversus Gallos petentes.

5.33.2eam gentem traditur fama dulcedine frugum maximeque vini, nova tum tur voluptate, captam Alpes transisse agrosque ab Etruscis ante cultos possedisse;

5.33.3et invexisse in Galliam vinum inliciendae gentis causa Arruntem Clusinum ira corruptae uxoris ab Lucumone, cui tutor is fuerat, praepotente iuvene et a quo expeti poenae, nisi externa vis quaesita esset, nequirent;

5.33.4hunc transeuntibus Alpes ducem auctoremque Clusium oppugnandi fuisse. equidem haud abnuerim Clusium Gallos ab Arrunte seu quo alio Clusino adductos;

5.33.5sed eos qui oppugnaverint Clusium non fuisse qui primi Alpes transierint satis constat. ducentis quippe annis ante quam Clusium oppugnarent urbemque Romam caperent, in Italiam Galli transcenderunt;

5.33.6nec cum his primum Etruscorum sed multo ante cum iis qui inter Appenninum Alpesque incolebant saepe exercitus Gallici pugnavere.

5.33.7Tuscorum ante Romanum imperium late terra marique opes patuere. mari supero inferoque, quibus Italia insulae modo cingitur, quantum potuerint nomina sunt argumento, quod alterum Tuscum communi vocabulo gentis,

5.33.8alterum Hadriaticum ab Hatria, Tuscorum colonia, vocavere Italicae gentes; Graeci eadem Tyrrhenum atque Adriaticum vocant.

5.33.9ei in utrumque mare vergentes incoluere urbibus duodenis terras, prius cis Appenninum ad inferum mare, postea trans Appenninum totidem, quot capita originis erant,

5.33.10coloniis missis, quae trans Padum omnia loca, excepto Venetorum angulo qui sinum circumcolunt maris, usque ad Alpes tenuere.

5.33.11alpinis quoque ea gentibus haud dubie origo est, maxime Raetis, quos loca ipsa efferarunt ne quid ex antique praeter sonum linguae, nec eum incorruptum, retinerent.

5.34.2de transitu in Italiam Gallorum haec accepimus: Prisco Tarquinio Romae regnante Celtarum, quae pars Galliae tertia est, penes Bituriges summa imperii fuit; ii regem Celtico dabant.

5.34.2ambigatus is fuit, virtute fortunaque cum sua tum tur publica praepollens, quod in imperio eius Gallia adeo frugum hominumque fertilis fuit ut abundans multitudo vix regi videretur posse.

5.34.3hic magno natu ipse iam exonerare praegravante turba regnum cupiens, Bellovesum ac Segovesum, sororis filios, impigros iuvenes, missurum se esse in quas di dedissent auguriis sedes ostendit: quantum ipsi vellent numerum hominum excirent,

5.34.4ne qua gens arcere advenientes posset. tum Segoveso sortibus dati Hercynei saltus; Belloveso haud paulo laetiorem in Italiam viam di dabant.

5.34.5is quod eius ex populis abundabat, Bituriges Arvernos Senones Haeduos Ambarros Carnutes Aulercos excivit. profectus ingentibus peditum equitumque copiis in Tricastinos venit.

5.34.5Alpes inde oppositae erant;

Book 5, Part 5

5.34.6quas inexsuperabiles visas haud equidem miror nulladum via, quod quidem continens memoria sit, nisi de Hercule fabulis credere libet, superatas.

5.34.7ibi cum velut saeptos montium altitudo teneret Gallos circumspectarentque quanam per iuncta caelo iuga in alium orbem terrarum transirent, religio etiam tenuit quod allatum est advenas quaerentes agrum ab Saluum gente oppugnari.

5.34.8massilienses erant ii, navibus a Phocaea profecti. id Galli fortunae suae omen rati adiuvere ut quem primum in terram egressi occupaverant locum patientibus Saluis communirent. ipsi per Taurinos saltus saltumque Duriae Alpes transcenderunt;

5.34.9fusisque acie Tuscis haud procul Ticino flumine, cum in quo consederant agrum Insubrium appellari audissent, cognominem Insubribus, pago Haeduorum, ibi omen sequentes loci condidere urbem; Mediolanium appellarunt.

5.35.2alia subinde manus Cenomanorum Etitovio duce vestigia priorum secuta eodem saltu favente Belloveso cum transcendisset Alpes, ubi nunc Brixia ac Verona urbes sunt locos tenuere.

5.35.2Libui considunt post hos Salluviique prope antiquam gentem Laevos Ligures incolentes circa Ticinum amnem. poenino deinde Boii Lingonesque transgressi cum iam inter Padum Padurn atque Alpes omnia tenerentur, Pado ratibus traiecto non Etruscos modo niodo sed etiam Umbros agro pellunt; intra Appenninum tamen sese tenuere.

5.35.3tum tumn Senones, recentissimi advenarum, ab Utente flumine usque ad Aesim fines habuere. hanc gentem Clusium Romamque inde venisse comperio: id parum certum certunm est, solamne an ab omnibus Cisalpinorum Gallorum populis adiutam.

5.35.4Clusini novo bello exterriti cum multitudinem, cum formas hominum invisitatas cernerent et genus armorum, audirentque saepe ab iis cis Padum ultraque legiones Etruscorum Etruseorum fusas, quamquam adversus Romanos nullum eis ius societatis amicitiaeve erat, nisi quod Veientes consanguineos adversus populum Romanum non defendissent, legatos Romam Romaim qui auxilium ab senatu peterent, misere.

5.35.5de auxilio nihil impetratum; legati tres M. Fabi Ambusti filii missi, qui senatus populique Romani nomine agerent cum Gallis -ne a quibus nullam iniuriam accepissent socios populi Romani atque amicos oppugnarent.

5.35.6Romanis eos bello quoque, si res cogat, tuendos esse; sed melius visum bellum bellurn ipsum amoveri, si posset, et Gallos, novam gentem, pace potius cognosci quam armis.

5.36.2mitis legatio, ni praeferoces legatos Gallisque magis quam Romanis similes habuisset. quibus postquam mandata ediderunt in concilio Gallorum datur responsum:

5.36.2etsi novum nomen audiant Romanorum, tamen credere viros fortes esse, quorum auxilium a Clusinis in re trepida sit inploratum imploraturn ;

5.36.3et quoniam legatione adversus se maluerint quam armis tueri socios, ne se quidem pacem quam illi adferant aspernari, si Gallis egentibus agro, quem latius possideant quam colant Clusini, partem finium concedant; aliter pacem impetrari non posse.

5.36.4et responsum coram Romanis accipere velle, et si negetur ager coram iisdem Romanis dimicaturos, ut nuntiare domum possent quantum Galli virtute ceteros mortales praestarent.

5.36.5quodnam id ius esset agrum a possessoribus petere aut minari arma Romanis quaerentibus et quid in Etruria rei Gallis esset, cum illi se in armis ius ferre et omnia fortium virorum esse ferociter dicerent, accensis utrimque animis ad arma discurritur et proelium conseritur.

5.36.6ibi iam urgentibus Romanam urbem fatis legati contraius gentium arma capiunt. nec id clam esse potuit. cum ante signa Etruscorum tres nobilissimi fortissimique Romanae iuventutis pugnarent; tantum eminebat peregrina virtus.

5.36.7quin etiam Q. Fabius evectus extra aciem equo ducem Gallorum ferociter in ipsa signa Etruscorum incursantem per latus transfixum hasta occidit; spoliaque eius legentem Galli agnovere, perque totam aciem Romanum legatum esse signum datum est.

5.36.8omissa inde in Clusinos ira receptui canunt minantes Romanis. erant qui extemplo Romam eundum censerent; vicere seniores ut legati prius mitterentur questum iniurias postulatumque ut pro iure gentium violato Fabii dederentur.

5.36.9legati Gallorum cum ea, sicut erant mandata, exposuissent, senatui nec factum placebat Fabiorum et ius postulare barbari videbantur; sed ne id quod placebat decerneretur in tantae nobilitatis viris ambitio obstabat.

5.36.10itaque ne penes ipsos culpa esset cladis forte Gallico bello acceptae, cognitionem de postulatis Gallorum ad populum reiciunt; ubi tanto plus gratia atque opes valuere ut quorum de poena agebatur tribuni militum consulari potestate in insequentem annum crearentur.

5.36.11quo facto haud secus quam dignum erat infensi Galli bellum propalam minantes ad suos redeunt. tribuni militum cum tribus Fabiis creati Q. Sulpicius Longus Q. Servilius quartum P. Cornelius Maluginensis.

5.37.2cum tanta moles mali instaret—adeo obcaecat animos fortuna ubi vim suam ingruentem refringi non volt—civitas quae adversus Fidenatem ac Veientem hostem aliosque finitimos populos ultima experiens auxilia dictatorem multis tempestatibus dixisset,

5.37.2ea tunc invisitato atque inaudito hoste ab Oceano terrarumque ultimis oris bellum ciente, nihil extraordinarii imperii aut auxilii quaesivit.

5.37.3tribuni quorum temeritate bellum contractum erat summae rerum praeerant, dilectumque nihilo accuratiorem quam ad media bella haberi solitus erat, extenuantes etiam famam belli,

5.37.4habebant. interim Galli postquam accepere ultro honorem habitum violatoribus iuris humani elusamque legationem suam esse, flagrantes ira, cuius impotens est gens, confestim signis convolsis citato agmine iter ingrediuntur.

5.37.5ad quorum praetereuntium raptim tumultum cum exterritae urbes ad arma concurrerent fugaque agrestium fieret, Romam se ire magno clamore significabant quacumque ibant, equis virisque longe ac late fuso agmine immensum obtinentes loci.

5.37.6sed antecedente fama nuntiisque Clusinorum, deinceps inde aliorum populorum, plurimum terroris Romam celeritas hostium tulit,

5.37.7quippe quibus velut tumultuario exercitu raptim ducto aegre ad undecimum lapidem occursum est, qua flumen Allia Crustuminis montibus praealto defluens alveo haud baud multum infra viam Tiberino amni armni miscetur.

5.37.8iam lam omnia contra circaque hostium plena erant, et nata in vanos tumultus gens' truci cantu clamoribusque variis horrendo cuncta compleverant sono.

5.38.2ibi tribuni militum non loco, castris ante capto, non praemunito vallo quo receptus esset, -non deorum saltem, si non hominum memores, nec auspicato nec litato, instruunt aciem diductam in cornua, ne circumveniri multitudine hostium possent;

5.38.2nec tamen aequari frontes poterant cum extenuando infirmam et vix cohaerentem mediam aciem haberent. paulum erat ab dextera editi loci, quem subsidiariis' repleri placuit; eaque res ut initium pavoris ac fugae, sic una salus fugientibus fuit.

5.38.3nam Brennus regulus Gallorum in paucitate hostium artem maxime timens, ratus ad id captum superiorem locum ut ubi Galli cum acie legionum recta fronte concucurrissent subsidia in aversos transversosque impetum darent,

5.38.4ad subsidiarios signa convertit, si eos loco depulisset haud dubius facilem in aequo campi tantum superanti multitudini victoriam fore; adeo non fortuna modo sed ratio etiam cum barbaris stabat.

5.38.5in altera acie nihil simile Romanis, non apud duces, non apud milites erat. pavor fugaque occupaverat animos et tanta omnium oblivio ut multo maior pars Veios in hostium urbem, cum Tiberis arceret, quam recto itinere Romam ad coniuges ac liberos fugerent.

5.38.6parumper subsidiarios tutatus est locus; in reliqua acie simul est clamor proximis ab latere, ultimis ab tergo auditus, ignotum hostem prius paene quam viderent, non modo non temptato certamine sed ne clamore quidem reddito, integri intactique fugerunt;

5.38.7nec ulla caedes pugnantium fuit; terga caesa suomet ipsorum certamine in turba impedientium fugam.

5.38.8circa ripam Tiberis, quo armis abiectis totum sinistrum cornu defugit, magna strages facta est, multosque imperitos nandi aut invalidos, graves loricis aliisque tegminibus, hausere gurgites;

5.38.9maxima tamen pars incolumis Veios perfugit, unde non modo praesidii quicquam sed ne nuntius quidem cladis Romam est missus.

5.38.10ab dextro cornu, quod procul a flumine et magis sub monte steterat, Romam omnes petiere et ne clausis quidem portis urbis in arcem confugerunt.

5.39.2Gallos quoque velut obstupefactos miraculum victoriae tam tar repentinae tenuit, et ipsi pavore defixi primum steterunt, velut ignari quid accidisset; deinde insidias vereri; postremo caesorum spolia legere armorumque cumulos, ut mos eis est, coacervare;

5.39.2tum tur demum postquam nihil usquam hostile cernebatur viam ingressi, haud multo ante solis occasum ad urbem Romam perveniunt. ubi cum praegressi equites non portas clausas, non stationem stationed pro portis excubare, non armatos esse in muris rettulissent, aliud priori simile miraculum eos sustinuit;

5.39.3noctemque veriti et ignotae situm urbis inter Romam atque Anienem consedere exploratoribus missis circa moenia aliasque portas quaenam hostibus in perdita re consilia essent.

5.39.4Romani cum pars maior ex acie Veios petisset quam quan Romam, nemo superesse quemquam praeter plraeter eos qui Romam refugerant crederet, complorati omnes pariter vivi mortuique totam prope urbem lamentis impleverunt.

5.39.5privatos privates deinde luctus stupefecit publicus pavor, postquam hostes adesse nuntiatum est; mox ululatus cantusque dissonos vagantibus circa moenia turmatim barbaris audiebant.

5.39.6omne inde tempus suspensos ita tenuit animos usque—ad lucem alteram ut identidem iam in urbem futurus videretur impetus: primo adventu, quia accesserant ad urbem—mansuros enim ad Alliam fuisse nisi hoc consilii foret;

5.39.7—deinde sub occasum solis, quia haud multum diei supererat, ante noctem rati sunt invasuros; tum tur in noctem dilatum consilium esse, quo plus pavoris inferrent.

5.39.8postremo lux appropinquans exanimare, timorique perpetuo ipsum malum continens fuit cum signa infesta portis sunt inlata. nequaquam tamen ea nocte neque insequenti die similis illi quae ad Alliam tam pavide fugerat civitas fuit.

5.39.9nam cum defendi urbem posse tam parva relicta manu spes nulla esset, placuit cum coniugibus ac liberis iuventutem militarem senatusque robur in arcem Capitoliumque concedere,

5.39.10armisque et frumento conlato inde ex loco munito deos hominesque hlominesque et Romanum nomen defendere;

5.39.11flaminem sacerdotesque Vestales sacra publica a caede, ab incendiis procul auferre, nec ante deseri cultum eorum quam non superessent qui colerent.

5.39.12si arx Capitoliumque, sedes deorum, si senatus, caput publici consilii, si militaris iuventus superfuerit imminenti ruinae urbis, facilem iacturam esse seniorum relictae in urbe utique periturae turbae.

5.39.13et quo id aequiore animo de plebe multitudo ferret, senes triumphales consularesque simul se cum illis palam dicere obituros nec his corporibus quibus non arma ferre, non tueri patriam possent, oneraturos inopiam armatorum.

5.40.2haec inter seniores morti destinatos iactata solacia. versae inde adhortationes ad agmen iuvenum quos in Capitolium atque in arcem prosequebantur, commendantes virtuti eorum iuventaeque urbis per trecentos sexaginta annos omnibus bellis victricis quaecumque reliqua esset fortuna.

5.40.2digredientibus qui spem omnem atque opem secum ferebant ab iis qui captae urbis non superesse statuerant exitio cum ipsa res speciesque miserabilis erat,

5.40.3tum muliebris fletus et concursatio incerta nunc hos nunc illos sequentium rogitantiumque viros natosque cui se fato darent, nihil quod humani superesset mali relinquebant.

5.40.4magna pars tamen taimen earum in arcem suos persecutae sunt nec prohibente ullo nec vocante, quia quod utile obsessis ad minuendam imbellem multitudinem id parum humanum erat.

5.40.5alia maxime plebis turba, quam nec capere tam exiguus collis nec alere in tanta inopia frumenti poterat, ex urbe effusa velut agmine iam uno petiit Ianiculum.

5.40.6inde pars per agros dilapsi, pars urbes petunt finitimas, sine ullo duce aut consensu suam quisque spem, sua consilia communibus deploratis sequentes.

5.40.7Flamen interim Quirinalis virginesque Vestales omissa rerum suarum cura, quae sacrorum secum ferenda, quae quia vires ad omnia ferenda deerant relinquenda essent consultantes, quisve ea locus fideli adservaturus custodia esset,

5.40.8optimum ducunt condita in doliolis sacello proximo aedibus flaminis Quirinalis, ubi nunc despui religio est, defodere; cetera inter se onere partito ferunt via quae sublicio ponte ducit ad Ianiculum.

5.40.9in eo clivo eas cum L. Albinius de plebe homo conspexisset plaustro coniugem ac liberos avehens inter ceteram turbam quae inutilis bello

5.40.10urbe excedebat salvo etiam tum discrimine divinarum humanarumque rerum religiosum ratus sacerdotes publicas sacraque populi Romani pedibus ire ferrique ac suos in vehiculo conspici, descendere uxorem ac pueros iussit, virgines sacraque in plaustrum imposuit et Caere, quo iter sacerdotibus erat, pervexit.

5.41.2Romae interim satis iam omnibus, ut in tali re, ad tuendam arcem compositis turba seniorum domos regressi adventum hostium obstinato ad mortem animo exspectabant.

5.41.2qui eorum curules gesserant magistratus, ut in fortunae pristinae honorumque ac virtutis insignibus morerentur, quae augustissima vestis est tensas ducentibus triumphantibusve, ea vestiti medio aedium eburneis sellis sedere.

5.41.3sunt qui M. Folio pontifice maximo praefante carmen devovisse eos se pro patria Quiritibusque Romanis tradant.

5.41.4Galli et quia interposita nocte a contentione pugnae remiserant animos et quod nec in acie ancipiti usquam certaverant proelio nec tum impetu aut vi capiebant urbem, sine ira, sine ardore animorum ingressi postero die urbem patente Collina porta in forum perveniunt, circumferentes oculos ad templa deum arcemque solam belli speciem tenentem.

5.41.5inde modico relicto praesidio ne quis in dissipatos ex arce aut Capitolio impetus fieret, dilapsi ad praedam vacuis occursu hominum viis pars in proxima quaeque tectorum agmine ruunt, pars ultima, velut ea demum intacta et referta praeda,

5.41.6petunt. inde rursus ipsa solitudine absterriti, ne qua fraus hostilis vagos exciperet, in forum ac propinqua foro loca conglobati redibant ;

5.41.7ubi eos, plebis aedificiis obseratis, patentibus atriis principum, maior prope cunctatio tenebat aperta quam clausa invadendi;

5.41.8adeo haud secus quam venerabundi intuebantur in aedium vestibulis sedentes viros praeter ornatum habitumque humano augustiorem maiestate etiam quam voltus gravitasque oris prae se ferebat simillimos dis.

5.41.9ad eos velut simulacra versi cum starent, M. Papirius, unus ex iis, dicitur Gallo barbam suam, ut tum omnibus promissa erat, permulcenti scipione eburneo in caput incusso iram movisse atque ab eo initium caedis ortum, ceteros in sedibus suis trucidatos;

5.41.10post principum caedem nulli deinde mortalium parci, diripi tecta, exhaustis inici ignes.

5.42.2ceterum , seu non omnibus delendi urbem libido erat, seu ita placuerat principibus Gallorum et ostentari quaedam incendia terroris causa, si compelli ad deditionem caritate sedum suarum obsessi possent,

5.42.2et non omnia concremari tecta ut quodcumque superesset urbis, id pignus ad flectendos hostium animos haberent, nequaquam perinde atque in capta urbe primo die aut passim aut late vagatus est ignis.

5.42.3Romani ex arce plenam hostium urbem cernentes vagosque per vias omnes cursus, cum alia atque alia parte nova aliqua clades oreretur, non mentibus solum consipere, sed ne auribus quidem atque oculis satis constare poterant.

5.42.4quocumque clamor hostium, mulierum puerorumque ploratus, sonitus flammae et fragor ruentium tectorum avertisset, paventes ad omnia animos oraque et oculos flectebant velut ad spectaculum a fortuna positi occidentis patriae nec ullius rerum suarum relicti praeterquam corporum vindices,

5.42.5tanto ante alios miserandi magis qui unquam obsessi sunt quod interclusi a patria obsidebantur, omnia sua cernentes in hostium potestate.

5.42.6nec tranquillior nox diem tam foede actum excepit; lux deinde noctem inquieta insecuta est, nec ullum erat tempus quod a novae semper cladis alicuius alieuius spectaculo cessaret.

5.42.7nihil tamen tot onerati atque obruti malis flexerunt animos quin, etsi omnia flammis ac ruinis aequata vidissent, quamvis inopem parvumque quem tenebant collem libertati relictum virtute defenderent; et iam cum eadem cottidie acciderent,

5.42.8velut adsueti malis abalienaverant ab sensu rerum suarum animos, arma tantum ferrumque in dextris velut solas reliquias spei suae intuentes.

5.43.2Galli quoque per aliquot dies in tecta modo urbis nequiquam bello gesto cum inter incendia ac ruinas captae urbis nihil superesse praeter armatos hostes viderent nec quicquam tot cladibus territos nec flexuros ad deditionem animos ni vis adhiberetur, experiri ultima et impetum facere in arcem statuunt.

5.43.2prima luce signo dato multitudo omnis in foro instruitur; inde clamore sublato ac testudine facta subeunt. adversus quos Romani nihil temere nec nee trepide; ad omnis aditus stationibus firmatis, qua signa ferri videbant ea robore virorum opposito scandere hostem sinunt, quo successerit magis in arduum eo pelli posse per proclive facilius rati.

5.43.3medio fere clivo restitere, atque inde ex loco superiore, qui prope sua sponte in hostem inferebat impetu facto, strage ea ac ruina fudere Gallos ut nunquam postea nec pars nec universi temptaverint tale pugnae genus.

5.43.4omissa itaque spe per vim atque arma subeundi obsidionem parant, cuius ad id tempus immemores et quod in urbe fuerat frumentum incendiis urbis absumpserant, et ex agris per eos ipsos dies raptum omne Veios erat.

5.43.5igitur exercitu diviso partim per finitimos populos praedari placuit, partim obsideri arcem, ut obsidentibus frumentum populatores agrorum praeberent.

5.43.6proficiscentis Gallos ab urbe ad Romanam experiendam virtutem fortuna ipsa Ardeam, ubi Camillus exsulabat, duxit;

5.43.7qui maestior ibi fortuna publica quam sua cum dis hominibusque accusandis senesceret, indignando mirandoque ubi illi viri essent qui secum Veios Faleriosque cepissent, qui alia bella fortius semper quam felicius gessissent,

5.43.8repente audit Gallorum exercitum adventare atque de eo pavidos Ardeates consultare. nec secus quam divino spiritu tactus cum se in mediam contionem intulisset abstinere suetus ante talibus conciliis,

5.44.2Ardeates inquit, veteres amici, novi etiam cives mei, quando et vestrum beneficium ita tulit et fortuna hoc eguit mea, nemo vestrum condicionis meae oblitum me nme huc hue processisse putet; sed res ac periculum conrnune cogit quod quisque possit in re trepida praesidii in medium conferre.

5.44.2et quando ego vobis pro tantis vestris in me meritis gratiam referam, si nunc cessavero? aut ubi usus erit mei vobis, si in bello non fuerit? hac arte in patria steti et invictus bello, in pace. ab ingratis civibus pulsus sum.

5.44.3vobis autem, Ardeates, fortuna oblata est et pro tantis populi Romani beneficiis benefieiis , quanta ipsi meministis memiinistis —nec enim enirm exprobranda ea apud memores sunt— gratiae referendae et huic urbi decus ingens belli ex hoste communi pariendi.

5.44.4quae effuso agmine adventat gens est cui natura corpora animosque magna magis quam firma dederit; eo in certamen omne plus terroris quam virium viriumr ferunt.

5.44.5argumento sit clades Romana. patentem cepere urbem: ex arce Capitolioque iis exigua resistitur manu: iam obsidionis taedio victi abscedunt vagique per agros palantur.

5.44.6cibo vinoque raptim hausto repleti, ubi nox adpetit prope rivos aquarum sine munimento, sine stationibus ac custodiis passim ferarum ritu sternuntur, nunc ab secundis rebus magis etiam solito incauti.

5.44.7si vobis in animo est tueri moenia vestra nec pati haec omnia Galliam fieri, prima vigilia capite arma frequentesque me sequimini ad caedem, non ad pugnam. nisi vinctos somno velut pecudes trucidandos tradidero, non recuso eundem Ardeae rerum mearum exitum, quem Romae habui.

5.45.2Aequis iniquisque persuasum erat tantum bello virum neminem usquam ea tempestate esse. contione dimissa corpora curant intenti quam mox signum daretur. quo dato primae silentio noctis ad portas Camillo praesto fuere.

5.45.2egressi haud procul urbe, sicut praedictum erat, castra Gallorum intuta neglectaque ab omni parte nacti cum ingenti clamore invadunt.

Book 5, Part 6

5.45.3nusquam proelium, omnibus locis caedes est; nuda corpora et soluta somno trucidantur. extremos tamen pavor cubilibus suis excitos, quae aut unde vis esset ignaros, in fugam et quosdam in hostem ipsum improvidos tulit. magna pars in agrum Antiatem delati incursione ab oppidanis in palatos facta circumveniuntur.

5.45.4similis in agro Veienti Tuscorum facta strages est, qui urbis iam prope quadringentesimum annum vicinae, oppressae ab hoste invisitato, inaudito, adeo nihil miseriti sunt ut in agrum Romanum eo tempore incursiones facerent plenique praedae Veios etiam praesidiumque, spem ultimam Romani nominis, in animo habuerint oppugnare.

5.45.5viderant eos milites Romani vagantes per agros et congregato agmine praedam prae se agentis, et castra cernebant haud procul Veiis posita.

5.45.6inde primum miseratio sui, deinde indignitas atque ex ea ira animos cepit: Etruscisne etiam, a quibus bellum Gallicum in se avertissent,

5.45.7ludibrio esse clades suas? vix temperavere animis quin extemplo impetum facerent; compressi a Q. Caedicio centurione, quem sibimet ipsi praefecerant,

5.45.8rem in noctem sustinuere. tantum par Camillo defuit auctor: cetera eodem ordine eodemque fortunae eventu gesta. quin etiam ducibus captivis, qui caedi nocturnae superfuerant, ad aliam manum Tuscorum ad salinas profecti nocte insequenti ex improviso maiorem caedem edidere, duplicique victoria ovantes Veios redeunt.

5.46.2Romae interim plerumque obsidio segnis et utrimque silentium esse ad id tantum intentis Gallis ne quis hostium evadere inter stationes posset, cum repente iuvenis Romanus admiratione in se cives hostesque convertit.

5.46.2sacrificium erat statum in Quirinali colle genti Fabiae. ad id faciendum C. Fabius Dorsuo Gabino cinctu incinctus sacra manibus gerens cum de Capitolio descendisset, per medias hostium stationes egressus nihil ad vocem cuiusquam terroremve motus in Quirinalem collem pervenit;

5.46.3ibique omnibus sollemniter peractis eadem revertens similiter constanti vultu graduque, satis sperans propitios esse deos quorum cultum ne mortis quidem metu prohibitus deseruisset, in Capitolium ad suos rediit seu attonitis Gallis miraculo audaciae seu religione etiam motis, cuius haudquaquam neglegens gens est.

5.46.4Veiis interim non animi tantum in dies sed etiam vires crescebant. nec nee Romanis solum eo convenientibus ex agris qui aut proelio adverso aut clade captae urbis palati fuerant, sed etiam ex Latio voluntariis confluentibus ut in parte praedae essent,

5.46.5maturum iam videbatur repeti patriam eripique ex hostium manibus; sed corpori valido caput deerat.

5.46.6locus ipse admonebat Camilli, et magna pars militum erat qui ductu auspicioque eius res prospere gesserant; et Caedicius negare se commissurum cur sibi aut deorum aut hominum quisquam imperium finiret potius quam ipse memor ordinis sui posceret imperatorem.

5.46.7consensu omnium placuit ab Ardea Camillum acciri, sed antea consulto senatu, qui Romae esset: adeo regebat omnia pudor, discriminaque rerum prope perditis rebus servabant.

5.46.8ingenti periculo transeundum per hostium custodias erat. ad eam rem Pontius Cominus, impiger iuvenis, operam pollicitus incubans cortici secundo Tiberi ad urbem defertur.

5.46.9inde qua proximum fuit a ripa, per praeruptum eoque neglectum hostium custodiae saxum in Capitolium evadit, et ad magistratus ductus mandata exercitus edit.

5.46.10accepto inde senatus consulto uti comitiis curiatis revocatus de exsilio iussu populi Camillus dictator extemplo diceretur militesque haberent imperatorem quem vellent, eadem degressus nuntius Veios contendit;

5.46.11missique Ardeam legati ad Camillum Veios eum perduxere, seu— quod magis credere libet non prius profectum ab Ardea quam compererit legem latam, quod nec iniussu populi mutari finibus posset nec nisi dictator dictus auspicia in exercitu habere—lex curiata lata est dictatorque absens dictus.

5.47.2dum haec Veiis agebantur, interim arx Romae Capitoliumque in ingenti periculo fuit.

5.47.2namque Galli seu vestigio notato humano, qua nuntius a Veiis pervenerat, seu sua sponte animadverso ad Carmentis saxo ascensu aequo, nocte sublustri cum primo inermem qui temptaret viam praemisissent, tradentes inde arma ubi quid iniqui esset, alterni innixi sublevantesque in vicem et trahentes alii alios,

5.47.3prout postularet locus, tanto silentio in summum evasere ut non custodes solum fallerent, sed ne canes quidem, sollicitum animal ad nocturnos strepitus, excitarent.

5.47.4anseres non fefellere quibus sacris Iunonis in summa inopia cibi tamen abstinebatur. quae res saluti fuit; namque clangore eorum alarumque crepitu excitus M. Manlius qui triennio ante consul fuerat, vir bello egregius, armis arreptis simul ad arma ceteros ciens vadit, et dum ceteri trepidant, Gallum qui iam in summos constiterat umbone ictum deturbat.

5.47.5cuius casus prolapsi cum proximos sterneret, trepidantes alios armisque omissis saxa quibus adhaerebant manibus amplexos trucidat. iamque et alii congregati telis missilibusque saxis proturbare hostes, ruinaque tota prolapsa acies in praeceps deferri.

5.47.6sedato deinde tumultu reliquum noctis, quantum in turbatis mentibus poterat, cum praeteritum quoque periculum sollicitaret, quieti datum est.

5.47.7luce orta vocatis classico ad concilium militibus ad tribunos, cum et recte et perperam facto pretium deberetur, Manlius primum ob virtutem laudatus donatusque non ab tribunis solum militum sed consensu etiam militari;

5.47.8cui universi selibras farris et quartarios vini ad aedes eius, quae in arce erant, contulerunt,—rem dictu parvam, ceterum inopia fecerat eam earn argumentum ingens caritatis, cum se quisque victu suo fraudans detractum corpori atque usibus necessariis ad honorem unius viri conferret.

5.47.9tum vigiles eius loci qua fefellerat adscendens hostis citati; et cum in omnes more militari se animadversurum Q. Sulpicius tribunus militum pronuntiasset,

5.47.10consentiente clamore militum in unum vigilem conicientium culpam deterritus, a ceteris abstinuit, reum haud dubium eius noxae adprobantibus cunctis de saxo deiecit.

5.47.11inde intentiores utrimque custodiae esse, et apud Gallos, quia volgatum erat inter Veios Romamque nuntios commeare, et apud Romanos ab nocturni periculi memoria.

5.48.2sed ante omnia obsidionis bellique mala fames utrumque exercitum urgebat,

5.48.2Gallos pestilentia etiam, cum loco iacente inter tumulos castra habentes, tum ab incendiis torrido et vaporis pleno cineremque non pulverem modo ferente cum quid venti motum esset.

5.48.3quorum intolerantissima gens umorique ac frigori adsueta cum aestu et angore anguore vexata volgatis velut in pecua morbis morerentur, iam pigritia singulos sepeliendi promisce acervatos cumulos hominum urebant; bustorumque inde Gallicorum nomine insignem locum fecere.

5.48.4indutiae deinde cum Romanis factae et conloquia permissu imperatorum habita; in quibus cum identidem Galli famem obicerent eaque necessitate ad deditionem vocarent, dicitur avertendae eius opinionis causa multis locis panis de Capitolio iactatus esse in hostium stationes.

5.48.5sed iam neque dissimulari neque ferri ultra fames poterat. itaque dum dictator dilectum per se Ardeae habet, magistrum equitum L. Valerium a—Veiis adducere exercitum iubet, parat instruitque quibus haud impar adoriatur hostes,

5.48.6interim Capitolinus exercitus stationibus vigiliisque fessus superatis tamen humanis omnibus malis cum famem unam natura vinci non sineret, diem de die prospectans ecquod auxilium ab dictatore appareret,

5.48.7postremo spe quoque iam non solum cibo deficiente et cum stationes procederent prope obruentibus infirmum corpus armis, vel dedi vel redimi se quacumque pactione possent iussit, iactantibus non obscure Gallis haud magna mercede se adduci posse ut obsidionem relinquant.

5.48.8tum senatus habitus tribunisque militum negotium datum ut paciscerentur. inde inter Q. Sulpicium tribunum militum et Brennum regulum Gallorum conloquio transacta res est, et mille pondo auri pretium populi gentibus mox imperaturi factum. rei foedissimae per se adiecta indignitas est:

5.48.9pondera ab Gallis allata iniqua, et tribuno recusante additus ab insolente Gallo ponderi gladius, auditaque intoleranda Romanis vox, Vae victis.

5.49.2sed diique et homines prohibuere redemptos vivere Romanos. nam forte quadam, priusquam infanda merces perficeretur, per altercationem nondum omni auro adpenso, dictator intervenit auferrique aurum de medio et Gallos summoveri iubet.

5.49.2cum illi renitentes pactos dicerent sese, negat eam earn pactionem ratam esse quae, postquam ipse dictator creatus esset, iniussu suo ab inferioris iuris magistratu facta esset, denuntiatque Gallis ut se ad proelium expediant.

5.49.3suos in acervum conicere sarcinas et arma aptare ferroque non auro reciperare patriam iubet, in conspectu habentes fana deum et coniuges et liberos et solum patriae deforme belli malis et omnia quae defendi repetique et ulcisci fas sit.

5.49.4instruit deinde aciem, ut loci natura patiebatur, in semirutae solo urbis et natura inaequali, et omnia quae arte belli secunda suis eligi praepararive poterant providit.

5.49.5Galli nova re trepidi arma capiunt iraque magis quam consilio in Romanos incurrunt. iam verterat fortuna, iam deorum opes humanaque consilia rem Romanam adiuvabant. igitur primo concursu haud maiore momento fusi Galli sunt quam ad Alliam vicerant.

5.49.6iustiore altero deinde proelio ad octavum lapidem Gabina via, quo se ex fuga contulerant, eiusdem ductu auspicioque Camilli vincuntur. ibi caedes omnia obtinuit; castra capiuntur et ne nuntius quidem cladis relictus.

5.49.7dictator reciperata ex hostibus patria triumphans in urbem redit, interque iocos militares, quos inconditos iaciunt, Romulus ac parens patriae conditorque alter urbis haud vanis laudibus appellabatur.

5.49.8servatam deinde bello patriam iterum in pace haud dubie servavit cum prohibuit migrari Veios, et tribunis rem intentius agentibus post incensam urbem et per se inclinata magis plebe ad id consilium; eaque causa fuit non abdicandae post triumphum dictaturae senatu obsecrante ne rem publicam in incerto relinqueret statu.

5.50.2omnium primum, ut erat diligentissimus religionum cultor, quae ad deos immortales pertinebant rettulit et senatus consultum facit:

5.50.2fana omnia, quoad ea hostis possedisset, restituerentur terminarentur expiarenturque, expiatioque eorum in libris per duumviros quaereretur;

5.50.3cum Caeritibus hospitium publice fieret quod sacra populi Romani ac sacerdotes recepissent, beneficioque eius populi non intermissus honos deorum immortalium esset;

5.50.4ludi Capitolini fierent, quod Iuppiter optimus maximus suam sedem atque arcem populi Romani in re trepida tutatus esset; collegiumque ad eam rem M. Furius dictator constitueret ex iis qui in Capitolio atque arce habitarent.

5.50.5expiandae etiam vocis nocturnae quae nuntia cladis ante bellum Gallicum audita neglectaque esset mentio inlata, iussumque templum in Nova via Aio Locutio fieri.

5.50.6aurum quod Gallis ereptum erat quodque ex aliis templis inter trepidationem in Iovis cellam conlatum, cum quo referri oporteret confusa memoria esset, sacrum omne iudicatum et sub Iovis sella poni iussum.

5.50.7iam ante in eo religio civitatis apparuerat quod cum in publico deesset aurum, ex quo summa pactae mercedis Gallis confieret, a matronis conlatum acceperant ut sacro auro abstineretur. matronis gratiae actae honosque additus ut earum sicut virorum post mortem sollemnis laudatio esset.

5.50.8his peractis, quae ad deos pertinebant quaeque per senatum agi poterant, tum demum agitantibus tribunis plebem adsiduis contionibus, ut relictis ruinis in urbem paratam Veios transmigrarent, in contionem universo senatu prosequente escendit atque ita verba fecit:

5.51.2" adeo mihi acerbae sunt, Quirites, contentiones cum tribunis plebis, ut nec tristissimi exsilii solacium aliud habuerim, quoad Ardeae vixi, quam quod procul ab his certaminibus eram, et ob eadem haec non si miliens senatus consulto populique pophlique iussu revocaretis, rediturus unquam fuerim.

5.51.2nec nunc me ut redirem mea voluntas mutata sed vestra fortuna perpulit; quippe ut in sua sede maneret patria, id agebatur, non ut ego utique in patria essem. et nunc quiescerem ac tacerem libenter, nisi haec quoque pro patria dimicatio esset; cui deesse, quoad vita suppetat, aliis turpe, Camillo etiam nefas est.

5.51.3quid enim repetiimus, quid obsessam ex hostium manibus eripuimus, si reciperatam ipsi deserimus? et cum victoribus Gallis capta tota urbe Capitolium tamen atque arcem dique et homines Romani tenuerint, victoribus Romanis reciperata urbe arx quoque et Capitolium deseretur, et plus vastitatis huic urbi secunda nostra fortuna faciet quam adversa fecit?

5.51.4equidem si nobis cum urbe simul positae traditaeque per manus religiones nullae essent, tamen tam evidens numen hac tempestate rebus adfuit Romanis ut omnem neglegentiam divini cultus exemptam hominibus putem.

5.51.5intuemini enim horum deinceps annorum vel secundas res vel adversas; invenietis omnia prospera evenisse sequentibus deos, adversa spernentibus.

5.51.6iam omnium primum Veiens bellum—per quot annos quanto labore gestum!—non ante cepit finem quam monitu deorum aqua ex lacu Albano emissa est.

5.51.7quid haec tandem urbis nostrae clades nova? num ante exorta est quam spreta vox caelo emissa de adventu Gallorum, quam gentium ius ab legatis nostris violatum, quam a nobis, cum vindicari deberet, eadem neglegentia deorum praetermissum?

5.51.8igitur victi captique ac redempti tantum poenarum dis hominibusque dedimus ut terrarum orbi documento essemus.

5.51.9adversae deinde res admonuerunt religionum. confugimus in Capitolium ad deos, ad sedem Iovis optimi maximi; sacra in ruina rerum nostrarum alia terra celavimus, alia avecta in finitimas urbes amovimus ab hostium oculis; deorum cultum deserti ab dis hominibusque tamen non intermisimus.

5.51.10reddidere igitur patriam et victoriam et antiquum belli decus amissum; et in hostes qui caeci avaritia in pondere auri foedus ac fidem fefellerunt verterunt terrorem fugamque et caedem.

5.52.2" haec culti neglectique numinis tanta momenta in rebus humanis cernentes ecquid sentitis, Quirites, quantum vixdum e naufragiis prioris culpae cladisque emergentes paremus nefas?

5.52.2urbem auspicato inauguratoque conditam habemus; nullus locus in ea non religionum deorumque est plenus; sacrificiis sollemnibus non dies magis stati quam loca sunt, in quibus fiant.

5.52.3hos omnes deos publicos privatosque, Quirites, deserturi estis? quam par vestrum factum ei est, quod in obsidione nuper in egregio adulescente C. Fabio non minore hostium admiratione quam vestra conspectum est, cum inter Gallica tela degressus ex arce sollemne Fabiae gentis in colle Quirinali obiit?

5.52.4An gentilicia sacra ne in bello quidem intermitti, publica sacra et Romanos deos etiam in pace deseri placet, et pontifices flaminesque neglegentiores publicarum religionum esse quam privatus in sollemni gentis fuerit?

5.52.5forsitan aliquis dicat aut Veiis ea nos facturos aut huc inde missuros sacerdotes nostros qui faciant; quorum neutrum fieri salvis caerimoniis potest.

5.52.6et ne omnia generatim sacra omnesque percenseam deos, in Iovis epulo num alibi quam in Capitolio pulvinar suscipi potest?

5.52.7quid de aeternis Vestae ignibus signoque quod imperii pignus custodia eius templi tenetur loquar? quid de ancilibus vestris, Mars Gradive tuque, Quirine pater? haec omnia in profano deseri placet sacra aequalia urbi, quaedam vetustiora origine urbis?

5.52.8" et videte quid inter nos ac maiores intersit. illi sacra quaedam in monte Albano Laviniique nobis facienda tradiderunt. An ex hostium urbibus Romam ad nos transferri sacra religiosum fuit, hinc sine piaculo in hostium urbem Veios transferemus?

5.52.9recordamini , agite dum, quotiens sacra instaurentur, quia aliquid ex patio ritu neglegentia casuve praetermissum est. modo quae res post prodigium Albani lacus nisi instauratio sacrorum auspiciorumque renovatio adfectae Veienti bello rei publicae remedio fuit?

5.52.10at etiam, tamquam veterum religionum memores,et peregrinos deos transtulimus Romam et instituimus novos. Iuno regina transvecta a Veiis nuper in Aventino quam insigni ob excellens matronarum studium celebrique dedicata est die!

5.52.11Aio Locutio templum propter caelestem vocem exauditam in Nova via iussimus fieri; Capitolinos ludos sollemnibus aliis addidimus collegiumque ad id novum auctore senatu condidimus;

5.52.12quid horum opus fuit suscipi, si una cum Gallis urbem Romanam relicturi fuimus, si non voluntate mansimus in Capitolio per tot menses obsidionis, sed ab hostibus metu retenti sumus?

5.52.13de sacris loquimur et de templis; quid tandem de sacerdotibus? nonne in mentem venit quantum piaculi committatur? vestalibus nempe una illa sedes est, ex qua eas nihil unquam praeterquam urbs capta movit; flamini Diali noctem unam manere extra urbem nefas est; hos Veientis pro Romanis facturi estis sacerdotes,

5.52.14et Vestales tuae te deserent, Vesta, et flamen peregre habitando in singulas noctes tantum sibi reique publicae piaculi contrahet?

5.52.15quid alia quae auspicato agimus omnia fere intra pomerium, cui oblivioni aut cui neglegentiae damus?

5.52.16comitia curiata, quae rem militarem continent, comitia centuriata, quibus consules tribunosque militaris creatis, ubi auspicato, nisi ubi adsolent, fieri possunt?

5.52.17veiosne haec transferemus? An comitiorum causa populus tanto incommodo in desertam hanc ab dis hominibusque urbem conveniet?

5.53.2" at enim apparet quidem pollui omnia nec ullis piaculis expiari posse, sed res ipsa cogit vastam incendiis ruinisque relinquere urbem et ad integra omnia Veios migrare nec hic aedificando inopem plebem vexare.

5.53.2hanc autem iactari magis causam quam veram esse, ut ego non dicam, apparere vobis, Quirites, puto, qui meministis ante Gallorum adventum salvis tectis publicis privatisque, stante incolumi urbe, hanc eandem rem actam esse ut Veios transmigraremus.

5.53.3et videte quantum inter meam sententiam vestramque intersit, tribuni. vos , etiamsi tunc faciendum non fuerit, nunc utique faciendum putatis: ego contra—nec id mirati sitis priusquam quale sit audieritis—etiamsi tum migrandum fuisset incolumi tota urbe, nunc has ruinas relinquendas non censerem.

5.53.4quippe tum causa nobis in urbem captam migrandi victoria esset, gloriosa nobis ac posteris nostris; nunc haec migratio nobis misera ac turpis, Gallis gloriosa est.

5.53.5non enim reliquisse victores sed amisisse victi patriam videbimur: hoc ad Alliam fuga, hoc capta urbs, hoc circumsessum Capitolium necessitatis imposuisse, ut desereremus penates nostros exsiliumque ac fugam nobis ex eo loco conscisceremus quem tueri non possemus. et Galli evertere potuerunt Romam, Romani restituere non videbuntur potuisse?

5.53.6quid restat nisi ut, si iam novis copiis veniant—constat enim vix credibilem multitudinem esse—et habitare in capta ab se, deserta a vobis hac urbe velint, sinatis?

5.53.7quid ? si non Galli hoc sed veteres hostes vestri, Aequi Volscive, faciant ut commigrent Romam, velitisne illos Romanos, vos Veientes esse? An non malitis hanc solitudinem vestram quam urbem hostium esse? non equidem video quid magis nefas sit. haec scelera, quia piget aedificare, haec dedecora pati parati estis?

5.53.8si tota urbe nullum melius ampliusve tectum fieri possit quam casa illa conditoris est nostri, non in casis ritu pastorum agrestiumque habitare est satius inter sacra penatesque nostros quam exsulatum publice ire?

5.53.9maiores nostri, convenae pastoresque, cum in his locis nihil praeter silvas paludesque esset, novam urbem tam brevi aedificarunt: nos Capitolio atque arce incolumi, stantibus templis deorum aedificare incensa piget? et quod singuli facturi fuimus, si aedes nostrae deflagrassent, hoc in publico incendio universi recusamus facere?

5.54.2quid tandem? si fraude, si casu Veiis incendium ortum sit, ventoque, ut fieri potest, diffusa flamma magnam partem urbis absumat, Fidenas inde aut Gabios aliamve quam urbem quaesituri sumus quo transmigremus?

5.54.2adeo nihil tenet solum patriae nec haec terra quam matrem appellamus, sed in superficie tignisque caritas nobis patriae pendet? et quidem—fatebor vobis,

5.54.3etsi minus iniuriae vestrae meminisse iuvat—cum abessem, quotienscumque patria in mentem veniret, haec omnia occurrebant, colles campique et Tiberis et adsueta oculis regio et hoc caelum sub quo natus educatusque essem; quae vos, Quirites, nunc moveant potius caritate sua ut maneatis in sede vestra, quam postea, cum reliqueritis eam, macerent desiderio.

5.54.4non sine causa di hominesque hunc urbi condendae locum elegerunt, saluberrimos colles, flumen opportunum, quo ex mediterraneis locis fruges devehantur, quo maritimi commeatus accipiantur, mare vicinum ad commoditates nec expositum nimia propinquitate ad pericula classium externarum, regionem Italiae mediam, ad incrementum urbis natum unice locum.

5.54.5argumento est ipsa magnitudo tam novae urbis. trecentensimus sexagesimus sexagensimus quintus annus urbis, Quirites, agitur; inter tot veterrimos populos tam diu bella geritis, cum interea, ne singulas loquar urbes, non coniuncti cum Aequis Volsci, tot tam valida oppida, non universa Etruria tantum terra marique pollens atque inter duo maria latitudinem obtinens Italiae bello vobis par est.

5.54.6quod cum ita sit, quae, malum, ratio est haec expertis alia experiri, cum, iam ut virtus vestra transire alio possit, fortuna certe loci huius transferri non possit?

5.54.7hic Capitolium est, ubi quondam capite humano invento responsum est eo loco caput rerum summamque imperii fore; hic cum augurato liberaretur Capitolium, Iuventas Terminusque maximo gaudio patrum vestrorum moveri se non passi; hic Vestae ignes, hic ancilia caelo demissa, hic omnes propitii manentibus vobis di.

5.55.2movisse eos Camillus cum alia oratione tum ea quae ad religiones pertinebat maxime dicitur; sed rem dubiam decrevit vox opportune emissa, quod cum senatus post paulo de his rebus in curia Hostilia haberetur cohortesque ex praesidiis revertentes forte agmine forum transirent, centurio in comitio exclamavit: signifer , statue signum; hic manebimus optime.

Book 5, Part 7

5.55.2qua voce audita et senatus accipere se omen ex curia egressus conclamavit et plebs circumfusa adprobavit. antiquata deinde lege promiscue promisee urbs aedificari coepta.

5.55.3tegula publice praebita est; saxi materiaeque caedendae, unde quisque vellet ius factum praedibus acceptis eo anno aedificia perfecturos.

5.55.4festinatio curam exemit vicos dirigendi, dum omisso sui alienique discrimine in vacuo aedificant.

5.55.5ea est causa ut veteres cloacae, primo per publicum ductae, nunc privata passim subeant tecta, formaque urbis sit occupatae magis quam divisae similis.

Book 6, Part 1

6.1.1quae ab condita urbe Roma ad captam eandem Romani sub regibus primum, consulibus deinde ac dictatoribus decemuirisque ac tribunis consularibus gessere, foris bella,

6.1.2domi seditiones, quinque libris exposui, res cum uetustate nimia obscuras uelut quae magno ex interuallo loci uix cernuntur, tum quid rarae per eadem tempora litterae fuere, una custodia fidelis memoriae rerum gestarum, et quod, etiam si quae in commentariis pontificum aliisque publicis priuatisque erant monumentis, incensa urbe pleraeque interiere.

6.1.3clariora deinceps certioraque ab secunda origine uelut ab stirpibus laetius feraciusque renatae urbis gesta domi militiaeque exponentur.

6.1.4ceterum primo quo adminiculo erecta erat eodem innixa M. Furio principe stetit, neque eum abdicare se dictatura nisi anno circumacto passi sunt.

6.1.5comitia in insequentem annum tribunos habere quorum in magistratu capta urbs esset, non placuit; res ad interregnum rediit.

6.1.6cum ciuitas in opere ac labore assiduo reficiendae urbis teneretur, interim Q. Fabio , simul primum magistratu abiit, ab Cn. Marcio tribuno plebis dicta dies est, quod legatus in Gallos—ad quos missus erat orator—contra ius gentium pugnasset;

6.1.7cui iudicio eum mors, adeo opportuna ut uoluntariam magna pars crederet, subtraxit.

6.1.8interregnum initum: P. Cornelius Scipio interrex et post eum M. Furius Camillus [iterum]. is tribunos militum consulari potestate creat L. Ualerium Publicolam iterum L. Uerginium P. Cornelium A. Manlium L. Aemilium L. Postumium .

6.1.9hi ex interregno cum extemplo magistratum inissent, nulla de re prius quam de religionibus senatum consuluere.

6.1.10in primis foedera ac leges—erant autem eae duodecim tabulae et quaedam regiae leges—conquiri, quae comparerent, iusserunt; alia ex eis edita etiam in uolgus: quae autem ad sacra pertinebant a pontificibus maxime ut religione obstrictos haberent multitudinis animos suppressa.

6.1.11tum de diebus religiosis agitari coeptum, diemque a. d. XV Kal. Sextiles, duplici clade insignem, quo die ad Cremeram Fabii caesi, quo deinde ad Alliam cum exitio urbis foede pugnatum, a posteriore clade Alliensem appellarunt, †insignemque rei nullius publice priuatimque agendae† fecerunt.

6.1.12quidam, quod postridie Idus Quintiles non litasset Sulpicius tribunus militum neque inuenta pace deum post diem tertium obiectus hosti exercitus Romanus esset, etiam postridie Idus rebus diuinis supersederi iussum, inde, ut postridie Kalendas quoque ac Nonas eadem religio esset, traditum putant.

6.2.1nec diu licuit quietis consilia erigendae ex tam graui casu rei publicae secum agitare.

6.2.2hinc Uolsci, ueteres hostes, ad exstinguendum nomen Romanum arma ceperant: hinc Etruriae principum ex omnibus populis coniurationem de bello ad fanum Uoltumnae factam mercatores adferebant.

6.2.3nouus quoque terror accesserat defectione Latinorum Hernicorumque, qui post pugnam ad lacum Regillum factam per annos prope centum nunquam ambigua fide in amicitia populi Romani fuerant.

6.2.4itaque cum tanti undique terrores circumstarent appareretque omnibus non odio solum apud hostes sed contemptu etiam inter socios nomen Romanum laborare,

6.2.5placuit eiusdem auspiciis defendi rem publicam cuius reciperata esset dictatoremque dici M. Furium Camillum .

6.2.6is dictator C. Seruilium Ahalam magistrum equitum dixit; iustitioque indicto dilectum iuniorum habuit ita ut seniores quoque, quibus aliquid roboris superesset, in uerba sua iuratos centuriaret.

6.2.7exercitum conscriptum armatumque trifariam diuisit: partem unam in agro Ueiente Etruriae opposuit, alteram ante urbem castra locare iussit;

6.2.8tribuni militum his A. Manlius , illis quia aduersus Etruscos mittebantur L. Aemilius praepositus; tertiam partem ipse ad Uolscos duxit nec procul a Lanuuio—ad Mecium is locus dicitur—castra oppugnare est adortus.

6.2.9quibus ab contemptu, quod prope omnem deletam a Gallis Romanam iuuentutem crederent, ad bellum profectis tantum Camillus auditus imperator terroris intulerat ut uallo se ipsi, uallum congestis arboribus saepirent, ne qua intrare ad munimenta hostis posset.

6.2.10quod ubi animaduertit Camillus, ignem in obiectam saepem coici iussit; et forte erat uis magna uenti uersa in hostem;

6.2.11itaque non aperuit solum incendio uiam sed flammis in castra tendentibus uapore etiam ac fumo crepituque uiridis materiae flagrantis ita consternauit hostes, ut minor moles superantibus uallum militibus munitum in castra Uolscorum Romanis fuerit quam transcendentibus saepem incendio absumptam fuerat.

6.2.12fusis hostibus caesisque cum castra impetu cepisset dictator, praedam militi dedit, quo minus speratam minime largitore duce, eo militi gratiorem.

6.2.13persecutus deinde fugientes cum omnem Uolscum agrum depopulatus esset, ad deditionem Uolscos septuagesimo demum anno subegit.

6.2.14uictor ex Uolscis in Aequos transiit et ipsos bellum molientes; exercitum eorum ad Bolas oppressit, nec castra modo sed urbem etiam adgressus impetu primo cepit.

6.3.1cum in ea parte in qua caput rei Romanae Camillus erat ea fortuna esset, aliam in partem terror ingens ingruerat:

6.3.2Etruria prope omnis armata Sutrium, socios populi Romani, obsidebat; quorum legati opem rebus adfectis orantes cum senatum adissent, decretum tulere ut dictator primo quoque tempore auxilium Sutrinis ferret.

6.3.3cuius spei moram cum pati fortuna obsessorum non potuisset confectaque paucitas oppidanorum opere, uigiliis, uolneribus, quae semper eosdem urgebant, per pactionem urbe hostibus tradita inermis cum singulis emissa uestimentis miserabili agmine penates relinqueret,

6.3.4eo forte tempore Camillus cum exercitu Romano interuenit. cui cum se maesta turba ad pedes prouoluisset principumque orationem necessitate ultima expressam fletus mulierum ac puerorum qui exsilii comites trahebantur excepisset, parcere lamentis Sutrinos iussit: Etruscis se luctum lacrimasque ferre.

6.3.5sarcinas inde deponi Sutrinosque ibi considere modico praesidio relicto, arma secum militem ferre iubet. ita expedito exercitu profectus ad Sutrium, id quod rebatur, soluta omnia rebus, ut fit, secundis inuenit, nullam stationem ante moenia, patentes portas, uictorem uagum praedam ex hostium tectis egerentem.

6.3.6iterum igitur eodem die Sutrium capitur; uictores Etrusci passim trucidantur ab nouo hoste, neque se conglobandi coeundique in unum aut arma capiundi datur spatium.

6.3.7cum pro se quisque tenderent ad portas, si qua forte se in agros eicere possent, clausas—id enim primum dictator imperauerat—

6.3.8portas inueniunt. inde alii arma capere, alii, quos forte armatos tumultus occupauerat, conuocare suos ut proelium inirent; quod accensum ab desperatione hostium fuisset, ni praecones per urbem dimissi poni arma et parci inermi iussissent nec praeter armatos quemquam uiolari.

6.3.9tum etiam quibus animi in spe ultima obstinati ad decertandum fuerant, postquam data spes uitae est, iactare passim arma inermesque, quod tutius fortuna fecerat, se hosti offerre.

6.3.10magna multitudo in custodias diuisa; oppidum ante noctem redditum Sutrinis inuiolatum integrumque ab omni clade belli, quia non ui captum sed traditum per condiciones fuerat.

6.4.1Camillus in urbem triumphans rediit, trium simul bellorum uictor.

6.4.2longe plurimos captiuos ex Etruscis ante currum duxit; quibus sub hasta uenumdatis tantum aeris redactum est ut, pretio pro auro matronis persoluto, ex eo quod supererat tres paterae aureae factae sint,

6.4.3quas cum titulo nominis Camilli ante Capitolium incensum in Iouis cella constat ante pedes Iunonis positas fuisse.

6.4.4eo anno in ciuitatem accepti qui Ueientium Capenatiumque ac Faliscorum per ea bella transfugerant ad Romanos, agerque his nouis ciuibus adsignatus.

6.4.5reuocati quoque in urbem senatus consulto a Ueiis qui aedificandi Romae pigritia occupatis ibi uacuis tectis Ueios se contulerant. et primo fremitus fuit aspernantium imperium; dies deinde praestituta capitalisque poena, qui non remigrasset Romam, ex ferocibus uniuersis singulos, metu suo quemque, oboedientes fecit;

6.4.6et Roma cum frequentia crescere, tum tota simul exsurgere aedificiis et re publica impensas adiuuante et aedilibus uelut publicum exigentibus opus et ipsis priuatis—admonebat enim desiderium usus—festinantibus ad effectum operis; intraque annum noua urbs stetit.

6.4.7exitu anni comitia tribunorum militum consulari potestate habita. creati T. Quinctius Cincinnatus Q. Seruilius Fidenas quintum L. Iulius Iulus L. Aquilius Coruus L. Lucretius Tricipitinus Ser. Sulpicius Rufus exercitum alterum in Aequos,

6.4.8non ad bellum—uictos namque se fatebantur—sed ab odio ad peruastandos fines, ne quid ad noua consilia relinqueretur uirium, duxere, alterum in agrum Tarquiniensem;

6.4.9ibi oppida Etruscorum Cortuosa et Contenebra ui capta. ad Cortuosam nihil certaminis fuit: improuiso adorti primo clamore atque impetu cepere; direptum oppidum atque incensum est.

6.4.10Contenebra paucos dies oppugnationem sustinuit, laborque continuus non die, non nocte remissus subegit eos. cum in sex partes diuisus exercitus Romanus senis horis in orbem succederet proelio, oppidanos eosdem integro semper certamini paucitas fessos obiceret, cessere tandem locusque inuadendi urbem Romanis datus est.

6.4.11publicari praedam tribunis placebat; sed imperium quam consilium segnius fuit; dum cunctantur, iam militum praeda erat nec nisi per inuidiam adimi poterat.

6.4.12eodem anno, ne priuatis tantum operibus cresceret urbs, Capitolium quoque saxo quadrato substructum est, opus uel in hac magnificentia urbis conspiciendum.

6.5.1iam et tribuni plebis ciuitate aedificando occupata contiones suas frequentare legibus agrariis conabantur.

6.5.2ostentabatur in spem Pomptinus ager, tum primum post accisas a Camillo Uolscorum res possessionis haud ambiguae.

6.5.3criminabantur multo eum infestiorem agrum ab nobilitate esse quam a Uolscis fuerit; ab illis enim tantum, quoad uires et arma habuerint, incursiones eo factas;

6.5.4nobiles homines in possessionem agri publici grassari nec, nisi antequam omnia praecipiant diuisus sit, locum ibi plebi fore.

6.5.5haud magno opere plebem mouerunt et infrequentem in foro propter aedificandi curam et eodem exhaustam impensis eoque agri immemorem, ad quem instruendum uires non essent.

6.5.6in ciuitate plena religionum, tunc etiam ab recenti clade superstitiosis principibus, ut renouarentur auspicia res ad interregnum rediit. interreges deinceps M. Manlius Capitolinus Ser. Sulpicius Camerinus L. Ualerius Potitus ;

6.5.7hic demum tribunorum militum consulari potestate comitia habuit. L. Papirium Cn.† Sergium L. Aemilium iterum Licinium† Menenium L. Ualerium Publicolam tertium creat; ii ex interregno magistratum occepere.

6.5.8eo anno aedis Martis Gallico bello uota dedicata est a T. Quinctio duumuiro sacris faciendis. tribus quattuor ex nouis ciuibus additae, Stellatina Tromentina Sabatina Arniensis; eaeque uiginti quinque tribuum numerum expleuere.

6.6.1de agro Pomptino ab L. Sicinio tribuno plebis actum ad frequentiorem iam populum mobilioremque ad cupiditatem agri quam fuerat.

6.6.2et de Latino Hernicoque bello mentio facta in senatu maioris belli cura, quod Etruria in armis erat, dilata est.

6.6.3res ad Camillum tribunum militum consulari potestate rediit; collegae additi quinque, Ser. Cornelius Maluginensis Q. Seruilius Fidenas sextum L. Quinctius Cincinnatus L. Horatius Puluillus P. Ualerius .

6.6.4principio anni auersae curae hominum sunt a bello Etrusco, quod fugientium ex agro Pomptino agmen repente inlatum in urbem attulit Antiates in armis esse Latinorumque populos iuuentutem suam summisisse ad id bellum,

6.6.5eo abnuentes publicum fuisse consilium quod non prohibitos tantummodo uoluntarios dicerent militare ubi uellent.

6.6.6desierant iam ulla contemni bella. itaque senatus dis agere gratias quod Camillus in magistratu esset: dictatorem quippe dicendum eum fuisse si priuatus esset; et collegae fateri regimen omnium rerum, ubi quid bellici terroris ingruat,

6.6.7in uiro uno esse sibique destinatum in animo esse Camillo summittere imperium nec quicquam de maiestate sua detractum credere quod maiestati eius uiri concessissent. conlaudatis ab senatu tribunis et ipse Camillus confusus animo gratias egit.

6.6.8ingens inde ait onus a populo Romano sibi, qui se [dictatorem] iam quartum creasset, magnum ab senatu talibus de se iudiciis [eius ordinis], maximum tam honoratorum collegarum obsequio iniungi;

6.6.9itaque si quid laboris uigiliarumque adici possit, certantem secum ipsum adnisurum ut tanto de se consensu ciuitatis opinionem, quae maxima sit, etiam constantem efficiat.

6.6.10quod ad bellum atque Antiates attineat, plus ibi minarum quam periculi esse; se tamen, ut nihil timendi, sic nihil contemnendi auctorem esse.

6.6.11circumsederi urbem Romanam ab inuidia et odio finitimorum; itaque et ducibus pluribus et exercitibus administrandam rem publicam esse.

6.6.12'te' inquit, ' P. Ualeri , socium imperii consiliique legiones mecum aduersus Antiatem hostem ducere placet;

6.6.13te, Q. Seruili , altero exercitu instructo paratoque in urbe castra habere, intentum siue Etruria se interim, ut nuper, siue noua haec cura, Latini atque Hernici mouerint; pro certo habeo ita rem gesturum ut patre auo teque ipso ac sex tribunatibus dignum est.

6.6.14tertius exercitus ex causariis senioribusque a L. Quinctio scribatur, qui urbi moenibusque praesidio sit. L. Horatius arma, tela, frumentum, quaeque alia [belli] tempora poscent prouideat.

6.6.15te, Ser. Corneli , praesidem huius publici consilii, custodem religionum, comitiorum, legum, rerum omnium urbanarum, collegae facimus.'

6.6.16cunctis in partes muneris sui benigne pollicentibus operam Ualerius, socius imperii lectus, adiecit M. Furium sibi pro dictatore seque ei pro magistro equitum futurum;

6.6.17proinde, quam opinionem de unico imperatore, eam spem de bello haberent. se uero bene sperare patres et de bello et de

6.6.18pace uniuersaque re publica erecti gaudio fremunt nec dictatore unquam opus fore rei publicae, si tales uiros in magistratu habeat, tam concordibus iunctos animis, parere atque imperare iuxta paratos laudemque conferentes potius in medium quam ex communi ad se trahentes.

6.7.1iustitio indicto dilectuque habito Furius ac Ualerius ad Satricum profecti, quo non Uolscorum modo iuuentutem Antiates ex noua subole lectam sed ingentem Latinorum Hernicorumque <uim> conciuerant ex integerrimis diutina pace populis. itaque nouus hostis ueteri adiunctus commouit animos militis Romani.

6.7.2quod ubi aciem iam instruenti Camillo centuriones renuntiauerunt, turbatas militum mentes esse, segniter arma capta, cunctabundosque et resistentes egressos castris esse, quin uoces quoque auditas cum centenis hostibus singulos pugnaturos et aegre inermem tantam multitudinem,

6.7.3nedum armatam, sustineri posse, in equum insilit et ante signa obuersus in aciem ordines interequitans: 'quae tristitia, milites, haec, quae insolita cunctatio est? hostem an me an uos ignoratis? hostis est quid aliud quam perpetua materia uirtutis gloriaeque uestrae?

Book 6, Part 2

6.7.4uos contra me duce, ut Falerios Ueiosque captos et in capta patria Gallorum legiones caesas taceam, modo trigeminae uictoriae triplicem triumphum ex his ipsis Uolscis et Aequis et ex Etruria egistis.

6.7.5an me, quod non dictator uobis sed tribunus signum dedi, non agnoscitis ducem? neque ego maxima imperia in uos desidero, et uos in me nihil praeter me ipsum intueri decet; neque enim dictatura mihi unquam animos fecit, ut ne exsilium quidem ademit.

6.7.6iidem igitur omnes sumus, et cum eadem omnia in hoc bellum adferamus quae in priora attulimus, eundem euentum belli exspectemus. simul concurreritis, quod quisque didicit ac consueuit faciet: uos uincetis, illi fugient.'

6.8.1dato deinde signo ex equo desilit et proximum signiferum manu arreptum secum in hostem rapit 'infer, miles' clamitans,

6.8.2'signum.' quod ubi uidere, ipsum Camillum, iam ad munera corporis senecta inualidum, uadentem in hostes, procurrunt pariter omnes clamore sublato 'sequere imperatorem' pro se quisque clamantes.

6.8.3emissum etiam signum Camilli iussu in hostium aciem ferunt idque ut repeteretur concitatos antesignanos;

6.8.4ibi primum pulsum Antiatem, terroremque non in primam tantum aciem sed etiam ad subsidiarios perlatum.

6.8.5nec uis tantum militum mouebat, excitata praesentia ducis, sed quod Uolscorum animis nihil terribilius erat quam ipsius Camilli forte oblata species;

6.8.6ita quocumque se intulisset uictoriam secum haud dubiam trahebat. maxime id euidens fuit, cum in laeuum cornu prope iam pulsum arrepto repente equo cum scuto pedestri aduectus conspectu suo proelium restituit, ostentans uincentem ceteram aciem.

6.8.7iam inclinata res erat, sed turba hostium et fuga impediebatur et longa caede conficienda multitudo tanta fesso militi erat, cum repente ingentibus procellis fusus imber certam magis uictoriam quam proelium diremit.

6.8.8signo deinde receptui dato nox insecuta quietis Romanis perfecit bellum; Latini namque et Hernici relictis Uolscis domos profecti sunt, malis consiliis pares adepti euentus;

6.8.9Uolsci ubi se desertos ab eis uidere quorum fiducia rebellauerant, relictis castris moenibus Satrici se includunt; quos primo Camillus uallo circumdare et aggere atque operibus oppugnare est adortus.

6.8.10quae postquam nulla eruptione impediri uidet, minus esse animi ratus in hoste quam ut in eo tam lentae spei uictoriam exspectaret, cohortatus milites ne tamquam Ueios oppugnantes in opere longinquo sese tererent, uictoriam in manibus esse, ingenti militum alacritate moenia undique adgressus scalis oppidum cepit. Uolsci abiectis armis sese dediderunt.

6.9.1ceterum animus ducis rei maiori, Antio, imminebat: id caput Uolscorum, eam fuisse originem proximi belli.

6.9.2sed magno apparatu tormentis machinisque tam ualida quia nisi urbs capi non poterat, relicto ad exercitum collega Romam est profectus, ut senatum ad excidendum Antium hortaretur.

6.9.3inter sermonem eius—credo rem Antiatem diuturniorem manere dis cordi fuisse—legati ab Nepete ac Sutrio auxilium aduersus Etruscos petentes ueniunt, breuem occasionem esse ferendi auxilii memorantes. eo uim Camilli ab Antio fortuna auertit.

6.9.4namque cum ea loca opposita Etruriae et uelut claustra inde portaeque essent, et illis occupandi ea cum quid noui molirentur et Romanis reciperandi tuendique cura erat.

6.9.5igitur senatui cum Camillo agi placuit ut omisso Antio bellum Etruscum susciperet; legiones urbanae quibus Quinctius praefuerat ei decernuntur.

6.9.6quamquam expertum exercitum adsuetumque imperio qui in Uolscis erat mallet, nihil recusauit; Ualerium tantummodo imperii socium depoposcit. Quinctius Horatiusque successores Ualerio in Uolscos missi.

6.9.7profecti ab urbe Sutrium Furius et Ualerius partem oppidi iam captam ab Etruscis inuenere, ex parte altera intersaeptis itineribus aegre oppidanos uim hostium ab se arcentes.

6.9.8cum Romani auxilii aduentus tum Camilli nomen celeberrimum apud hostes sociosque et in praesentia rem inclinatam sustinuit et spatium ad opem ferendam dedit.

6.9.9itaque diuiso exercitu Camillus collegam in eam partem circumductis copiis quam hostes tenebant moenia adgredi iubet, non tanta spe scalis capi urbem posse quam ut auersis eo hostibus et oppidanis iam pugnando fessis laxaretur labor et ipse spatium intrandi sine certamine moenia haberet.

6.9.10quod simul utrimque factum esset ancepsque terror Etruscos circumstaret, et moenia summa ui oppugnari et intra moenia esse hostem <ut> uiderunt, porta se, quae una forte non obsidebatur, trepidi uno agmine eiecere.

6.9.11magna caedes fugientium et in urbe et per agros est facta: plures a Furianis intra moenia caesi, Ualeriani expeditiores ad persequendos fuere, nec ante noctem, quae conspectum ademit, finem caedendi fecere.

6.9.12Sutrio recepto restitutoque sociis Nepete exercitus ductus, quod per deditionem acceptum iam totum Etrusci habebant.

6.10.1uidebatur plus in ea urbe recipienda laboris fore, non eo solum quod tota hostium erat sed etiam quod parte Nepesinorum prodente ciuitatem facta erat deditio;

6.10.2mitti tamen ad principes eorum placuit ut secernerent se ab Etruscis fidemque quam implorassent ab Romanis ipsi praestarent.

6.10.3unde cum responsum allatum esset nihil suae potestatis esse, Etruscos moenia custodiasque portarum tenere, primo populationibus agri terror est oppidanis admotus;

6.10.4deinde, postquam deditionis quam societatis fides sanctior erat, fascibus sarmentorum ex agro conlatis ductus ad moenia exercitus completisque fossis scalae admotae et clamore primo impetuque oppidum capitur.

6.10.5Nepesinis inde edictum ut arma ponant parcique iussum inermi: Etrusci pariter armati atque inermes caesi. Nepesinorum quoque auctores deditionis securi percussi: innoxiae multitudini redditae res oppidumque cum praesidio relictum.

6.10.6ita duabus sociis urbibus ex hoste receptis uictorem exercitum tribuni cum magna gloria Romam reduxerunt. eodem anno ab Latinis Hernicisque res repetitae quaesitumque cur per eos annos militem ex instituto non dedissent.

6.10.7responsum frequenti utriusque gentis concilio est nec culpam in eo publicam nec consilium fuisse quod suae iuuentutis aliqui apud Uolscos militauerint;

6.10.8eos tamen ipsos praui consilii poenam habere nec quemquam ex his reducem esse; militis autem non dati causam terrorem assiduum a Uolscis fuisse, quam pestem adhaerentem lateri suo tot super alia aliis bellis exhauriri nequisse.

6.10.9quae relata patribus magis tempus quam causam non uisa belli habere.

6.11.1insequenti anno, A. Manlio P. Cornelio T. et L. Quinctiis Capitolinis L. Papirio Cursore <iterum C. Sergio > iterum tribunis consulari potestate, graue bellum foris, grauior domi seditio exorta,

6.11.2bellum ab Uolscis adiuncta Latinorum atque Hernicorum defectione, seditio, unde minime timeri potuit, a patriciae gentis uiro et inclitae famae, M. Manlio Capitolino .

6.11.3qui nimius animi cum alios principes sperneret, uni inuideret eximio simul honoribus atque uirtutibus, M. Furio , aegre ferebat solum eum in magistratibus, solum apud exercitus esse;

6.11.4tantum iam eminere ut iisdem auspiciis creatos non pro collegis sed pro ministris habeat; cum interim, si quis uere aestimare uelit, a M. Furio reciperari patria ex obsidione hostium non potuerit, nisi a se prius Capitolium atque arx seruata esset;

6.11.5et ille inter aurum accipiendum et in spem pacis solutis animis Gallos adgressus sit, ipse armatos capientesque arcem depulerit; illius gloriae pars uirilis apud omnes milites sit qui simul uicerint: suae uictoriae neminem omnium mortalium socium esse.

6.11.6his opinionibus inflato animo, ad hoc uitio quoque ingenii uehemens et impotens, postquam inter patres non quantum aequum censebat excellere suas opes animaduertit,

6.11.7primus omnium ex patribus popularis factus cum plebeiis magistratibus consilia communicare; criminando patres, alliciendo ad se plebem iam aura non consilio ferri famaeque magnae malle quam bonae esse.

6.11.8et non contentus agrariis legibus, quae materia semper tribunis plebi seditionum fuisset, fidem moliri coepit: acriores quippe aeris alieni stimulos esse, qui non egestatem modo atque ignominiam minentur sed neruo ac uinculis corpus liberum territent.

6.11.9et erat aeris alieni magna uis re damnosissima etiam diuitibus, aedificando, contracta. bellum itaque Uolscum, graue per se, oneratum Latinorum atque Hernicorum defectione, in speciem causae iactatum ut maior potestas quaereretur;

6.11.10sed noua consilia Manli magis compulere senatum ad dictatorem creandum. creatus A. Cornelius Cossus magistrum equitum dixit T. Quinctium Capitolinum .

6.12.1dictator etsi maiorem dimicationem propositam domi quam foris cernebat, tamen, seu quia celeritate ad bellum opus erat, seu uictoria triumphoque dictaturae ipsi uires se additurum ratus, dilectu habito in agrum Pomptinum, quo a Uolscis exercitum indictum audierat,

6.12.2pergit.—non dubito praeter satietatem tot iam libris adsidua bella cum Uolscis gesta legentibus illud quoque succursurum, quod mihi percensenti propiores temporibus harum rerum auctores miraculo fuit unde totiens uictis Uolscis et Aequis suffecerint milites.

6.12.3quod cum ab antiquis tacitum praetermissum sit, cuius tandem ego rei praeter opinionem, quae sua cuique coniectanti esse potest, auctor sim?

6.12.4simile ueri est aut interuallis bellorum, sicut nunc in dilectibus fit Romanis, alia atque alia subole iuniorum ad bella instauranda totiens usos esse aut non ex iisdem semper populis exercitus scriptos, quamquam eadem semper gens bellum intulerit,

6.12.5aut innumerabilem multitudinem liberorum capitum in eis fuisse locis quae nunc uix seminario exiguo militum relicto seruitia Romana ab solitudine uindicant.

6.12.6ingens certe, quod inter omnes auctores conueniat, quamquam nuper Camilli ductu atque auspicio accisae res erant, Uolscorum exercitus fuit; ad hoc Latini Hernicique accesserant et Circeiensium

6.12.7quidam et coloni etiam a Uelitris Romani.—dictator castris eo die positis, postero cum auspicato prodisset hostiaque caesa pacem deum adorasset, laetus ad milites iam arma ad propositum pugnae signum, sicut edictum erat, luce prima capientes processit.

6.12.8'nostra uictoria est, milites' inquit, 'si quid di uatesque eorum in futurum uident. itaque, ut decet certae spei plenos et cum imparibus manus conserturos, pilis ante pedes positis gladiis tantum dextras armemus. ne procurri quidem ab acie uelim sed obnixos uos stabili gradu impetum hostium excipere.

6.12.9ubi illi uana iniecerint missilia et effusi stantibus uobis se intulerint, tum micent gladii et ueniat in mentem unicuique deos esse qui Romanum adiuuent deos qui secundis auibus in proelium miserint.

6.12.10tu, T. Quincti , equitem intentus ad primum initium moti certaminis teneas; ubi haerere iam aciem conlato pede uideris, tum terrorem equestrem occupatis alio pauore infer inuectusque ordines pugnantium dissipa.' sic eques,

6.12.11sic pedes, ut praeceperat, pugnant; nec dux legiones nec fortuna fefellit ducem.

6.13.1multitudo hostium nulli rei praeterquam numero freta et oculis utramque metiens aciem temere proelium iniit, temere omisit;

6.13.2clamore tantum missilibusque telis et primo pugnae impetu ferox gladios et conlatum pedem et uoltum hostis ardore animi micantem ferre non potuit.

6.13.3impulsa frons prima et trepidatio subsidiis inlata; et suum terrorem intulit eques; rupti inde multis locis ordines motaque omnia et fluctuanti similis acies erat. dein postquam cadentibus primis iam ad se quisque peruenturam caedem cernebat, terga uertunt.

6.13.4instare Romanus; et donec armati confertique abibant, peditum labor in persequendo fuit: postquam iactari arma passim fugaque per agros spargi aciem hostium animaduersum est, tum equitum turmae emissae, dato signo ne in singulorum morando caede spatium ad euadendum interim multitudini darent:

6.13.5satis esse missilibus ac terrore impediri cursum obequitandoque agmen teneri dum adsequi pedes et iusta caede conficere hostem posset.

6.13.6fugae sequendique non ante noctem finis fuit. capta quoque ac direpta eodem die castra Uolscorum praedaque omnis praeter libera corpora militi concessa est.

6.13.7pars maxima captiuorum ex Latinis atque Hernicis fuit, nec hominum de plebe, ut credi posset mercede militasse, sed principes quidam iuuentutis inuenti, manifesta fides publica ope Uolscos hostes adiutos.

6.13.8Circeiensium quoque quidam cogniti et coloni a Uelitris; Romamque omnes missi percontantibus primoribus patrum eadem quae dictatori defectionem sui quisque populi haud perplexe indicauere.

6.14.1dictator exercitum in statiuis tenebat, minime dubius bellum cum iis populis patres iussuros, cum maior domi exorta moles coegit acciri Romam eum gliscente in dies seditione, quam solito magis metuendam auctor faciebat.

6.14.2non enim iam orationes modo M. Manli sed facta, popularia in speciem, tumultuosa eadem, qua mente fierent intuenda erant.

6.14.3centurionem, nobilem militaribus factis, iudicatum pecuniae cum duci uidisset, medio foro cum caterua sua accurrit et manum iniecit; uociferatusque de superbia patrum ac crudelitate feneratorum et miseriis plebis, uirtutibus eius uiri fortunaque,

6.14.4'tum uero ego' inquit 'nequiquam hac dextra Capitolium arcemque seruauerim, si ciuem commilitonemque meum tamquam Gallis uictoribus captum in seruitutem ac uincula duci uideam.'

6.14.5inde rem creditori palam populo soluit libraque et aere liberatum emittit, deos atque homines obtestantem ut M. Manlio , liberatori suo, parenti plebis Romanae, gratiam referant.

6.14.6acceptus extemplo in tumultuosam turbam et ipse tumultum augebat, cicatrices acceptas Ueienti Gallico aliisque deinceps bellis ostentans:

6.14.7se militantem, se restituentem euersos penates, multiplici iam sorte exsoluta, mergentibus semper sortem usuris, obrutum fenore esse; uidere lucem, forum, ciuium ora M. Manli opera;

6.14.8omnia parentum beneficia ab illo se habere; illi deuouere corporis uitaeque ac sanguinis quod supersit; quodcumque sibi cum patria penatibus publicis ac priuatis iuris fuerit, id cum uno homine esse.

6.14.9his uocibus instincta plebes cum iam unius hominis esset, addita alia commodioris ad omnia turbanda consilii res.

6.14.10fundum in Ueienti, caput patrimonii, subiecit praeconi, 'ne quem uestrum' inquit, 'Quirites, donec quicquam in re mea supererit, iudicatum addictumue duci patiar.' id uero ita accendit animos, ut per omne fas ac nefas secuturi uindicem libertatis uiderentur.

6.14.11ad hoc domi contionantis in modum sermones pleni criminum in patres; inter quos [cum] omisso discrimine uera an uana iaceret, thesauros Gallici auri occultari a patribus iecit nec iam possidendis publicis agris contentos esse nisi pecuniam quoque publicam auertant; ea res si palam fiat, exsolui plebem aere alieno posse.

6.14.12quae ubi obiecta spes est, enimuero indignum facinus uideri, cum conferendum ad redimendam ciuitatem a Gallis aurum fuerit, tributo conlationem factam, idem aurum ex hostibus captum in paucorum praedam cessisse.

6.14.13itaque exsequebantur quaerendo ubi tantae rei furtum occultaretur; differentique et tempore suo se indicaturum dicenti ceteris omissis eo uersae erant omnium curae apparebatque nec ueri indicii gratiam mediam nec falsi offensionem fore.

6.15.1ita suspensis rebus dictator accitus ab exercitu in urbem uenit. postero die senatu habito, cum satis periclitatus uoluntates hominum discedere senatum ab se uetuisset, stipatus ea multitudine sella in comitio posita uiatorem ad M. Manlium misit;

Book 6, Part 3

6.15.2qui dictatoris iussu uocatus, cum signum suis dedisset adesse certamen, agmine ingenti ad tribunal uenit.

6.15.3hinc senatus, hinc plebs, suum quisque intuentes ducem, uelut in acie constiterant.

6.15.4tum dictator silentio facto, 'utinam' inquit, 'mihi patribusque Romanis ita de ceteris rebus cum plebe conueniat, quemadmodum, quod ad te attinet eamque rem quam de te sum quaesiturus conuenturum satis confido.

6.15.5spem factam a te ciuitati uideo fide incolumi ex thesauris Gallicis, quos primores patrum occultent, creditum solui posse. cui ego rei tantum abest ut impedimento sim ut contra te, M. Manli , adhorter, liberes fenore plebem Romanam et istos incubantes publicis thesauris ex praeda clandestina euoluas.

6.15.6quod nisi facis, siue ut et ipse in parte praedae sis siue quia uanum indicium est, in uincla te duci iubebo nec diutius patiar a te multitudinem fallaci spe concitari.'

6.15.7ad ea Manlius nec se fefellisse ait non aduersus Uolscos, totiens hostes quotiens patribus expediat, nec aduersus Latinos Hernicosque, quos falsis criminibus in arma agant, sed aduersus se ac plebem Romanam dictatorem creatum esse;

6.15.8iam omisso bello quod simulatum sit, in se impetum fieri; iam dictatorem profiteri patrocinium feneratorum aduersus plebem; iam sibi ex fauore multitudinis crimen et perniciem quaeri.

6.15.9'offendit' inquit, 'te, A. Corneli , uosque, patres conscripti, circumfusa turba lateri meo? quin eam diducitis a me singuli uestris beneficiis, intercedendo, eximendo de neruo ciues uestros, prohibendo iudicatos addictosque duci, ex eo quod afluit opibus uestris sustinendo necessitates aliorum?

6.15.10sed quid ego uos de uestro impendatis hortor? sortem reliquam ferte: de capite deducite quod usuris pernumeratum est; iam nihilo mea turba quam ullius conspectior erit.

6.15.11at enim quid ita solus ego ciuium curam ago? nihilo magis quod respondeam habeo quam si quaeras quid ita solus Capitolium arcemque seruauerim. et tum uniuersis quam potui opem tuli et nunc singulis feram.

6.15.12nam quod ad thesauros Gallicos attinet, rem suapte natura facilem difficilem interrogatio facit. cur enim quaeritis quod scitis? cur quod in sinu uestro est excuti iubetis potius quam ponatis, nisi aliqua fraus subest?

6.15.13quo magis argui praestigias iubetis uestras, eo plus uereor ne abstuleritis obseruantibus etiam oculos. itaque non ego uobis ut indicem praedas uestras, sed uos id cogendi estis ut in medium proferatis.'

6.16.1cum mittere ambages dictator iuberet et aut peragere uerum indicium cogeret aut fateri facinus insimulati falso crimine senatus oblataeque uani furti inuidiae, negantem arbitrio inimicorum se locuturum in uincla duci iussit.

6.16.2arreptus a uiatore 'Iuppiter' inquit, 'optime maxime Iunoque regina ac Minerua ceterique di deaeque, qui Capitolium arcemque incolitis, sicine uestrum militem ac praesidem sinitis uexari ab inimicis? haec dextra, qua Gallos fudi a delubris uestris,

6.16.3iam in uinclis et catenis erit?' nullius nec oculi nec aures indignitatem ferebant; sed inuicta sibi quaedam patientissima iusti imperii ciuitas fecerat, nec aduersus dictatoriam uim aut tribuni plebis aut ipsa plebs attollere oculos aut hiscere audebant.

6.16.4coniecto in carcerem Manlio satis constat magnam partem plebis uestem mutasse, multos mortales capillum ac barbam promisisse, obuersatamque uestibulo carceris maestam turbam.

6.16.5dictator de Uolscis triumphauit, inuidiaeque magis triumphus quam gloriae fuit; quippe domi non militiae partum eum actumque de ciue non de hoste fremebant: unum defuisse tantum superbiae, quod non M. Manlius ante currum sit ductus.

6.16.6iamque haud procul seditione res erat; cuius leniendae causa postulante nullo largitor uoluntarius repente senatus factus Satricum coloniam duo milia ciuium Romanorum deduci iussit. bina iugera et semisses agri adsignati;

6.16.7quod cum et paruum et paucis datum et mercedem esse prodendi M. Manli interpretarentur, remedio inritatur seditio.

6.16.8et iam magis insignis et sordibus et facie reorum turba Manliana erat, amotusque post triumphum abdicatione dictaturae terror et linguam et animos liberauerat hominum.

6.17.1audiebantur itaque propalam uoces exprobrantium multitudini, quod defensores suos semper in praecipitem locum fauore tollat, deinde in ipso discrimine periculi destituat:

6.17.2sic Sp. Cassium in agros plebem uocantem, sic Sp. Maelium ab ore ciuium famem suis impensis propulsantem oppressos, sic M. Manlium mersam et obrutam fenore partem ciuitatis in libertatem ac lucem extrahentem proditum inimicis;

6.17.3saginare plebem populares suos ut iugulentur. hocine patiendum fuisse, si ad nutum dictatoris non responderit uir consularis? fingerent mentitum ante atque ideo non habuisse quod tum responderet; cui seruo unquam mendacii poenam uincula fuisse?

6.17.4non obuersatam esse memoriam noctis illius quae paene ultima atque aeterna nomini Romano fuerit? non speciem agminis Gallorum per Tarpeiam rupem scandentis? non ipsius M. Manli , qualem eum armatum, plenum sudoris ac sanguinis ipso paene Ioue erepto ex hostium manibus uidissent?

6.17.5selibrisne farris gratiam seruatori patriae relatam? et quem prope caelestem, cognomine certe Capitolino Ioui parem fecerint eum pati uinctum in carcere, in tenebris obnoxiam carnificis arbitrio ducere animam? adeo in uno omnibus satis auxilii fuisse, nullam opem in tam multis uni esse?

6.17.6iam ne nocte quidem turba ex eo loco dilabebatur refracturosque carcerem minabantur, cum remisso quod erepturi erant ex senatus consulto Manlius uinculis liberatur; quo facto non seditio finita sed dux seditioni datus est.

6.17.7per eosdem dies Latinis et Hernicis, simul colonis Circeiensibus et a Uelitris, purgantibus se Uolsci crimine belli captiuosque repetentibus ut suis legibus in eos animaduerterent, tristia responsa reddita, tristiora colonis quod ciues Romani patriae oppugnandae nefanda consilia inissent.

6.17.8non negatum itaque tantum de captiuis sed, in quo ab sociis tamen temperauerant, denuntiatum senatus uerbis facesserent propere ex urbe ab ore atque oculis populi Romani, ne nihil eos legationis ius externo, non ciui comparatum tegeret.

6.18.1recrudescente Manliana seditione sub exitum anni comitia habita creatique tribuni militum consulari potestate Ser. Cornelius Maluginensis iterum P. Ualerius Potitus iterum M. Furius Camillus quintum Ser. Sulpicius Rufus iterum C. Papirius Crassus T. Quinctius Cincinnatus iterum.

6.18.2cuius principio anni et patribus et plebi peropportune externa pax data: plebi, quod non auocata dilectu spem cepit, dum tam potentem haberet ducem, fenoris expugnandi: patribus, ne quo externo terrore auocarentur animi ab sanandis domesticis malis.

6.18.3igitur cum pars utraque acrior aliquanto coorta esset, iam propinquum certamen aderat. et Manlius aduocata domum plebe cum principibus nouandarum rerum interdiu noctuque consilia agitat, plenior aliquanto animorum irarumque quam antea fuerat.

6.18.4iram accenderat ignominia recens in animo ad contumeliam inexperto: spiritus dabat, quod nec ausus esset idem in se dictator quod in Sp. Maelio Cincinnatus Quinctius fecisset, et uinculorum suorum inuidiam non dictator modo abdicando dictaturam fugisset sed ne senatus quidem sustinere potuisset.

6.18.5his simul inflatus exacerbatusque iam per se accensos incitabat plebis animos. 'quousque tandem ignorabitis uires uestras, quas natura ne beluas quidem ignorare uoluit? numerate saltem quot ipsi sitis, quot aduersarios habeatis. quot enim clientes circa singulos fuistis patronos, tot nunc aduersus unum hostem eritis.

6.18.6si singuli singulos adgressuri essetis, tamen acrius crederem uos pro libertate quam illos pro dominatione certaturos.

6.18.7ostendite modo bellum; pacem habebitis. uideant uos paratos ad uim; ius ipsi remittent. audendum est aliquid uniuersis aut omnia singulis patienda.

6.18.8quousque me circumspectabitis? ego quidem nulli uestrum deero; ne fortuna mea desit uidete. ipse uindex uester, ubi uisum inimicis est, nullus repente fui, et uidistis in uincula duci uniuersi eum qui a singulis uobis uincula depuleram.

6.18.9quid sperem, si plus in me audeant inimici? an exitum Cassi Maelique exspectem? bene facitis quod abominamini. di prohibebunt haec; sed nunquam propter me de caelo descendent; uobis dent mentem oportet ut prohibeatis, sicut mihi dederunt armato togatoque ut uos a barbaris hostibus, a superbis defenderem ciuibus.

6.18.10tam paruus animus tanti populi est ut semper uobis auxilium aduersus inimicos satis sit nec ullum, nisi quatenus imperari uobis sinatis, certamen aduersus patres noritis? nec hoc natura insitum uobis est, sed usu possidemini.

6.18.11cur enim aduersus externos tantum animorum geritis ut imperare illis aequum censeatis? quia consuestis cum eis pro imperio certare, aduersus hos temptare magis quam tueri libertatem.

6.18.12tamen, qualescumque duces habuistis, qualescumque ipsi fuistis, omnia adhuc quantacumque petistis obtinuistis, seu ui seu fortuna uestra.

6.18.13tempus est etiam maiora conari. experimini modo et uestram felicitatem et me, ut spero, feliciter expertum; minore negotio qui imperet patribus imponetis quam qui resisterent imperantibus imposuistis.

6.18.14solo aequandae sunt dictaturae consulatusque, ut caput attollere Romana plebes possit. proinde adeste; prohibete ius de pecuniis dici. ego me patronum profiteor plebis, quod mihi cura mea et fides nomen induit:

6.18.15uos si quo insigni magis imperii honorisue nomine uestrum appellabitis ducem, eo utemini potentiore ad obtinenda ea quae uoltis.'

6.18.16inde de regno agendi ortum initium dicitur; sed nec cum quibus nec quem ad finem consilia peruenerint, satis planum traditur.

6.19.1at in parte altera senatus de secessione in domum priuatam plebis, forte etiam in arce positam, et imminenti mole libertate agitat.

6.19.2magna pars uociferantur Seruilio Ahala opus esse, qui non in uincla duci iubendo inritet publicum hostem sed unius iactura ciuis finiat intestinum bellum.

6.19.3decurritur ad leniorem uerbis sententiam, uim tamen eandem habentem, ut uideant magistratus ne quid ex perniciosis consiliis M. Manli res publica detrimenti capiat.

6.19.4tum tribuni consulari potestate tribunique plebi—nam et <ei>, quia eundem [et] suae potestatis, quem libertatis omnium, finem cernebant, patrum auctoritati se dediderant—hi tum omnes quid opus facto sit consultant.

6.19.5cum praeter uim et caedem nihil cuiquam occurreret, eam autem ingentis dimicationis fore appareret, tum M. Menenius et Q. Publilius tribuni plebis:

6.19.6'quid patrum et plebis certamen facimus, quod ciuitatis esse aduersus unum pestiferum ciuem debet? quid cum plebe adgredimur eum quem per ipsam plebem tutius adgredi est ut suis ipse oneratus uiribus ruat?

6.19.7diem dicere ei nobis in animo est. nihil minus populare quam regnum est. simul multitudo illa non secum certari uiderint et ex aduocatis iudices facti erunt et accusatores de plebe patricium reum intuebuntur et regni crimen in medio, nulli magis quam libertati fauebunt suae.'

6.20.1adprobantibus cunctis diem Manlio dicunt. quod ubi est factum, primo commota plebs est,

6.20.2utique postquam sordidatum reum uiderunt nec cum eo non modo patrum quemquam sed ne cognatos quidem aut adfines, postremo ne fratres quidem A. et T. Manlios , quod ad eum diem nunquam usu uenisset, ut in tanto discrimine non et proximi uestem mutarent:

6.20.3Ap. Claudio in uincula ducto C. Claudium inimicum Claudiamque omnem gentem sordidatam fuisse; consensu opprimi popularem uirum, quod primus a patribus ad plebem defecisset.

6.20.4cum dies uenit, quae praeter coetus multitudinis seditiosasque uoces et largitionem et fallax indicium pertinentia proprie ad regni crimen ab accusatoribus obiecta sint reo, apud neminem auctorem inuenio;

6.20.5nec dubito haud parua fuisse, cum damnandi mora plebi non in causa sed in loco fuerit. illud notandum uidetur, ut sciant homines quae et quanta decora foeda cupiditas regni non ingrata solum sed inuisa etiam reddiderit:

6.20.6homines prope quadringentos produxisse dicitur, quibus sine fenore expensas pecunias tulisset, quorum bona uenire, quos duci addictos prohibuisset;

6.20.7ad haec decora quoque belli non commemorasse tantum sed protulisse etiam conspicienda, spolia hostium caesorum ad triginta, dona imperatorum ad quadraginta, in quibus insignes duas murales coronas, ciuicas octo;

6.20.8ad hoc seruatos ex hostibus ciues [produxit], inter quos C. Seruilium magistrum equitum absentem nominatum; et cum ea quoque quae bello gesta essent pro fastigio rerum oratione etiam magnifica, facta dictis aequando, memorasset, nudasse pectus

6.20.9insigne cicatricibus bello acceptis et identidem Capitolium spectans Iouem deosque alios deuocasse ad auxilium fortunarum suarum precatusque esse ut, quam mentem sibi Capitolinam arcem protegenti ad salutem populi Romani dedissent, eam populo Romano in suo discrimine darent, et orasse singulos uniuersosque ut Capitolium atque arcem intuentes, ut ad deos immortales uersi de se iudicarent.

6.20.10in campo Martio cum centuriatim populus citaretur et reus ad Capitolium manus tendens ab hominibus ad deos preces auertisset, apparuit tribunis, nisi oculos quoque hominum liberassent tanti memoria decoris, nunquam fore in praeoccupatis beneficio animis uero crimini locum.

6.20.11ita prodicta die in Petelinum lucum extra portam Flumentanam, unde conspectus in Capitolium non esset, concilium populi indictum est. ibi crimen ualuit et obstinatis animis triste iudicium inuisumque etiam iudicibus factum.

6.20.12sunt qui per duumuiros, qui de perduellione anquirerent creatos, auctores sint damnatum. tribuni de saxo Tarpeio deiecerunt locusque idem in uno nomine et eximiae gloriae monumentum et poenae ultimae fuit.

6.20.13adiectae mortuo notae sunt: publica una, quod, cum domus eius fuisset ubi nunc aedes atque officina Monetae est, latum ad populum est ne quis patricius in arce aut Capitolio habitaret;

6.20.14gentilicia altera, quod gentis Manliae decreto cautum est ne quis deinde M. Manlius uocaretur. hunc exitum habuit uir, nisi in libera ciuitate natus esset, memorabilis.

6.20.15populum breui, postquam periculum ab eo nullum erat, per se ipsas recordantem uirtutes desiderium eius tenuit. pestilentia etiam breui consecuta nullis occurrentibus tantae cladis causis ex Manliano supplicio magnae parti uideri orta:

6.20.16uiolatum Capitolium esse sanguine seruatoris nec dis cordi fuisse poenam eius oblatam prope oculis suis, a quo sua templa erepta e manibus hostium essent.

6.21.1pestilentiam inopia frugum et uolgatam utriusque mali famam anno insequente multiplex bellum excepit, L. Ualerio quartum A. Manlio tertium Ser. Sulpicio tertium L. Lucretio L. Aemilio tertium M. Trebonio tribunis militum consulari potestate.

6.21.2hostes noui praeter Uolscos, uelut sorte quadam prope in aeternum exercendo Romano militi datos, Circeiosque et Uelitras colonias, iam diu molientes defectionem, et suspectum Latium Lanuuini etiam, quae fidelissima urbs fuerat, subito exorti.

6.21.3id patres rati contemptu accidere, quod Ueliternis ciuibus suis tam diu impunita defectio esset, decreuerunt ut primo quoque tempore ad populum ferretur de bello eis indicendo.

6.21.4ad quam militiam quo paratior plebes esset, quinqueuiros Pomptino agro diuidendo et triumuiros Nepete coloniae deducendae creauerunt.

6.21.5tum, ut bellum iuberent, latum ad populum est et nequiquam dissuadentibus tribunis plebis omnes tribus bellum iusserunt.

6.21.6apparatum eo anno bellum est, exercitus propter pestilentiam non eductus, eaque cunctatio colonis spatium dederat deprecandi senatum; et magna hominum pars eo ut legatio supplex Romam mitteretur inclinabat,

6.21.7ni priuato, ut fit, periculo publicum implicitum esset auctoresque defectionis ab Romanis metu, ne soli crimini subiecti piacula irae Romanorum dederentur, auertissent colonias a consiliis pacis.

6.21.8neque in senatu solum per eos legatio impedita est sed magna pars plebis incitata ut praedatum in agrum Romanum exirent. haec noua iniuria exturbauit omnem spem pacis.

6.21.9de Praenestinorum quoque defectione eo anno primum fama exorta; arguentibusque eos Tusculanis et Gabinis et Labicanis, quorum in fines incursatum erat, ita placide ab senatu responsum est ut minus credi de criminibus, quia nollent ea uera esse, appareret.

6.22.1insequenti anno Sp. et L. Papirii noui tribuni militum consulari potestate Uelitras legiones duxere, quattuor collegis Ser. Cornelio Maluginensi tertium Q. Seruilio C. Sulpicio L. Aemilio quartum tribunis ad praesidium urbis et si qui ex Etruria noui motus nuntiarentur—omnia enim inde suspecta erant—relictis.

Book 6, Part 4

6.22.2ad Uelitras aduersus maiora paene auxilia Praenestinorum quam ipsam colonorum multitudinem secundo proelio pugnatum est ita ut propinquitas urbis hosti et causa maturioris fugae et unum ex fuga receptaculum esset.

6.22.3oppidi oppugnatione tribuni abstinuere, quia et anceps erat nec in perniciem coloniae pugnandum censebant. litterae Romam ad senatum cum uictoriae nuntiis acriores in Praenestinum quam in Ueliternum hostem missae.

6.22.4itaque ex senatus consulto populique iussu bellum Praenestinis indictum; qui coniuncti Uolscis anno insequente Satricum, coloniam populi Romani, pertinaciter a colonis defensam, ui expugnarunt foedeque in captis exercuere uictoriam.

6.22.5eam rem aegre passi Romani M. Furium Camillum sextum tribunum militum creauere. additi collegae A. et L. Postumii Regillenses ac L. Furius cum L. Lucretio et M. Fabio Ambusto .

6.22.6Uolscum bellum M. Furio extra ordinem decretum; adiutor ex tribunis sorte L. Furius datur, non tam e re publica quam ut collegae materia ad omnem laudem esset et publice, quod rem temeritate eius prolapsam restituit et priuatim, quod ex errore gratiam potius eius sibi quam suam gloriam petiit.

6.22.7exactae iam aetatis Camillus erat, comitiisque iurare parato in uerba excusandae ualetudini solita consensus populi restiterat; sed uegetum ingenium in uiuido pectore uigebat uirebatque integris sensibus, et ciuiles iam res haud magnopere obeuntem bella excitabant.

6.22.8quattuor legionibus quaternum milium scriptis, exercitu indicto ad portam Esquilinam in posteram diem ad Satricum profectus. ibi eum expugnatores coloniae haudquaquam perculsi, fidentes militum numero quo aliquantum praestabant, opperiebantur.

6.22.9postquam appropinquare Romanos senserunt, extemplo in aciem procedunt nihil dilaturi quin periculum summae rerum facerent: ita paucitati hostium nihil artes imperatoris unici, quibus solis confiderent, profuturas esse.

6.23.1idem ardor et in Romano exercitu erat et in altero duce, nec praesentis dimicationis fortunam ulla res praeterquam unius uiri consilium atque imperium morabatur, qui occasionem iuuandarum ratione uirium trahendo bello quaerebat.

6.23.2eo magis hostis instare nec iam pro castris tantum suis explicare aciem sed procedere in medium campi et uallo prope hostium signa inferendo superbam fiduciam uirium ostentare.

6.23.3id aegre patiebatur Romanus miles, multo aegrius alter ex tribunis militum, L. Furius , ferox cum aetate et ingenio, tum multitudinis ex incertissimo sumentis animos spe inflatus.

6.23.4hic per se iam milites incitatos insuper instigabat eleuando, qua una poterat, aetate auctoritatem collegae, iuuenibus bella data dictitans et cum corporibus uigere et deflorescere animos;

6.23.5cunctatorem ex acerrimo bellatore factum et, qui adueniens castra urbesque primo impetu rapere sit solitus, eum residem intra uallum tempus terere, quid accessurum suis decessurumue hostium uiribus sperantem?

6.23.6quam occasionem, quod tempus, quem insidiis instruentem locum?

6.23.7frigere ac torpere senis consilia. sed Camillo cum uitae satis tum gloriae esse; quid attinere cum mortali corpore uno ciuitatis quam immortalem esse deceat pati consenescere uires?

6.23.8his sermonibus tota in se auerterat castra; et cum omnibus locis posceretur pugna, 'sustinere' inquit, ' M. Furi , non possumus impetum militum, et hostis, cuius animos cunctando auximus, iam minime toleranda superbia insultat; cede unus omnibus et patere te uinci consilio ut maturius bello uincas'.

6.23.9ad ea Camillus, quae bella suo unius auspicio gesta ad eam diem essent, negare in eis neque se neque populum Romanum aut consilii sui aut fortunae paenituisse; nunc scire se collegam habere iure imperioque parem, uigore aetatis praestantem;

6.23.10itaque se quod ad exercitum attineat, regere consuesse, non regi: collegae imperium se non posse impedire. dis bene iuuantibus ageret quod e re publica duceret:

6.23.11aetati suae se ueniam etiam petere ne in prima acie esset. quae senis munia in bello sint, iis se non defuturum: id a dis immortalibus precari ne qui casus suum consilium laudabile efficiat.

6.23.12nec ab hominibus salutaris sententia nec a dis tam piae preces auditae sunt. primam aciem auctor pugnae instruit, subsidia Camillus firmat ualidamque stationem pro castris opponit; ipse edito loco spectator intentus in euentum alieni consilii constitit.

6.24.1simul primo concursu concrepuere arma, hostis dolo non metu pedem rettulit.

6.24.2lenis ab tergo cliuus erat inter aciem et castra; et, quod multitudo suppeditabat, aliquot ualidas cohortes in castris armatas instructasque reliquerant, quae inter commissum iam certamen, ubi uallo appropinquasset hostis, erumperent.

6.24.3Romanus cedentem hostem effuse sequendo in locum iniquum pertractus opportunus huic eruptioni fuit; uersus itaque in uictorem terror et nouo hoste et supina ualle Romanam inclinauit aciem.

6.24.4instant Uolsci recentes qui e castris impetum fecerant; integrant et illi pugnam qui simulata cesserant fuga. iam non recipiebat se Romanus miles sed immemor recentis ferociae ueterisque decoris terga passim dabat atque effuso cursu castra repetebat,

6.24.5cum Camillus subiectus ab circumstantibus in equum et raptim subsidiis oppositis 'haec est' inquit, 'milites, pugna quam poposcistis? quis homo, quis deus est, quem accusare possitis? uestra illa temeritas, uestra ignauia haec est.

6.24.6secuti alium ducem sequimini nunc Camillum et quod ductu meo soletis uincite. quid uallum et castra spectatis? neminem uestrum illa nisi uictorem receptura sunt'.

6.24.7pudor primo tenuit effusos; inde, ut circumagi signa obuertique aciem uiderunt in hostem et dux, praeterquam quod tot insignis triumphis, etiam aetate uenerabilis inter prima signa ubi plurimus labor periculumque erat se offerebat, increpare singuli se quisque et alios, et adhortatio in uicem totam alacri clamore peruasit aciem.

6.24.8neque alter tribunus rei defuit sed missus a collega restituente peditum aciem ad equites, non castigando—ad quam rem leuiorem auctorem eum culpae societas fecerat—sed ab imperio totus ad preces uersus orare singulos uniuersosque ut se reum fortunae eius diei crimine eximerent:

6.24.9'abnuente ac prohibente collega temeritati me omnium potius socium quam unius prudentiae dedi. Camillus in utraque uestra fortuna suam gloriam uidet; ego, ni restituitur pugna, quod miserrimum est, fortunam cum omnibus, infamiam solus sentiam.'

6.24.10optimum uisum est in fluctuante acie tradi equos et pedestri pugna inuadere hostem. eunt insignes armis animisque qua premi parte maxime peditum copias uident. nihil neque apud duces neque apud milites remittitur a summo certamine animi.

6.24.11sensit ergo euentus uirtutis enixae opem et Uolsci, qua modo simulato metu cesserant, ea in ueram fugam effusi, magna pars et in ipso certamine et post in fuga caesi, ceteri in castris quae capta eodem impetu sunt; plures tamen capti quam occisi.

6.25.1ubi in recensendis captiuis cum Tusculani aliquot noscitarentur, secreti ab aliis ad tribunos adducuntur percontantibusque fassi publico consilio se militasse.

6.25.2cuius tam uicini belli metu Camillus motus extemplo se Romam captiuos ducturum ait, ne patres ignari sint Tusculanos ab societate descisse: castris exercituique interim, si uideatur, praesit collega.

6.25.3documento unus dies fuerat, ne sua consilia melioribus praeferret; nec tamen aut ipsi aut in exercitu cuiquam satis placato animo Camillus laturus culpam eius uidebatur, qua data in tam praecipitem casum res publica esset;

6.25.4et cum in exercitu tum Romae constans omnium fama erat, cum uaria fortuna in Uolscis gesta res esset, aduersae pugnae fugaeque in L. Furio culpam, secundae decus omne penes M. Furium esse.

6.25.5introductis in senatum captiuis cum bello persequendos Tusculanos patres censuissent Camilloque id bellum mandassent, adiutorem sibi ad eam rem unum petit, permissoque ut ex collegis optaret quem uellet contra spem omnium L. Furium optauit;

6.25.6qua moderatione animi cum collegae leuauit infamiam tum sibi gloriam ingentem peperit. nec fuit cum Tusculanis bellum: pace constanti uim Romanam arcuerunt quam armis non poterant.

6.25.7intrantibus fines Romanis non demigratum ex propinquis itineri locis, non cultus agrorum intermissus; patentibus portis urbis togati obuiam frequentes imperatoribus processere; commeatus exercitui comiter in castra ex urbe et ex agris deuehitur.

6.25.8Camillus castris ante portas positis, eademne forma pacis quae in agris ostentaretur etiam intra moenia esset scire cupiens,

6.25.9ingressus urbem ubi patentes ianuas et tabernis apertis proposita omnia in medio uidit intentosque opifices suo quemque operi et ludos litterarum strepere discentium uocibus ac repletas semitas inter uolgus aliud puerorum et mulierum huc atque illuc euntium qua quemque suorum usuum causae ferrent,

6.25.10nihil usquam non pauidis modo sed ne mirantibus quidem simile, circumspiciebat omnia, inquirens oculis ubinam bellum fuisset;

6.25.11adeo nec amotae rei usquam nec oblatae ad tempus uestigium ullum erat sed ita omnia constanti tranquilla pace ut eo uix fama belli perlata uideri posset.

6.26.1uictus igitur patientia hostium senatum eorum uocari iussit. 'soli adhuc' inquit, 'Tusculani, uera arma uerasque uires quibus ab ira Romanorum uestra tutaremini inuenistis.

6.26.2ite Romam ad senatum; aestimabunt patres utrum plus ante poenae an nunc ueniae meriti sitis. non praecipiam gratiam publici beneficii; deprecandi potestatem a me habueritis; precibus euentum uestris senatus quem uidebitur dabit.'

6.26.3postquam Romam Tusculani uenerunt senatusque paulo ante fidelium sociorum maestus in uestibulo curiae est conspectus, moti extemplo patres uocari eos iam tum hospitaliter magis quam hostiliter iussere.

6.26.4dictator Tusculanus ita uerba fecit: 'quibus bellum indixistis intulistisque, patres conscripti, sicut nunc uidetis nos stantes in uestibulo curiae uestrae, ita armati paratique obuiam imperatoribus legionibusque uestris processimus.

6.26.5hic noster, hic plebis nostrae habitus fuit eritque semper, nisi si quando a uobis proque uobis arma acceperimus. gratias agimus et ducibus uestris et exercitibus, quod oculis magis quam auribus crediderunt et ubi nihil hostile erat ne ipsi quidem fecerunt.

6.26.6pacem, quam nos praestitimus, eam a uobis petimus; bellum eo, sicubi est, auertatis precamur; in nos quid arma polleant uestra, si patiendo experiundum est, inermes experiemur. haec mens nostra est—di immortales faciant—tam felix quam pia.

6.26.7quod ad crimina attinet quibus moti bellum indixistis, etsi reuicta rebus uerbis confutare nihil attinet, tamen, etiamsi uera sint, uel fateri nobis ea, cum tam euidenter paenituerit, tutum censemus. peccetur in uos, dum digni sitis quibus ita satisfiat'.

6.26.8tantum fere uerborum ab Tusculanis factum. pacem in praesentia nec ita multo post ciuitatem etiam impetrauerunt. ab Tusculo legiones reductae.

6.27.1Camillus, consilio et uirtute in Uolsco bello, felicitate in Tusculana expeditione, utrobique singulari aduersus collegam patientia et moderatione insignis,

6.27.2magistratu abiit creatis tribunis militaribus in insequentem annum L. et P. Ualeriis —Lucio quintum, Publio tertium—[et] C. Sergio tertium Licinio† Menenio iterum P. Papirio Ser. Cornelio Maluginense .

6.27.3censoribus quoque eguit annus, maxime propter incertam famam aeris alieni, adgrauantibus summam etiam inuidiae eius tribunis plebis, cum ab iis eleuaretur quibus fide magis quam fortuna debentium laborare creditum uideri expediebat.

6.27.4creati censores C. Sulpicius Camerinus Sp. Postumius Regillensis , coeptaque iam res morte Postumi, quia collegam suffici censori religio erat, interpellata est.

6.27.5igitur cum Sulpicius abdicasset se magistratu, censores alii uitio creati non gesserunt magistratum; tertios creari uelut dis non accipientibus in eum annum censuram religiosum fuit.

6.27.6eam uero ludificationem plebis tribuni ferendam negabant: fugere senatum testes tabulas publicas census cuiusque, quia nolint conspici summam aeris alieni, quae indicatura sit demersam partem a parte ciuitatis, cum interim obaeratam plebem obiectari aliis atque aliis hostibus;

6.27.7passim iam sine ullo discrimine bella quaeri: ab Antio Satricum, ab Satrico Uelitras, inde Tusculum legiones ductas; Latinis Hernicis Praenestinis iam intentari arma ciuium magis quam hostium odio, ut in armis terant plebem nec respirare in urbe aut per otium libertatis meminisse sinant aut consistere in contione, ubi aliquando audiant uocem tribuniciam de leuando fenore et finem aliarum iniuriarum agentem.

6.27.8quod si sit animus plebi memor patrum libertatis, se nec addici quemquam ciuem Romanum ob creditam pecuniam passuros neque dilectum haberi, donec inspecto aere alieno initaque ratione minuendi eius sciat unus quisque quid sui, quid alieni sit, supersit sibi liberum corpus an id quoque neruo debeatur.

6.27.9merces seditionis proposita confestim seditionem excitauit. nam et addicebantur multi, et ad Praenestini famam belli nouas legiones scribendas patres censuerant; quae utraque simul auxilio tribunicio et consensu plebis impediri coepta;

6.27.10nam neque duci addictos tribuni sinebant neque iuniores nomina dabant. cum patribus minor <in> praesens cura creditae pecuniae iuris exsequendi quam dilectus esset —quippe iam a Praeneste profectos hostes in agro Gabino

6.27.11consedisse nuntiabatur—interim tribunos plebis fama ea ipsa inritauerat magis ad susceptum certamen quam deterruerat neque aliud ad seditionem exstinguendam in urbe quam prope inlatum moenibus ipsis bellum ualuit.

6.28.1nam cum esset Praenestinis nuntiatum nullum exercitum conscriptum Romae, nullum ducem certum esse, patres ac plebem in semet ipsos uersos,

6.28.2occasionem rati duces eorum raptim agmine facto, peruastatis protinus agris ad portam Collinam signa intulere.

6.28.3ingens in urbe trepidatio fuit. conclamatum 'ad arma', concursumque in muros adque portas est; tandemque ab seditione ad bellum uersi dictatorem T. Quinctium Cincinnatum creauere.

6.28.4is magistrum equitum A. Sempronium Atratinum dixit. quod ubi auditum est— tantus eius magistratus terror erat—simul hostes a moenibus recessere et iuniores Romani ad edictum sine retractatione conuenere.

6.28.5dum conscribitur Romae exercitus, castra interim hostium haud procul Allia flumine posita; inde agrum late populantes, fatalem se urbi Romanae locum cepisse inter se iactabant;

6.28.6similem pauorem inde ac fugam fore ac bello Gallico fuerit; etenim si diem contactum religione insignemque nomine eius loci timeant Romani, quanto magis Alliensi die Alliam ipsam, monumentum tantae cladis, reformidaturos? species profecto iis ibi truces Gallorum sonumque uocis in oculis atque auribus fore.

6.28.7has inanium rerum inanes ipsas uoluentes cogitationes fortunae loci delegauerant spes suas. Romani contra, ubicumque esset Latinus hostis, satis scire eum esse quem ad Regillum lacum deuictum centum annorum pace obnoxia tenuerint:

6.28.8locum insignem memoria cladis inritaturum se potius ad delendam memoriam dedecoris quam ut timorem faciat, ne qua terra sit nefasta uictoriae suae;

6.28.9quin ipsi sibi Galli si offerantur illo loco, se ita pugnaturos ut Romae pugnauerint in repetenda patria ut postero die ad Gabios, tunc cum effecerint ne quis hostis qui moenia Romana intrasset nuntium secundae aduersaeque fortunae domum perferret.

6.29.1his utrimque animis ad Alliam uentum est. dictator Romanus, postquam in conspectu hostes erant instructi intentique, 'uidesne tu' inquit, ' A. Semproni , loci fortuna illos fretos ad Alliam constitisse? nec illis di immortales certioris quicquam fiduciae maiorisue quod sit auxilii dederint.

6.29.2at tu, fretus armis animisque, concitatis equis inuade mediam aciem; ego cum legionibus in turbatos trepidantesque inferam signa. adeste, di testes foederis, et expetite poenas debitas simul uobis uiolatis nobisque per uestrum numen deceptis.' non equitem, non peditem sustinuere Praenestini.

6.29.3primo impetu ac clamore dissipati ordines sunt dein, postquam nullo loco constabat acies, terga uertunt consternatique et praeter castra etiam sua pauore praelati non prius se ab effuso cursu sistunt quam in conspectu Praeneste fuit.

6.29.4ibi ex fuga dissipati locum quem tumultuario opere communirent capiunt, ne, si intra moenia se recepissent, extemplo ureretur ager depopulatisque omnibus obsidio urbi inferretur.

6.29.5sed postquam direptis ad Alliam castris uictor Romanus aderat, id quoque munimentum relictum; et uix moenia tuta rati oppido se Praeneste includunt.

6.29.6octo praeterea oppida erant sub dicione Praenestinorum. ad ea circumlatum bellum deincepsque haud magno certamine captis Uelitras exercitus ductus; eae quoque expugnatae.

6.29.7tum ad caput belli Praeneste uentum.

Book 6, Part 5

6.29.8id non ui sed per deditionem receptum est. T. Quinctius , semel acie uictor, binis castris hostium, nouem oppidis ui captis, Praeneste in deditionem accepto Romam reuertit triumphansque signum Praeneste deuectum Iouis Imperatoris in Capitolium tulit.

6.29.9dedicatum est inter cellam Iouis ac Mineruae tabulaque sub eo fixa, monumentum rerum gestarum, his ferme incisa litteris fuit: 'Iuppiter atque diui omnes hoc dederunt

6.29.10ut T. Quinctius dictator oppida nouem caperet'. die uicesimo quam creatus erat dictatura se abdicauit.

6.30.1comitia inde habita tribunorum militum consulari potestate, quibus aequatus patriciorum plebeiorumque numerus.

6.30.2ex patribus creati P. et C. Manlii cum L. Iulio ; plebes C. Sextilium M. Albinium L. Antistium dedit. Manliis, quod genere plebeios,

6.30.3gratia Iulium anteibant, Uolsci prouincia sine sorte, sine comparatione, extra ordinem data; cuius et ipsos postmodo et patres qui dederant paenituit.

6.30.4inexplorato pabulatum cohortes misere; quibus uelut circumuentis, cum id falso nuntiatum esset, dum praesidio ut essent citati feruntur, ne auctore quidem adseruato qui eos hostis Latinus pro milite Romano frustratus erat ipsi in insidias praecipitauere.

6.30.5ibi dum iniquo loco sola uirtute militum restantes caedunt caedunturque, castra interim Romana iacentia in campo ab altera parte hostes inuasere.

6.30.6ab ducibus utrobique proditae temeritate atque inscitia res; quidquid superfuit Fortunae populi Romani, id militum etiam sine rectore stabilis uirtus tutata est.

6.30.7quae ubi Romam sunt relata, primum dictatorem dici placebat; deinde, postquam quietae res ex Uolscis adferebantur et apparuit nescire eos uictoria et tempore uti, reuocati etiam inde exercitus ac duces;

6.30.8otiumque inde, quantum a Uolscis, fuisset; id modo extremo anno tumultuatum quod Praenestini concitatis Latinorum populis rebellarunt.

6.30.9eodem anno Setiam ipsis querentibus penuriam hominum noui coloni adscripti; rebusque haud prosperis bello domestica quies, quam tribunorum militum ex plebe gratia maiestasque inter suos obtinuit, solacium fuit.

6.31.1insequentis anni principia statim seditione ingenti arsere tribunis militum consulari potestate Sp. Furio Q. Seruilio iterum Licinio† Menenio tertium P. Cloelio M. Horatio L. Geganio .

6.31.2erat autem et materia et causa seditionis aes alienum; cuius noscendi gratia Sp. Seruilius Priscus Q. Cloelius Siculus censores facti ne rem agerent bello impediti sunt;

6.31.3namque trepidi nuntii primo, fuga deinde ex agris legiones Uolscorum ingressas fines popularique passim Romanum agrum attulere.

6.31.4in qua trepidatione tantum afuit ut ciuilia certamina terror externus cohiberet, ut contra eo uiolentior potestas tribunicia impediendo dilectu esset, donec condiciones impositae patribus ne quis, quoad bellatum esset, tributum daret aut ius de pecunia credita diceret.

6.31.5eo laxamento plebi sumpto mora dilectui non est facta. legionibus nouis scriptis placuit duos exercitus in agrum Uolscum legionibus diuisis duci. Sp. Furius M. Horatius dextrorsus <in> maritimam oram atque Antium, Q. Seruilius et L. Geganius laeua ad montes <et> Ecetram pergunt.

6.31.6neutra parte hostis obuius [fuit]. populatio itaque non illi uagae similis quam Uolscus latrocinii more, discordiae hostium fretus et uirtutem metuens, per trepidationem raptim fecerat sed ab iusto exercitu iusta ira facta, spatio quoque temporis grauior.

6.31.7quippe a Uolscis timentibus ne interim exercitus ab Roma exiret incursiones in extrema finium factae erant; Romano contra etiam in hostico morandi causa [erat], ut hostem ad certamen eliceret.

6.31.8itaque omnibus passim tectis agrorum uicisque etiam quibusdam exustis, non arbore frugifera, non satis in spem frugum relictis, omni quae extra moenia fuit hominum pecudumque praeda abacta Romam utrimque exercitus reducti.

6.32.1paruo interuallo ad respirandum debitoribus dato, postquam quietae res ab hostibus erant, celebrari de integro iuris dictio et tantum abesse spes ueteris leuandi fenoris, ut tributo nouum fenus contraheretur in murum a censoribus locatum saxo quadrato faciundum;

6.32.2cui succumbere oneri coacta plebes, quia quem dilectum impedirent non habebant tribuni plebis.

6.32.3tribunos etiam militares patricios omnes coacta principum opibus fecit, L. Aemilium P. Ualerium quartum C. Ueturium Ser. Sulpicium L. et C. Quinctios Cincinnatos .

6.32.4iisdem opibus obtinuere ut aduersus Latinos Uolscosque, qui coniunctis legionibus ad Satricum castra habebant, nullo impediente omnibus iunioribus sacramento adactis tres exercitus scriberent:

6.32.5unum ad praesidium urbis: alterum qui, si qui alibi motus exstitisset, ad subita belli mitti posset: tertium longe ualidissimum P. Ualerius et L. Aemilius ad Satricum duxere.

6.32.6ubi cum aciem instructam hostium loco aequo inuenissent, extemplo pugnatum; et ut nondum satis claram uictoriam, sic prosperae spei pugnam imber ingentibus procellis fusus diremit.

6.32.7postero die iterata pugna; et aliquamdiu aequa uirtute fortunaque Latinae maxime legiones longa societate militiam Romanam edoctae restabant.

6.32.8sed eques immissus ordines turbauit; turbatis signa peditum inlata, quantumque Romana se inuexit acies, tantum hostes gradu demoti; et ut semel inclinauit pugna, iam intolerabilis Romana uis erat.

6.32.9fusi hostes cum Satricum, quod duo milia inde aberat, non castra peterent, ab equite maxime caesi: castra capta direptaque.

6.32.10ab Satrico nocte quae proelio proxima fuit, fugae simili agmine petunt Antium; et cum Romanus exercitus prope uestigiis sequeretur, plus tamen timor quam ira celeritatis habuit.

6.32.11prius itaque moenia intrauere hostes quam Romanus extrema agminis carpere aut morari posset. inde aliquot dies uastando agro absumpti nec Romanis satis instructis apparatu bellico ad moenia adgredienda nec illis ad subeundum pugnae casum.

6.33.1seditio tum inter Antiates Latinosque coorta, cum Antiates uicti malis subactique bello in quo et nati erant et consenuerant deditionem spectarent,

6.33.2Latinos ex diutina pace noua defectio recentibus adhuc animis ferociores ad perseuerandum in bello faceret. finis certaminis fuit postquam utrisque apparuit nihil per alteros stare quo minus incepta persequerentur.

6.33.3Latini profecti, ab societate pacis, ut rebantur, inhonestae sese uindicauerunt; Antiates incommodis arbitris salutarium consiliorum remotis urbem agrosque Romanis dedunt.

6.33.4ira et rabies Latinorum, quia nec Romanos bello laedere nec Uolscos in armis retinere potuerant, eo erupit ut Satricum urbem, quae receptaculum primum eis aduersae pugnae fuerat, igni concremarent. nec aliud tectum eius superfuit urbis, cum faces pariter sacris profanisque inicerent, quam Matris Matutae templum;

6.33.5inde eos nec sua religio nec uerecundia deum arcuisse dicitur sed uox horrenda edita templo cum tristibus minis ni nefandos ignes procul delubris amouissent.

6.33.6incensos ea rabie impetus Tusculum tulit ob iram, quod deserto communi concilio Latinorum non in societatem modo Romanam sed etiam in ciuitatem se dedissent.

6.33.7patentibus portis cum improuiso incidissent, primo clamore oppidum praeter arcem captum est. in arcem oppidani refugere cum coniugibus ac liberis nuntiosque Romam, qui certiorem de suo casu senatum facerent, misere.

6.33.8haud segnius quam fide populi Romani dignum fuit exercitus Tusculum ductus; L. Quinctius et Ser. Sulpicius tribuni militum duxere.

6.33.9clausas portas Tusculi Latinosque simul obsidentium atque obsessorum animo hinc moenia [Tusculi] tueri uident, illinc arcem oppugnare, terrere una ac pauere.

6.33.10aduentus Romanorum mutauerat utriusque partis animos: Tusculanos ex ingenti metu in summam alacritatem, Latinos ex prope certa fiducia mox capiendae arcis, quoniam oppido potirentur, in exiguam de se ipsis spem uerterat.

6.33.11tollitur ex arce clamor ab Tusculanis; excipit aliquanto maior ab exercitu Romano. utrimque urgentur Latini: nec impetus Tusculanorum decurrentium ex superiore loco sustinent nec Romanos subeuntes moenia molientesque obices portarum arcere possunt.

6.33.12scalis prius moenia capta, inde effracta claustra portarum; et cum anceps hostis et a fronte et a tergo urgeret nec ad pugnam ulla uis nec ad fugam loci quicquam superesset, in medio caesi ad unum omnes. reciperato ab hostibus Tusculo exercitus Romam est reductus.

6.34.1quanto magis prosperis eo anno bellis tranquilla omnia foris erant, tanto in urbe uis patrum in dies miseriaeque plebis crescebant, cum eo ipso, quod necesse erat solui, facultas soluendi impediretur.

6.34.2itaque cum iam ex re nihil dari posset, fama et corpore iudicati atque addicti creditoribus satisfaciebant poenaque in uicem fidei cesserat.

6.34.3adeo ergo obnoxios summiserant animos non infimi solum sed principes etiam plebis, ut non modo ad tribunatum militum inter patricios petendum,

6.34.4quod tanta ui ut liceret tetenderant, sed ne ad plebeios quidem magistratus capessendos petendosque ulli uiro acri experientique animus esset, possessionemque honoris usurpati modo a plebe per paucos annos reciperasse in perpetuum patres uiderentur.

6.34.5ne id nimis laetum parti alteri esset, parua, ut plerumque solet, rem ingentem moliundi causa interuenit. M. Fabi Ambusti , potentis uiri cum inter sui corporis homines tum etiam ad plebem, quod haudquaquam inter id genus contemptor eius habebatur, filiae duae nuptae, Ser. Sulpicio maior, minor C. Licinio Stoloni erat, illustri quidem uiro tamen plebeio; eaque ipsa adfinitas haud spreta gratiam Fabio ad uolgum quaesierat.

6.34.6forte ita incidit ut in Ser. Sulpici tribuni militum domo sorores Fabiae cum inter se, ut fit, sermonibus tempus tererent, lictor Sulpici, cum is de foro se domum reciperet, forem, ut mos est, uirga percuteret. cum ad id moris eius insueta expauisset minor Fabia, risui sorori fuit miranti ignorare id sororem;

6.34.7ceterum is risus stimulos paruis mobili rebus animo muliebri subdidit. frequentia quoque prosequentium rogantiumque num quid uellet credo fortunatum matrimonium ei sororis uisum suique ipsam malo arbitrio, quo a proximis quisque minime anteiri uolt, paenituisse.

6.34.8confusam eam ex recenti morsu animi cum pater forte uidisset, percontatus 'satin salue?' auertentem causam doloris, quippe nec satis piam aduersus sororem nec admodum in uirum honorificam,

6.34.9elicuit comiter sciscitando, ut fateretur eam esse causam doloris, quod iuncta impari esset, nupta in domo quam nec honos nec gratia intrare posset.

6.34.10consolans inde filiam Ambustus bonum animum habere iussit: eosdem propediem domi uisuram honores quos apud sororem uideat.

6.34.11inde consilia inire cum genero coepit, adhibito L. Sextio , strenuo adulescente et cuius spei nihil praeter genus patricium deesset.

6.35.1occasio uidebatur rerum nouandarum propter ingentem uim aeris alieni, cuius leuamen mali plebes nisi suis in summo imperio locatis nullum speraret: accingendum ad eam cogitationem esse;

6.35.2conando agendoque iam eo gradum fecisse plebeios unde, si porro adnitantur, peruenire ad summa et patribus aequari tam honore quam uirtute possent.

6.35.3in praesentia tribunos plebis fieri placuit, quo in magistratu sibimet ipsi uiam ad ceteros honores aperirent;

6.35.4creatique tribuni C. Licinius et L. Sextius promulgauere leges omnes aduersus opes patriciorum et pro commodis plebis: unam de aere alieno, ut deducto eo de capite quod usuris pernumeratum esset id quod superesset triennio aequis portionibus persolueretur;

6.35.5alteram de modo agrorum, ne quis plus quingenta iugera agri possideret; tertiam, ne tribunorum militum comitia fierent consulumque utique alter ex plebe crearetur; cuncta ingentia et quae sine certamine maximo obtineri non possent.

6.35.6omnium igitur simul rerum, quarum immodica cupido inter mortales est, agri, pecuniae, honorum discrimine proposito conterriti patres, cum trepidassent publicis priuatisque consiliis, nullo remedio alio praeter expertam multis iam ante certaminibus intercessionem inuento collegas aduersus tribunicias rogationes comparauerunt.

6.35.7qui ubi tribus ad suffragium ineundum citari a Licinio Sextioque uiderunt, stipati patrum praesidiis nec recitari rogationes nec sollemne quicquam aliud ad sciscendum plebi fieri passi sunt.

6.35.8iamque frustra saepe concilio aduocato, cum pro antiquatis rogationes essent, 'bene habet' inquit Sextius; 'quando quidem tantum intercessionem pollere placet, isto ipso telo tutabimur plebem.

6.35.9agitedum comitia indicite, patres, tribunis militum creandis; faxo ne iuuet uox ista ueto, qua nunc concinentes collegas nostros tam laeti auditis.'

6.35.10haud inritae cecidere minae: comitia praeter aedilium tribunorumque plebi nulla sunt habita. Licinius Sextiusque tribuni plebis refecti nullos curules magistratus creari passi sunt; eaque solitudo magistratuum et plebe reficiente duos tribunos et iis comitia tribunorum militum tollentibus per quinquennium urbem tenuit.

6.36.1alia bella opportune quieuere: Ueliterni coloni gestientes otio quod nullus exercitus Romanus esset, et agrum Romanum aliquotiens incursauere et Tusculum oppugnare adorti sunt;

6.36.2eaque res Tusculanis, ueteribus sociis, nouis ciuibus, opem orantibus uerecundia maxime non patres modo sed etiam plebem mouit.

6.36.3remittentibus tribunis plebis comitia per interregem sunt habita; creatique tribuni militum L. Furius A. Manlius Ser. Sulpicius Ser. Cornelius P. et C. Ualerii . haudquaquam tam oboedientem in dilectu quam in comitiis plebem habuere;

6.36.4ingentique contentione exercitu scripto profecti non ab Tusculo modo summouere hostem sed intra suamet ipsum moenia compulere;

6.36.5obsidebanturque haud paulo ui maiore Uelitrae quam Tusculum obsessum fuerat. nec tamen ab eis, a quibus obsideri coeptae erant, expugnari potuere;

6.36.6ante noui creati sunt tribuni militum, Q. Seruilius C. Ueturius A. et M. Cornelii Q. Quinctius M. Fabius . nihil ne ab his quidem tribunis ad Uelitras memorabile factum.

6.36.7in maiore discrimine domi res uertebantur. nam praeter Sextium Liciniumque latores legum, iam octauum tribunos plebis refectos, Fabius quoque tribunus militum, Stolonis socer, quarum legum auctor fuerat, earum suasorem se haud dubium ferebat;

6.36.8et cum octo ex collegio tribunorum plebi primo intercessores legum fuissent, quinque soli erant, et, ut ferme solent qui a suis desciscunt, capti et stupentes animi uocibus alienis id modo quod domi praeceptum erat intercessioni suae praetendebant:

6.36.9Uelitris in exercitu plebis magnam partem abesse; in aduentum militum comitia differri debere, ut uniuersa plebes de suis commodis suffragium ferret.

6.36.10Sextius Liciniusque cum parte collegarum et uno ex tribunis militum Fabio, artifices iam tot annorum usu tractandi animos plebis, primores patrum productos interrogando de singulis, quae ferebantur ad populum, fatigabant:

6.36.11auderentne postulare ut, cum bina iugera agri plebi diuiderentur, ipsis plus quingenta iugera habere liceret ut singuli prope trecentorum ciuium possiderent agros, plebeio homini uix ad tectum necessarium aut locum sepulturae suus pateret ager?

6.36.12an placeret fenore circumuentam plebem, [ni] potius quam sortem [creditum] soluat, corpus in neruum ac supplicia dare et gregatim cottidie de foro addictos duci et repleri uinctis nobiles domus et, ubicumque patricius habitet, ibi carcerem priuatum esse?

6.37.1haec indigna miserandaque auditu cum apud timentes sibimet ipsos maiore audientium indignatione quam sua increpuissent,

Book 6, Part 6

6.37.2atqui nec agros occupandi modum nec fenore trucidandi plebem alium patribus unquam fore, adfirmabant, nisi alterum ex plebe consulem, custodem suae libertatis, [plebi] fecissent.

6.37.3contemni iam tribunos plebis, quippe quae potestas iam suam ipsa uim frangat intercedendo.

6.37.4non posse aequo iure agi ubi imperium penes illos, penes se auxilium tantum sit; nisi imperio communicato nunquam plebem in parte pari rei publicae fore. nec esse quod quisquam satis putet, si plebeiorum ratio comitiis consularibus habeatur; nisi alterum consulem utique ex plebe fieri necesse sit, neminem fore.

6.37.5an iam memoria exisse, cum tribunos militum idcirco potius quam consules creari placuisset ut et plebeiis pateret summus honos, quattuor et quadraginta annis neminem ex plebe tribunum militum creatum esse?

6.37.6qui crederent duobus nunc in locis sua uoluntate impertituros plebi honorem, qui octona loca tribunis militum creandis occupare soliti sint, et ad consulatum uiam fieri passuros, qui tribunatum saeptum tam diu habuerint?

6.37.7lege obtinendum esse quod comitiis per gratiam nequeat, et seponendum extra certamen alterum consulatum ad quem plebi sit aditus, quoniam in certamine relictus praemium semper potentioris futurus sit.

6.37.8nec iam posse dici id quod antea iactare soliti sint, non esse in plebeiis idoneos uiros ad curules magistratus. numqui enim socordius aut segnius rem publicam administrari post P. Licini Calui tribunatum, qui primus ex plebe creatus sit, quam per eos annos gesta sit quibus praeter patricios nemo tribunus militum fuerit?

6.37.9quin contra patricios aliquot damnatos post tribunatum, neminem plebeium. quaestores quoque, sicut tribunos militum, paucis ante annis ex plebe coeptos creari nec ullius eorum populum Romanum paenituisse.

6.37.10consulatum superesse plebeiis; eam esse arcem libertatis, id columen. si eo peruentum sit, tum populum Romanum uere exactos ex urbe reges et stabilem libertatem suam existimaturum;

6.37.11quippe ex illa die in plebem uentura omnia quibus patricii excellant, imperium atque honorem, gloriam belli, genus, nobilitatem, magna ipsis fruenda, maiora liberis relinquenda.

6.37.12huius generis orationes ubi accipi uidere, nouam rogationem promulgant, ut pro duumuiris sacris faciundis decemuiri creentur ita ut pars ex plebe, pars ex patribus fiat; omniumque earum rogationum comitia in aduentum eius exercitus differunt qui Uelitras obsidebat.

6.38.1prius circumactus est annus quam a Uelitris reducerentur legiones; ita suspensa de legibus res ad nouos tribunos militum dilata; nam plebis tribunos eosdem, duos utique quia legum latores erant, plebes reficiebat.

6.38.2tribuni militum creati T. Quinctius Ser. Cornelius Ser. Sulpicius Sp. Seruilius L. Papirius L. Ueturius .

6.38.3principio statim anni ad ultimam dimicationem de legibus uentum; et cum tribus uocarentur nec intercessio collegarum latoribus obstaret, trepidi patres ad duo ultima auxilia, summum imperium summumque ad ciuem decurrunt.

6.38.4dictatorem dici placet; dicitur M. Furius Camillus , qui magistrum equitum L. Aemilium cooptat. legum quoque latores aduersus tantum apparatum aduersariorum et ipsi causam plebis ingentibus animis armant concilioque plebis indicto tribus ad suffragium uocant.

6.38.5cum dictator, stipatus agmine patriciorum, plenus irae minarumque consedisset atque ageretur res solito primum certamine inter se tribunorum plebi ferentium legem intercedentiumque et, quanto iure potentior intercessio erat, tantum uinceretur fauore legum ipsarum latorumque et 'uti rogas' primae tribus dicerent, tum Camillus 'quando quidem' inquit,

6.38.6'Quirites, iam uos tribunicia libido, non potestas regit et intercessionem, secessione quondam plebis partam, uobis eadem ui facitis inritam qua peperistis, non rei publicae magis uniuersae quam uestra causa dictator intercessioni adero euersumque uestrum auxilium imperio tutabor.

6.38.7itaque si C. Licinius et L. Sextius intercessioni collegarum cedunt, nihil patricium magistratum inseram concilio plebis; si aduersus intercessionem tamquam captae ciuitati leges imponere tendent, uim tribuniciam a se ipsa dissolui non patiar.'

6.38.8aduersus ea cum contemptim tribuni plebis rem nihilo segnius peragerent, tum percitus ira Camillus lictores qui de medio plebem emouerent misit et addidit minas, si pergerent, sacramento omnes iuniores adacturum exercitumque extemplo ex urbe educturum.

6.38.9terrorem ingentem incusserat plebi: ducibus plebis accendit magis certamine animos quam minuit. sed re neutro inclinata magistratu se abdicauit, seu quia uitio creatus erat, ut scripsere quidam, seu quia tribuni plebis tulerunt ad plebem idque plebs sciuit, ut, si M. Furius pro dictatore quid egisset, quingentum milium ei multa esset;

6.38.10sed auspiciis magis quam noui exempli rogatione deterritum ut potius credam, cum ipsius uiri facit ingenium, tum quod ei suffectus est extemplo P. Manlius dictator—quem quid creari attinebat ad id certamen quo M. Furius uictus esset?—

6.38.11et quod eundem M. Furium dictatorem insequens annus habuit, haud sine pudore certe fractum priore anno in se imperium repetiturum;

6.38.12simul quod eo tempore quo promulgatum de multa eius traditur aut et huic rogationi, qua se in ordinem cogi uidebat,

6.38.13obsistere potuit aut ne illas quidem propter quas et haec lata erat impedire; et quod usque ad memoriam nostram tribuniciis consularibusque certatum uiribus est, dictaturae semper altius fastigium fuit.

6.39.1inter priorem dictaturam abdicatam nouamque a Manlio initam ab tribunis uelut per interregnum concilio plebis habito apparuit quae ex promulgatis plebi, quae latoribus gratiora essent.

6.39.2nam de fenore atque agro rogationes iubebant, de plebeio consule antiquabant; et perfecta utraque res esset, ni tribuni se in omnia simul consulere plebem dixissent.

6.39.3P. Manlius deinde dictator rem in causam plebis inclinauit C. Licinio , qui tribunus militum fuerat, magistro equitum de plebe dicto.

6.39.4id aegre patres passos accipio: dictatorem propinqua cognatione Licini se apud patres excusare solitum, simul negantem magistri equitum maius quam tribuni consularis imperium esse.

6.39.5Licinius Sextiusque, cum tribunorum plebi creandorum indicta comitia essent, ita se gerere ut negando iam sibi uelle continuari honorem acerrime accenderent ad id quod dissimulando petebant plebem:

6.39.6nonum se annum iam uelut in acie aduersus optimates maximo priuatim periculo, nullo publice emolumento stare. consenuisse iam secum et rogationes promulgatas et uim omnem tribuniciae potestatis.

6.39.7primo intercessione collegarum in leges suas pugnatum esse, deinde ablegatione iuuentutis ad Ueliternum bellum; postremo dictatorium fulmen in se intentatum.

6.39.8iam nec collegas nec bellum nec dictatorem obstare, quippe qui etiam omen plebeio consuli magistro equitum ex plebe dicendo dederit:

6.39.9se ipsam plebem et commoda morari sua. liberam urbem ac forum a creditoribus, liberos agros ab iniustis possessoribus extemplo, si uelit, habere posse.

6.39.10quae munera quando tandem satis grato animo aestimaturos, si inter accipiendas de suis commodis rogationes spem honoris latoribus earum incidant? non esse modestiae populi Romani id postulare ut ipse fenore leuetur et in agrum iniuria possessum a potentibus inducatur, per quos ea consecutus sit senes tribunicios non sine honore tantum sed etiam sine spe honoris relinquat.

6.39.11proinde ipsi primum statuerent apud animos quid uellent; deinde comitiis tribuniciis declararent uoluntatem. si coniuncte ferre ab se promulgatas rogationes uellent, esse quod eosdem reficerent tribunos plebis; perlaturos enim quae promulgauerint:

6.39.12sin quod cuique priuatim opus sit id modo accipi uelint, opus esse nihil inuidiosa continuatione honoris; nec se tribunatum nec illos ea quae promulgata sint habituros.

6.40.1aduersus tam obstinatam orationem tribunorum cum prae indignitate rerum stupor silentiumque inde ceteros patrum defixisset,

6.40.2Ap. Claudius Crassus , nepos decemuiri, dicitur odio magis iraque quam spe ad dissuadendum processisse et locutus in hanc fere sententiam esse:

6.40.3'neque nouum neque inopinatum mihi sit, Quirites, si, quod unum familiae nostrae semper obiectum est ab seditiosis tribunis, id nunc ego quoque audiam, Claudiae gentis iam inde ab initio nihil antiquius in re publica patrum maiestate fuisse, semper plebis commodis aduersatos esse.

6.40.4quorum alterum neque nego neque infitias eo—nos, ex quo adsciti sumus simul in ciuitatem et patres, enixe operam dedisse ut per nos aucta potius quam imminuta maiestas earum gentium inter quas nos esse uoluistis dici uere posset:

6.40.5illud alterum pro me maioribusque meis contendere ausim, Quirites, nisi, quae pro uniuersa re publica fiant, ea plebi tamquam aliam incolenti urbem aduersa quis putet, nihil nos neque priuatos neque in magistratibus quod incommodum plebi esset scientes fecisse nec ullum factum dictumue nostrum contra utilitatem uestram, etsi quaedam contra uoluntatem fuerint, uere referri posse.

6.40.6an hoc, si Claudiae familiae non sim nec ex patricio sanguine ortus sed unus Quiritium quilibet, qui modo me duobus ingenuis ortum et uiuere in libera ciuitate sciam,

6.40.7reticere possim L. illum Sextium et C. Licinium , perpetuos, si dis placet, tribunos, tantum licentiae nouem annis quibus regnant sumpsisse, ut uobis negent potestatem liberam suffragii non in comitiis, non in legibus iubendis se permissuros esse?

6.40.8'"sub condicione" inquit, "nos reficietis decimum tribunos." quid est aliud dicere "quod petunt alii, nos adeo fastidimus ut sine mercede magna non accipiamus"?

6.40.9sed quae tandem ista merces est qua uos semper tribunos plebis habeamus? "ut rogationes" inquit, "nostras, seu placent seu displicent, seu utiles seu inutiles sunt, omnes coniunctim accipiatis." obsecro uos,

6.40.10Tarquinii tribuni plebis, putate me ex media contione unum ciuem succlamare "bona uenia uestra liceat ex his rogationibus legere quas salubres nobis censemus esse,

6.40.11antiquare alias." "non" inquit, "licebit tu de fenore atque agris quod ad uos omnes pertinet iubeas et hoc portenti non fiat in urbe Romana uti L. Sextium atque hunc C. Licinium consules, quod indignaris, quod abominaris, uideas; aut omnia accipe, aut nihil fero";

6.40.12ut si quis ei quem urgeat fames uenenum ponat cum cibo et aut abstinere eo quod uitale sit iubeat aut mortiferum uitali admisceat. ergo si esset libera haec ciuitas, non tibi frequentes succlamassent "abi hinc cum tribunatibus ac rogationibus tuis"? quid? si tu non tuleris quod commodum est populo accipere, nemo erit qui ferat?

6.40.13illud si quis patricius, si quis, quod illi uolunt inuidiosius esse, Claudius diceret "aut omnia accipite, aut nihil fero", quis uestrum, Quirites, ferret?

6.40.14nunquamne uos res potius quam auctores spectabitis sed omnia semper quae magistratus ille dicet secundis auribus, quae ab nostrum quo dicentur aduersis accipietis?

6.40.15at hercule sermo est minime ciuilis; quid? rogatio qualis est, quam a uobis antiquatam indignantur? sermoni, Quirites, simillima. "consules" inquit, "rogo ne uobis

6.40.16quos uelitis facere liceat." an aliter [rogat] qui utique alterum ex plebe fieri consulem iubet nec duos patricios creandi potestatem uobis permittit?

6.40.17si hodie bella sint, quale Etruscum fuit cum Porsenna Ianiculum insedit, quale Gallicum modo cum praeter Capitolium atque arcem omnia haec hostium erant, et consulatum cum hoc M. Furio et quolibet alio ex patribus L. ille Sextius peteret, possetisne ferre Sextium haud pro dubio consulem esse, Camillum de repulsa dimicare?

6.40.18hocine est in commune honores uocare, ut duos plebeios fieri consules liceat, duos patricios non liceat? et alterum ex plebe creari necesse sit, utrumque ex patribus praeterire liceat? quaenam ista societas, quaenam consortio est? parum est, si, cuius pars tua nulla adhuc fuit, in partem eius uenis, nisi partem petendo totum traxeris?

6.40.19"timeo" inquit, "ne, si duos licebit creari patricios, neminem creetis plebeium." quid est dicere aliud "quia indignos uestra uoluntate creaturi non estis, necessitatem uobis creandi quos non uoltis imponam"?

6.40.20quid sequitur, nisi ut ne beneficium quidem debeat populo, si cum duobus patriciis unus petierit plebeius et lege se non suffragio creatum dicat?

6.41.1quomodo extorqueant, non quomodo petant honores, quaerunt; et ita maxima sunt adepturi, ut nihil ne pro minimis quidem debeant; et occasionibus potius quam uirtute petere honores malunt.

6.41.2est aliquis, qui se inspici, aestimari fastidiat, qui certos sibi uni honores inter dimicantes competitores aequum censeat esse, qui se arbitrio uestro eximat, qui uestra necessaria suffragia pro uoluntariis et serua pro liberis faciat.

6.41.3omitto Licinium Sextiumque, quorum annos in perpetua potestate tamquam regum in Capitolio numeratis: quis est hodie in ciuitate tam humilis cui non uia ad consulatum facilior per istius legis occasionem quam nobis ac liberis nostris fiat, si quidem nos ne cum uolueritis quidem creare interdum poteritis, istos etiam si nolueritis necesse sit?

6.41.4de indignitate satis dictum est—etenim dignitas ad homines pertinet—: quid de religionibus atque auspiciis—quae propria deorum immortalium contemptio atque iniuria est— loquar? auspiciis hanc urbem conditam esse, auspiciis bello ac pace domi militiaeque omnia geri, quis est qui ignoret?

6.41.5penes quos igitur sunt auspicia more maiorum? nempe penes patres; nam plebeius quidem magistratus nullus auspicato creatur;

6.41.6nobis adeo propria sunt auspicia, ut non solum quos populus creat patricios magistratus non aliter quam auspicato creet sed nos quoque ipsi sine suffragio populi auspicato interregem prodamus et priuatim auspicia habeamus, quae isti ne in magistratibus quidem habent.

6.41.7quid igitur aliud quam tollit ex ciuitate auspicia qui plebeios consules creando a patribus, qui soli ea habere possunt, aufert?

6.41.8eludant nunc licet religiones: "quid enim est, si pulli non pascentur, si ex cauea tardius exierint, si occecinerit auis?" parua sunt haec; sed parua ista non contemnendo maiores uestri maximam hanc rem fecerunt;

6.41.9nunc nos, tamquam iam nihil pace deorum opus sit, omnes caerimonias polluimus. uolgo ergo pontifices, augures, sacrificuli reges creentur; cuilibet apicem Dialem, dummodo homo sit imponamus; tradamus ancilia, penetralia, deos deorumque curam, quibus nefas est;

6.41.10non leges auspicato ferantur, non magistratus creentur; nec centuriatis nec curiatis comitiis patres auctores fiant; Sextius et Licinius tamquam Romulus ac Tatius in urbe Romana regnent, quia pecunias alienas, quia agros dono dant.

6.41.11tanta dulcedo est ex alienis fortunis praedandi, nec in mentem uenit altera lege solitudines uastas in agris fieri pellendo finibus dominos, altera fidem abrogari cum qua omnis humana societas tollitur?

6.41.12omnium rerum causa uobis antiquandas censeo istas rogationes. quod faxitis deos uelim fortunare.'

6.42.1oratio Appi ad id modo ualuit ut tempus rogationum iubendarum proferretur.

6.42.2refecti decumum iidem tribuni, Sextius et Licinius, de decemuiris sacrorum ex parte de plebe creandis legem pertulere. creati quinque patrum, quinque plebis; graduque eo iam uia facta ad consulatum uidebatur.

6.42.3hac uictoria contenta plebes cessit patribus ut in praesentia consulum mentione omissa tribuni militum crearentur. creati A. et M. Cornelii iterum M. Geganius P. Manlius L. Ueturius P. Ualerius sextum.

6.42.4cum praeter Uelitrarum obsidionem, tardi magis rem exitus quam dubii, quietae externae res Romanis essent, fama repens belli Gallici allata perpulit ciuitatem ut M. Furius dictator quintum diceretur. is T. Quinctium Poenum magistrum equitum dixit.

6.42.5bellatum cum Gallis eo anno circa Anienem flumen auctor est Claudius inclitamque in ponte pugnam, qua T. Manlius Gallum cum quo prouocatus manus conseruit in conspectu duorum exercituum caesum torque spoliauit, tum pugnatam.

6.42.6pluribus auctoribus magis adducor ut credam decem haud minus post annos ea acta, hoc autem anno in Albano agro cum Gallis dictatore M. Furio signa conlata.

6.42.7nec dubia nec difficilis Romanis, quamquam ingentem Galli terrorem memoria pristinae cladis attulerant, uictoria fuit. multa milia barbarorum in acie, multa captis castris caesa;

6.42.8palati alii Apuliam maxime petentes cum fuga [se] longinqua tum quod passim eos simul pauor errorque distulerant, ab hoste sese tutati sunt. dictatori consensu patrum plebisque triumphus decretus.

6.42.9uixdum perfunctum eum bello atrocior domi seditio excepit, et per ingentia certamina dictator senatusque uictus, ut rogationes tribuniciae acciperentur; et comitia consulum aduersa nobilitate habita, quibus L. Sextius de plebe primus consul factus.

Book 6, Part 7

6.42.10et ne is quidem finis certaminum fuit. quia patricii se auctores futuros negabant, prope secessionem plebis res terribilesque alias minas ciuilium certaminum

6.42.11uenit cum tandem per dictatorem condicionibus sedatae discordiae sunt concessumque ab nobilitate plebi de consule plebeio, a plebe nobilitati de praetore uno qui ius in urbe diceret ex patribus creando.

6.42.12ita ab diutina ira tandem in concordiam redactis ordinibus, cum dignam eam rem senatus censeret esse meritoque id, si quando unquam alias, deum immortalium [causa libenter facturos] fore ut ludi maximi fierent et dies unus ad triduum adiceretur,

6.42.13recusantibus id munus aedilibus plebis, conclamatum a patriciis est iuuenibus se id honoris deum immortalium causa libenter facturos [ut aediles fierent].

6.42.14quibus cum ab uniuersis gratiae actae essent, factum senatus consultum, ut, duumuiros aediles ex patribus dictator populum rogaret, patres auctores omnibus eius anni comitiis fierent.

Book 7, Part 1

7.1.1annus hic erit insignis noui hominis consulatu, insignis nouis duobus magistratibus, praetura et curuli aedilitate; hos sibi patricii quaesiuere honores pro concesso plebi altero consulatu.

7.1.2plebes consulatum L. Sextio , cuius lege partus erat, dedit: patres praeturam Sp. Furio M. filio Camillo , aedilitatem Cn. Quinctio Capitolino et P. Cornelio Scipioni , suarum gentium uiris, gratia campestri ceperunt. L. Sextio collega ex patribus datus L. Aemilius Mamercus .

7.1.3principio anni et de Gallis, quos primo palatos per Apuliam congregari iam fama erat, et de Hernicorum defectione agitata mentio.

7.1.4cum de industria omnia, ne quid per plebeium consulem ageretur, proferrentur, silentium omnium rerum ac iustitio simile otium fuit,

7.1.5nisi quod non patientibus tacitum tribunis quod pro consule uno plebeio tres patricios magistratus curulibus sellis praetextatos tamquam consules sedentes nobilitas sibi sumpsisset,

7.1.6praetorem quidem etiam iura reddentem et collegam consulibus atque iisdem auspiciis creatum, uerecundia inde imposita est senatui ex patribus iubendi aediles curules creari. primo ut alternis annis ex plebe fierent conuenerat: postea promiscuum fuit.

7.1.7inde L. Genucio et Q. Seruilio consulibus et ab seditione et a bello quietis rebus, ne quando a metu ac periculis uacarent, pestilentia ingens orta.

7.1.8censorem, aedilem curulem, tres tribunos plebis mortuos ferunt, pro portione et ex multitudine alia multa funera fuisse; maximeque eam pestilentiam insignem mors quam matura tam acerba M. Furi fecit.

7.1.9fuit enim uere uir unicus in omni fortuna, princeps pace belloque priusquam exsulatum iret, clarior in exsilio, uel desiderio ciuitatis quae capta absentis implorauit opem uel felicitate qua restitutus in patriam secum patriam ipsam restituit;

7.1.10par deinde per quinque et uiginti annos—tot enim postea uixit— titulo tantae gloriae fuit dignusque habitus quem secundum a Romulo conditorem urbis Romanae ferrent.

7.2.1et hoc et insequenti anno C. Sulpicio Petico C. Licinio Stolone consulibus pestilentia fuit. eo nihil dignum memoria actum,

7.2.2nisi quod pacis deum exposcendae causa tertio tum post conditam urbem lectisternium fuit;

7.2.3et cum uis morbi nec humanis consiliis nec ope diuina leuaretur, uictis superstitione animis ludi quoque scenici—noua res bellicoso populo, nam circi modo spectaculum fuerat—inter alia caelestis irae placamina instituti dicuntur;

7.2.4ceterum parua quoque, ut ferme principia omnia, et ea ipsa peregrina res fuit. sine carmine ullo, sine imitandorum carminum actu ludiones ex Etruria acciti, ad tibicinis modos saltantes, haud indecoros motus more Tusco dabant.

7.2.5imitari deinde eos iuuentus, simul inconditis inter se iocularia fundentes uersibus, coepere; nec absoni a uoce motus erant.

7.2.6accepta itaque res saepiusque usurpando excitata. uernaculis artificibus, quia ister Tusco uerbo ludio uocabatur, nomen histrionibus inditum;

7.2.7qui non, sicut ante, Fescennino uersu similem incompositum temere ac rudem alternis iaciebant sed impletas modis saturas descripto iam ad tibicinem cantu motuque congruenti peragebant.

7.2.8Liuius post aliquot annis, qui ab saturis ausus est primus argumento fabulam serere, idem scilicet—id quod omnes tum erant—suorum carminum actor,

7.2.9dicitur, cum saepius reuocatus uocem obtudisset, uenia petita puerum ad canendum ante tibicinem cum statuisset, canticum egisse aliquanto magis uigente motu quia nihil uocis usus impediebat.

7.2.10inde ad manum cantari histrionibus coeptum diuerbiaque tantum ipsorum uoci relicta.

7.2.11postquam lege hac fabularum ab risu ac soluto ioco res auocabatur et ludus in artem paulatim uerterat, iuuentus histrionibus fabellarum actu relicto ipsa inter se more antiquo ridicula intexta uersibus iactitare coepit; unde exodia postea appellata consertaque fabellis potissimum Atellanis sunt;

7.2.12quod genus ludorum ab Oscis acceptum tenuit iuuentus nec ab histrionibus pollui passa est; eo institutum manet, ut actores Atellanarum nec tribu moueantur et stipendia, tamquam expertes artis ludicrae, faciant.

7.2.13inter aliarum parua principia rerum ludorum quoque prima origo ponenda uisa est, ut appareret quam ab sano initio res in hanc uix opulentis regnis tolerabilem insaniam uenerit.

7.3.1nec tamen ludorum primum initium procurandis religionibus datum aut religione animos aut corpora morbis leuauit;

7.3.2quin etiam, cum medios forte ludos circus Tiberi superfuso inrigatus impedisset, id uero, uelut auersis iam dis aspernantibusque placamina irae, terrorem ingentem fecit.

7.3.3itaque Cn. Genucio L. Aemilio Mamerco iterum consulibus, cum piaculorum magis conquisitio animos quam corpora morbi adficerent, repetitum ex seniorum memoria dicitur pestilentiam quondam clauo ab dictatore fixo sedatam.

7.3.4ea religione adductus senatus dictatorem claui figendi causa dici iussit; dictus L. Manlius Imperiosus L. Pinarium magistrum equitum dixit.

7.3.5lex uetusta est, priscis litteris uerbisque scripta, ut qui praetor maximus sit idibus Septembribus clauum pangat; fixa fuit dextro lateri aedis Iouis optimi maximi, ex qua parte Mineruae templum est.

7.3.6eum clauum, quia rarae per ea tempora litterae erant, notam numeri annorum fuisse ferunt eoque Mineruae templo dicatam legem quia numerus

7.3.7Mineruae inuentum sit.—Uolsiniis quoque clauos indices numeri annorum fixos in templo Nortiae, Etruscae deae, comparere diligens talium monumentorum auctor Cincius adfirmat.—

7.3.8M. Horatius consul †ex lege templum† Iouis optimi maximi dedicauit anno post reges exactos; a consulibus postea ad dictatores, quia maius imperium erat, sollemne claui figendi translatum est. intermisso deinde more digna etiam per se uisa res propter quam dictator crearetur.

7.3.9qua de causa creatus L. Manlius , perinde ac rei gerendae ac non soluendae religionis gratia creatus esset, bellum Hernicum adfectans dilectu acerbo iuuentutem agitauit; tandemque omnibus in eum tribunis plebis coortis seu ui seu uerecundia uictus dictatura abiit.

7.4.1neque eo minus principio insequentis anni, Q. Seruilio Ahala L. Genucio consulibus, dies Manlio dicitur a M. Pomponio tribuno plebis.

7.4.2acerbitas in dilectu, non damno modo ciuium sed etiam laceratione corporum lata, partim uirgis caesis qui ad nomina non respondissent, partim in uincula ductis,

7.4.3inuisa erat, et ante omnia inuisum ipsum ingenium atrox cognomenque Imperiosi, graue liberae ciuitati, ab ostentatione saeuitiae adscitum quam non magis in alienis quam in proximis ac sanguine ipse suo exerceret.

7.4.4criminique ei tribunus inter cetera dabat quod filium iuuenem nullius probri compertum, extorrem urbe, domo, penatibus, foro, luce, congressu aequalium prohibitum, in opus seruile,

7.4.5prope in carcerem atque in ergastulum dederit, ubi summo loco natus dictatorius iuuenis cotidiana miseria disceret uere imperioso patre se natum esse. at quam ob noxam?

7.4.6quia infacundior sit et lingua impromptus; quod naturae damnum utrum nutriendum patri, si quicquam in eo humani esset, an castigandum ac uexatione insigne faciendum fuisse? ne mutas quidem bestias minus alere ac fouere si quid ex progenie sua parum prosperum sit;

7.4.7at hercule L. Manlium malum malo augere filii et tarditatem ingenii insuper premere et, si quid in eo exiguum naturalis uigoris sit, id exstinguere uita agresti et rustico cultu inter pecudes habendo.

7.5.1omnium potius his criminationibus quam ipsius iuuenis inritatus est animus; quin contra se quoque parenti causam inuidiae atque criminum esse aegre passus,

7.5.2ut omnes di hominesque scirent se parenti opem latam quam inimicis eius malle, capit consilium rudis quidem atque agrestis animi et quamquam non ciuilis exempli, tamen pietate laudabile.

7.5.3inscientibus cunctis cultro succinctus mane in urbem atque a porta domum confestim ad M. Pomponium tribunum pergit; ianitori opus esse sibi domino eius conuento extemplo ait; nuntiaret T. Manlium L. filium esse.

7.5.4mox introductus —etenim percitum ira in patrem spes erat aut criminis aliquid noui aut consilii ad rem agendam deferre—salute accepta redditaque esse ait quae cum eo agere arbitris remotis uelit.

7.5.5procul inde omnibus abire iussis cultrum stringit et super lectum stans ferro intento, nisi in quae ipse concepisset uerba iuraret se patris eius accusandi causa concilium plebis nunquam habiturum, se eum extemplo transfixurum minatur.

7.5.6pauidus tribunus, quippe qui ferrum ante oculos micare, se solum inermem, illum praeualidum iuuenem et, quod haud minus timendum erat, stolide ferocem uiribus suis cerneret, adiurat in quae adactus est uerba; et prae se deinde tulit ea ui subactum se incepto destitisse.

7.5.7nec, perinde ut maluisset plebes sibi suffragii ferendi de tam crudeli et superbo reo potestatem fieri, ita aegre habuit filium id pro parente ausum; eoque id laudabilius erat quod animum eius tanta acerbitas patria nihil a pietate auertisset.

7.5.8itaque non patri modo remissa causae dictio est sed ipsi etiam adulescenti ea res honori fuit et,

7.5.9cum eo anno primum placuisset tribunos militum ad legiones suffragio fieri—nam [et] antea, sicut nunc quos Rufulos uocant, imperatores ipsi faciebant—, secundum in sex locis tenuit nullis domi militiaeque ad conciliandam gratiam meritis ut qui rure et procul coetu hominum iuuentam egisset.

7.6.1eodem anno, seu motu terrae seu qua ui alia, forum medium ferme specu uasto conlapsum in immensam altitudinem dicitur;

7.6.2neque eam uoraginem coniectu terrae, cum pro se quisque gereret, expleri potuisse, priusquam deum monitu quaeri coeptum quo plurimum populus Romanus posset;

7.6.3id enim illi loco dicandum uates canebant, si rem publicam Romanam perpetuam esse uellent. tum M. Curtium , iuuenem bello egregium, castigasse ferunt dubitantes an ullum magis Romanum bonum quam arma uirtusque esset;

7.6.4silentio facto templa deorum immortalium, quae foro imminent, Capitoliumque intuentem et manus nunc in caelum, nunc in patentes terrae hiatus ad deos manes porrigentem, se deuouisse;

7.6.5equo deinde quam poterat maxime exornato insidentem, armatum se in specum immisisse; donaque ac fruges super eum a multitudine uirorum ac mulierum congestas lacumque Curtium non ab antiquo illo T. Tati milite Curtio Mettio sed ab hoc appellatum.

7.6.6cura non deesset, si qua ad uerum uia inquirentem ferret: nunc fama rerum standum est, ubi certam derogat uetustas fidem; et lacus nomen ab hac recentiore insignitius fabula est.

7.6.7post tanti prodigii procurationem eodem anno de Hernicis consultus senatus, cum fetiales ad res repetendas nequiquam misisset, primo quoque die ferendum ad populum de bello indicendo Hernicis censuit populusque id bellum frequens iussit.

7.6.8L. Genucio consuli ea prouincia sorte euenit. in exspectatione ciuitas erat, quod primus ille de plebe consul bellum suis auspiciis gesturus esset, perinde ut euenisset res, ita communicatos honores pro bene aut secus consulto habitura.

7.6.9forte ita tulit casus, ut Genucius ad hostes magno conatu profectus in insidias praecipitaret <et> legionibus necopinato pauore fusis consul circumuentus ab insciis quem intercepissent occideretur.

7.6.10quod ubi est Romam nuntiatum, nequaquam tantum publica calamitate maesti patres, quantum feroces infelici consulis plebeii ductu, fremunt omnibus locis: irent crearent consules ex plebe, transferrent auspicia quo nefas esset;

7.6.11potuisse patres plebi scito pelli honoribus suis: num etiam in deos immortales inauspicatam legem ualuisse? uindicasse ipsos suum numen, sua auspicia, quae ut primum contacta sint ab eo a quo nec ius nec fas fuerit, deletum cum duce exercitum documento fuisse ne deinde turbato gentium iure comitia haberentur.

7.6.12his uocibus curia et forum personat. Ap. Claudium , quia dissuaserat legem, maiore nunc auctoritate euentum reprehensi ab se consilii incusantem, dictatorem consensu patriciorum Seruilius consul dicit, dilectusque et iustitium indictum.

7.7.1priusquam dictator legionesque nouae in Hernicos uenirent, ductu C. Sulpici legati res per occasionem gesta egregie est.

7.7.2in Hernicos morte consulis contemptim ad castra Romana cum haud dubia expugnandi spe succedentes, hortante legato et plenis irae atque indignitatis militum animis eruptio est facta. multum ab spe adeundi ualli res Hernicis afuit; adeo turbatis inde ordinibus abscessere.

7.7.3dictatoris deinde aduentu nouus ueteri exercitus iungitur et copiae duplicantur; et pro contione dictator laudibus legati militumque, quorum uirtute castra defensa erant, simul audientibus laudes meritas tollit animos, simul ceteros ad aemulandas uirtutes acuit.

7.7.4neque segnius ad hostes bellum apparatur, qui et parti ante decoris memores neque ignari auctarum uirium hostis suas quoque uires augent. omne Hernicum nomen, omnis militaris aetas excitur; quadringenariae octo cohortes, lecta robora uirorum, scribuntur.

7.7.5hunc eximium florem iuuentutis, eo etiam quod ut duplex acciperent stipendium decreuerant, spei animorumque impleuere; immunes quoque operum militarium erant, ut in unum pugnae laborem reseruati plus sibi quam pro uirili parte adnitendum scirent;

7.7.6extra ordinem etiam in acie locati quo conspectior uirtus esset. duum milium planities castra Romana ab Hernicis dirimebat; ibi pari ferme utrimque spatio in medio pugnatum est.

7.7.7primo stetit ambigua spe pugna nequiquam saepe conatis equitibus Romanis impetu turbare hostium aciem.

7.7.8postquam equestris pugna effectu quam conatibus uanior erat, consulto prius dictatore equites, permissu deinde eius relictis equis, clamore ingenti prouolant ante signa et nouam integrant pugnam;

7.7.9neque sustineri poterant, ni extraordinariae cohortes pari corporum animorumque robore se obiecissent.

7.8.1tunc inter primores duorum populorum res geritur; quidquid hinc aut illinc communis Mars belli aufert, multiplex quam pro numero damnum est. uolgus aliud armatorum, uelut delegata primoribus pugna, euentum suum in uirtute aliena ponit. multi utrimque cadunt, plures uolnera accipiunt;

7.8.2tandem equites alius alium increpantes, quid deinde restaret quaerendo, si neque ex equis pepulissent hostem neque pedites quicquam momenti facerent? quam tertiam exspectarent pugnam? quid ante signa feroces prosiluissent

7.8.3et alieno pugnarent loco?—his inter se uocibus concitati clamore renouato inferunt pedem et primum gradu mouerunt hostem, deinde pepulerunt, postremo iam haud dubie auertunt;

7.8.4neque, tam uires pares quae superauerit res facile dictu est, nisi quod perpetua fortuna utriusque populi et extollere animos et minuere potuit.

7.8.5usque ad castra fugientes Hernicos Romanus sequitur: castrorum oppugnatione, quia serum erat diei, abstinuere;—diu non perlitatum tenuerat dictatorem, ne ante meridiem signum dare posset; eo

7.8.6in noctem tractum erat certamen.—postero die deserta fuga castra Hernicorum et saucii relicti quidam inuenti; agmenque fugientium ab Signinis, cum praeter moenia eorum infrequentia conspecta signa essent, fusum ac per agros trepida fuga palatum est.

7.8.7nec Romanis incruenta uictoria fuit: quarta pars militum amissa et, ubi haud minus iacturae fuit, aliquot equites Romani cecidere.

7.9.1insequenti anno cum C. Sulpicius et C. Licinius Caluus consules in Hernicos exercitum duxissent neque inuentis in agro hostibus Ferentinum urbem eorum ui cepissent, reuertentibus inde eis Tiburtes portas clausere.

7.9.2ea ultima fuit causa, cum multae ante querimoniae ultro citroque iactatae essent, cur per fetiales rebus repetitis bellum Tiburti populo indiceretur.

7.9.3dictatorem T. Quinctium Poenum eo anno fuisse satis constat et magistrum equitum Ser. Cornelium Maluginensem .

7.9.4Macer Licinius comitiorum habendorum causa et ab Licinio consule dictum scribit, quia collega comitia bello praeferre festinante ut continuaret consulatum, obuiam eundum prauae cupiditati fuerit.

7.9.5quaesita ea propriae familiae laus leuiorem auctorem Licinium facit: cum mentionem eius rei in uetustioribus annalibus nullam inueniam, magis ut belli Gallici causa dictatorem creatum arbitrer inclinat animus.

Book 7, Part 2

7.9.6eo certe anno Galli ad tertium lapidem Salaria uia trans pontem Anienis castra habuere. dictator cum tumultus Gallici causa iustitium edixisset, omnes iuniores sacramento adegit ingentique exercitu ab urbe profectus in citeriore ripa Anienis castra posuit.

7.9.7pons in medio erat, neutris rumpentibus ne timoris indicium esset. proelia de occupando ponte crebra erant, nec qui potirentur incertis uiribus satis discerni poterat.

7.9.8tum eximia corporis magnitudine in uacuum pontem Gallus processit et quantum maxima uoce potuit 'quem nunc' inquit 'Roma uirum fortissimum habet, procedat agedum ad pugnam, ut noster duorum euentus ostendat utra gens bello sit melior.'

7.10.1diu inter primores iuuenum Romanorum silentium fuit, cum et abnuere certamen uererentur et praecipuam sortem periculi petere nollent;

7.10.2tum T. Manlius L. filius , qui patrem a uexatione tribunicia uindicauerat, ex statione ad dictatorem pergit; 'iniussu tuo' inquit, 'imperator, extra ordinem nunquam pugnauerim, non si certam uictoriam uideam:

7.10.3si tu permittis, uolo ego illi beluae ostendere, quando adeo ferox praesultat hostium signis, me ex ea familia ortum quae Gallorum agmen ex rupe Tarpeia deiecit.'

7.10.4tum dictator 'macte uirtute' inquit 'ac pietate in patrem patriamque, T. Manli , esto. perge et nomen Romanum inuictum iuuantibus dis praesta.' armant inde iuuenem aequales;

7.10.5pedestre scutum capit, Hispano cingitur gladio ad propiorem habili pugnam. armatum adornatumque aduersus Gallum stolide laetum et—quoniam id quoque memoria dignum antiquis uisum est—linguam etiam ab inrisu exserentem producunt.

7.10.6recipiunt inde se ad stationem; et duo in medio armati spectaculi magis more quam lege belli destituuntur, nequaquam uisu ac specie aestimantibus pares.

7.10.7corpus alteri magnitudine eximium, uersicolori ueste pictisque et auro caelatis refulgens armis; media in altero militaris statura modicaque in armis habilibus magis quam decoris species;

7.10.8non cantus, non exsultatio armorumque agitatio uana sed pectus animorum iraeque tacitae plenum; omnem ferociam in discrimen ipsum certaminis distulerat.

7.10.9ubi constitere inter duas acies tot circa mortalium animis spe metuque pendentibus, Gallus uelut moles superne imminens proiecto laeua scuto in aduenientis arma hostis uanum caesim cum ingenti sonitu ensem deiecit;

7.10.10Romanus mucrone subrecto, cum scuto scutum imum perculisset totoque corpore interior periculo uolneris factus insinuasset se inter corpus armaque, uno alteroque subinde ictu uentrem atque inguina hausit et in spatium ingens ruentem porrexit hostem.

7.10.11iacentis inde corpus ab omni alia uexatione intactum uno torque spoliauit, quem respersum cruore collo circumdedit suo.

7.10.12defixerat pauor cum admiratione Gallos: Romani alacres ab statione obuiam militi suo progressi, gratulantes laudantesque ad dictatorem perducunt.

7.10.13inter carminum prope modo incondita quaedam militariter ioculantes Torquati cognomen auditum; celebratum deinde posteris etiam familiae honori fuit.

7.10.14dictator coronam auream addidit donum mirisque pro contione eam pugnam laudibus tulit.

7.11.1et hercule tanti ea ad uniuersi belli euentum momenti dimicatio fuit, ut Gallorum exercitus proxima nocte relictis trepide castris in Tiburtem agrum atque inde societate belli facta commeatuque benigne ab Tiburtibus adiutus mox in Campaniam transierit.

7.11.2ea fuit causa cur proximo anno C. Poetelius Balbus consul, cum collegae eius M. Fabio Ambusto Hernici prouincia euenisset, aduersus Tiburtes iussu populi exercitum duceret.

7.11.3ad quorum auxilium cum Galli ex Campania redissent, foedae populationes in Labicano Tusculanoque et Albano agro haud dubie Tiburtibus ducibus sunt factae;

7.11.4et, cum aduersus Tiburtem hostem duce consule contenta res publica esset, Gallicus tumultus dictatorem creari coegit. creatus Q. Seruilius Ahala T. Quinctium magistrum equitum dixit et ex auctoritate patrum, si prospere id bellum euenisset, ludos magnos uouit.

7.11.5dictator ad continendos proprio bello Tiburtes consulari exercitu iusso manere, omnes iuniores nullo detractante militiam sacramento adegit.

7.11.6pugnatum haud procul porta Collina est totius uiribus urbis in conspectu parentum coniugumque ac liberorum; quae magna etiam absentibus hortamenta animi tum subiecta oculis simul uerecundia misericordiaque militem accendebant.

7.11.7magna utrimque edita caede auertitur tandem acies Gallorum. fuga Tibur sicut arcem belli Gallici petunt; palati a consule Poetelio haud procul Tibure excepti, egressis ad opem ferendam Tiburtibus, simul cum iis intra portas compelluntur.

7.11.8egregie cum ab dictatore tum ab consule res gesta est. et consul alter Fabius proeliis primum paruis, postremo una insigni pugna, cum hostes totis adorti copiis essent, Hernicos deuincit.

7.11.9dictator consulibus in senatu et apud populum magnifice conlaudatis et suarum quoque rerum illis remisso honore dictatura se abdicauit. Poetelius de Gallis Tiburtibusque geminum triumphum egit: Fabio satis uisum ut ouans urbem iniret.

7.11.10inridere Poeteli triumphum Tiburtes: ubi enim eum secum acie conflixisse? spectatores paucos fugae trepidationisque Gallorum extra portas egressos, postquam in se quoque fieri impetum uiderint et sine discrimine obuios caedi, recepisse se intra urbem;

7.11.11eam rem triumpho dignam uisam Romanis. ne nimis mirum magnumque censerent tumultum exciere in hostium portis, maiorem ipsos trepidationem ante moenia sua uisuros.

7.12.1itaque insequenti anno M. Popilio Laenate Cn. Manlio consulibus primo silentio noctis ab Tibure agmine infesto profecti ad urbem Romam uenerunt.

7.12.2terrorem repente ex somno excitatis subita res et nocturnus pauor praebuit, ad hoc multorum inscitia, qui aut unde hostes aduenissent;

7.12.3conclamatum tamen celeriter ad arma est et portae stationibus murique praesidiis firmati. et ubi prima lux mediocrem multitudinem ante moenia neque alium quam Tiburtem hostem ostendit, duabus portis egressi consules utrimque aciem subeuntium iam muros adgrediuntur;

7.12.4apparuitque occasione magis quam uirtute fretos uenisse: adeo uix primum impetum Romanorum sustinuere. quin etiam bono fuisse Romanis aduentum eorum constabat orientemque iam seditionem inter patres et plebem metu tam propinqui belli compressam.

7.12.5alius aduentus hostium fuit [proximo bello] agris [quam] terribilior [urbi]:

7.12.6populabundi Tarquinienses fines Romanos, maxime qua ex parte Etruriam adiacent, peragrauere rebusque nequiquam repetitis noui consules C. Fabius et C. Plautius iussu populi bellum indixere; Fabioque ea prouincia, Plautio Hernici euenere.

7.12.7Gallici quoque belli fama increbrescebat. sed inter multos terrores solacio fuit pax Latinis petentibus data et magna uis militum ab his ex foedere uetusto, quod multis intermiserant annis, accepta.

7.12.8quo praesidio cum fulta res Romana esset, leuius fuit quod Gallos mox Praeneste uenisse atque inde circa Pedum consedisse auditum est.

7.12.9dictatorem dici C. Sulpicium placuit; consul ad id accitus C. Plautius dixit; magister equitum dictatori additus M. Ualerius . hi robora militum ex duobus consularibus exercitibus electa aduersus Gallos duxerunt.

7.12.10lentius id aliquanto bellum quam parti utrique placebat fuit. cum primo Galli tantum auidi certaminis fuissent, deinde Romanus miles ruendo in arma ac dimicationem aliquantum Gallicam ferociam uinceret,

7.12.11dictatori neutiquam placebat, quando nulla cogeret res, fortunae se committere aduersus hostem, quem tempus deteriorem in dies faceret, locis alienis sine praeparato commeatu, sine firmo munimento morantem, ad hoc iis corporibus animisque quorum omnis in impetu uis esset, parua eadem languesceret mora.

7.12.12his consiliis dictator bellum trahebat grauemque edixerat poenam, si quis iniussu in hostem pugnasset. milites aegre id patientes primo in stationibus uigiliisque inter se dictatorem sermonibus carpere, interdum patres communiter increpare quod non iussissent per consules geri bellum:

7.12.13electum esse eximium imperatorem, unicum ducem, qui nihil agenti sibi de caelo deuolaturam in sinum uictoriam censeat. eadem deinde haec interdiu propalam ac ferociora his iactare: se iniussu imperatoris aut dimicaturos aut agmine Romam ituros.

7.12.14immiscerique militibus centuriones nec in circulis modo fremere sed iam in principiis ac praetorio in unum sermones confundi atque in contionis magnitudinem crescere turba et uociferari ex omnibus locis ut extemplo ad dictatorem iretur; uerba pro exercitu faceret Sex. Tullius , ut uirtute eius dignum esset.

7.13.1septimum primum pilum iam Tullius ducebat neque erat in exercitu, qui quidem pedestria stipendia fecisset, uir factis nobilior.

7.13.2is praecedens militum agmen ad tribunal pergit mirantique Sulpicio non turbam magis quam turbae principem Tullium,

7.13.3imperiis oboedientissimum militem, 'si licet, dictator' inquit, 'condemnatum se uniuersus exercitus a te ignauiae ratus et prope ignominiae causa destitutum sine armis orauit me ut suam causam apud te agerem.

7.13.4equidem, sicubi loco cessum, si terga data hosti, si signa foede amissa obici nobis possent, tamen hoc a te impetrari aequum censerem ut nos uirtute culpam nostram corrigere et abolere flagitii memoriam noua gloria patereris.

7.13.5etiam ad Alliam fusae legiones eandem quam per pauorem amiserant patriam profectae postea a Ueiis uirtute reciperauere. nobis deum benignitate, felicitate tua populique Romani, et res et gloria est integra;

7.13.6quamquam de gloria uix dicere ausim, si nos et hostes haud secus quam feminas abditos intra uallum omnibus contumeliis eludunt, et tu imperator noster—quod aegrius patimur—exercitum tuum sine animis, sine armis, sine manibus iudicas esse et, priusquam expertus nos esses, de nobis ita desperasti ut te mancorum ac debilium ducem iudicares esse.

7.13.7quid enim aliud esse causae credamus, cur ueteranus dux, fortissimus bello, compressis, quod aiunt, manibus sedeas? utcumque enim se habet res, te de nostra uirtute dubitasse uideri quam nos de tua uerius est.

7.13.8sin autem non tuum istuc sed publicum est consilium, et consensus aliqui patrum, non Gallicum bellum, nos ab urbe, a penatibus nostris ablegatos tenet, quaeso, ut ea quae dicam non a militibus imperatori dicta censeas sed a plebe patribus—quae si, ut uos uestra habeatis consilia, sic se sua habituram dicat,

7.13.9quis tandem suscenseat?—milites nos esse non seruos uestros, ad bellum non in exsilium missos; si quis det signum, in aciem educat, ut uiris ac Romanis dignum sit, pugnaturos: si nihil armis opus sit, otium Romae potius quam in castris acturos.

7.13.10haec dicta sint patribus. te, imperator, milites tui oramus ut nobis pugnandi copiam facias; cum uincere cupimus, tum te duce uincere, tibi lauream insignem deferre, tecum triumphantes urbem inire, tuum sequentes currum Iouis optimi maximi templum gratantes ouantesque adire.'

7.13.11orationem Tulli exceperunt preces multitudinis et undique, ut signum daret, ut capere arma iuberet, clamabant.

7.14.1dictator quamquam rem bonam exemplo haud probabili actam censebat tamen facturum quod milites uellent, <in>

7.14.2se recepit Tulliumque secreto quaenam haec res sit aut quo acta more percontatur. Tullius magno opere a dictatore petere ne se oblitum disciplinae militaris, ne sui neue imperatoriae maiestatis crederet; multitudini concitatae, quae ferme auctoribus similis esset, non subtraxisse se ducem ne quis alius, quales mota creare multitudo soleret, exsisteret;

7.14.3nam se quidem nihil non arbitrio imperatoris acturum. illi quoque tamen uidendum magno opere esse ut exercitum in potestate haberet; differri non posse adeo concitatos animos; ipsos sibi locum ac tempus pugnandi sumpturos, si ab imperatore non detur.

7.14.4dum haec loquuntur, iumenta forte pascentia extra uallum Gallo abigenti duo milites Romani ademerunt. in eos saxa coniecta a Gallis; deinde ab Romana statione clamor ortus ac procursum utrimque est.

7.14.5iamque haud procul iusto proelio res erat, ni celeriter diremptum certamen per centuriones esset; adfirmata certe eo casu Tulli apud dictatorem fides est; nec recipiente iam dilationem re, in posterum diem edicitur acie pugnaturos.

7.14.6dictator tamen, ut qui magis animis quam uiribus fretus ad certamen descenderet, omnia circumspicere atque agitare coepit ut arte aliqua terrorem hostibus incuteret. sollerti animo rem nouam excogitat, qua deinde multi nostri atque externi imperatores, nostra quoque quidam aetate, usi sunt:

7.14.7mulis strata detrahi iubet binisque tantum centunculis relictis agasones partim captiuis, partim aegrorum armis ornatos imponit.

7.14.8his fere mille effectis centum admiscet equites et nocte super castra in montes euadere ac siluis se occultare iubet neque inde ante mouere quam ab se acceperint signum.

7.14.9ipse, ubi inluxit, in radicibus montium extendere aciem coepit sedulo,

7.14.10ut aduersus montes consisteret hostis, instructo uani terroris apparatu, qui quidem terror plus paene ueris uiribus profuit. primo credere duces Gallorum non descensuros in aequum Romanos; deinde, ubi degressos repente uiderunt, et ipsi auidi certaminis in proelium ruunt priusque pugna coepit quam signum ab ducibus daretur.

7.15.1acrius inuasere Galli dextrum cornu; neque sustineri potuissent, ni forte eo loco dictator fuisset, Sex. Tullium nomine increpans rogitansque sicine pugnaturos milites spopondisset?

7.15.2ubi illi clamores sint arma poscentium, ubi minae iniussu imperatoris proelium inituros? en ipsum imperatorem clara uoce uocare ad proelium et ire armatum ante prima signa; ecquis sequeretur eorum qui modo ducturi fuerint, in castris feroces, in acie pauidi?

7.15.3uera audiebant; itaque tantos pudor stimulos admouit, ut ruerent in hostium tela alienatis a memoria periculi animis. hic primo impetus prope uecors turbauit hostes, eques deinde emissus turbatos auertit.

7.15.4ipse dictator, post quam labantem una parte uidit aciem, signa in laeuum cornu confert, quo turbam hostium congregari cernebat, et iis qui in monte erant signum quod conuenerat dedit.

7.15.5ubi inde quoque nouus clamor ortus et tendere obliquo monte ad castra Gallorum uisi sunt, tum metu ne excluderentur omissa pugna est cursuque effuso ad castra ferebantur.

7.15.6ubi cum occurrisset eis M. Ualerius magister equitum, qui profligato dextro cornu obequitabat hostium munimentis, ad montes siluasque uertunt fugam plurimique ibi a fallaci equitum specie agasonibusque excepti sunt;

7.15.7et eorum, quos pauor pertulerat in siluas, atrox caedes post sedatum proelium fuit.

7.15.8nec alius post M. Furium quam C. Sulpicius iustiorem de Gallis egit triumphum. auri quoque ex Gallicis spoliis satis magnum pondus saxo quadrato saeptum in Capitolio sacrauit.

7.15.9eodem anno et a consulibus uario euentu bellatum; nam Hernici a C. Plautio deuicti subactique sunt, Fabius collega eius incaute atque inconsulte aduersus Tarquinienses pugnauit.

7.15.10nec in acie tantum ibi cladis acceptum quam quod trecentos septem milites Romanos captos Tarquinienses immolarunt; qua foeditate supplicii aliquanto ignominia populi Romani insignitior fuit.

7.15.11accessit ad eam cladem et uastatio Romani agri, quam Priuernates, Ueliterni deinde, incursione repentina fecerunt. eodem anno duae tribus, Pomptina et Publilia, additae;

7.15.12ludi uotiui, quos M. Furius dictator uouerat, facti; et de ambitu ab C. Poetelio tribuno plebis auctoribus patribus tum primum ad populum latum est;

7.15.13eaque rogatione nouorum maxime hominum ambitionem, qui nundinas et conciliabula obire soliti erant, compressam credebant.

7.16.1haud aeque laeta patribus insequenti anno C. Marcio Cn. Manlio consulibus de unciario fenore a M. Duillio L. Menenio tribunis plebis rogatio est perlata; et plebs aliquanto eam cupidius sciuit [accepit].

7.16.2ad bella noua priore anno destinata Falisci quoque hostes exorti duplici crimine quod et cum Tarquiniensibus iuuentus eorum militauerat et eos qui Falerios perfugerant cum male pugnatum est, repetentibus fetialibus Romanis non reddiderant.

7.16.3ea prouincia Cn. Manlio obuenit. Marcius exercitum in agrum Priuernatem, integrum pace longinqua, induxit militemque praeda impleuit. ad copiam rerum addidit munificentiam, quod nihil in publicum secernendo augenti rem priuatam militi fauit.

7.16.4Priuernates cum ante moenia sua castris permunitis consedissent, uocatis ad contionem militibus 'castra nunc' inquit 'uobis hostium urbemque praedae do, si mihi pollicemini uos fortiter in acie operam nauaturos nec praedae magis quam pugnae paratos esse.'

7.16.5signum poscunt ingenti clamore celsique et spe haud dubia feroces in proelium uadunt. ibi ante signa Sex. Tullius , de quo ante dictum est, exclamat 'adspice, imperator' inquit, 'quemadmodum exercitus tuus tibi promissa praestet', piloque posito stricto gladio in hostem impetum facit.

Book 7, Part 3

7.16.6sequuntur Tullium antesignani omnes primoque impetu auertere hostem; fusum inde ad oppidum persecuti, cum iam scalas moenibus admouerent, in deditionem urbem acceperunt. triumphus de Priuernatibus actus.

7.16.7ab altero consule nihil memorabile gestum, nisi quod legem nouo exemplo ad Sutrium in castris tributim de uicensima eorum qui manumitterentur tulit. patres, quia ea lege haud paruum uectigal inopi aerario additum esset, auctores fuerunt;

7.16.8ceterum tribuni plebis, non tam lege quam exemplo moti, ne quis postea populum seuocaret, capite sanxerunt: nihil enim non per milites iuratos in consulis uerba, quamuis perniciosum populo, si id liceret, ferri posse.

7.16.9eodem anno C. Licinius Stolo a M. Popilio Laenate sua lege decem milibus aeris est damnatus, quod mille iugerum agri cum filio possideret emancupandoque filium fraudem legi fecisset.

7.17.1noui consules inde, M. Fabius Ambustus iterum et M. Popilius Laenas iterum, duo bella habuere, facile alterum cum Tiburtibus,

7.17.2quod Laenas gessit, qui hoste in urbem compulso agros uastauit; Falisci Tarquiniensesque alterum consulem prima pugna fuderunt.

7.17.3inde terror maximus fuit quod sacerdotes eorum facibus ardentibus anguibusque praelatis incessu furiali militem Romanum insueta turbauerunt specie. et tum quidem uelut lymphati et attoniti munimentis suis trepido agmine inciderunt;

7.17.4deinde, ubi consul legatique ac tribuni puerorum ritu uana miracula pauentes inridebant increpabantque, uertit animos repente pudor et in ea ipsa quae fugerant uelut caeci ruebant.

7.17.5discusso itaque uano apparatu hostium, cum in ipsos armatos se intulissent, auerterunt totam aciem castrisque etiam eo die potiti praeda ingenti parta uictores reuerterunt, militaribus iocis cum apparatum hostium tum suum increpantes pauorem.

7.17.6concitatur deinde omne nomen Etruscum et Tarquiniensibus Faliscisque ducibus ad Salinas perueniunt. aduersus eum terrorem dictator C. Marcius Rutulus primus de plebe dictus magistrum equitum item de plebe C. Plautium dixit.

7.17.7id uero patribus indignum uideri etiam dictaturam iam in promiscuo esse; omnique ope impediebant ne quid dictatori ad id bellum decerneretur parareturue. eo promptius cuncta ferente dictatore populus iussit.

7.17.8profectus ab urbe utraque parte Tiberis, ratibus exercitu, quocumque fama hostium ducebat, traiecto multos populatores agrorum uagos palantes oppressit;

7.17.9castra quoque necopinato adgressus cepit et octo milibus hostium captis, ceteris aut caesis aut ex agro Romano fugatis sine auctoritate patrum populi iussu triumphauit.

7.17.10quia nec per dictatorem plebeium nec per consulem comitia consularia haberi uolebant et alter consul Fabius bello retinebatur, res ad interregnum redit.

7.17.11interreges deinceps Q. Seruilius Ahala M. Fabius Cn. Manlius C. Fabius C. Sulpicius L. Aemilius Q. Seruilius M. Fabius Ambustus .

7.17.12in secundo interregno orta contentio est, quod duo patricii consules creabantur, intercedentibusque tribunis interrex Fabius aiebat in duodecim tabulis legem esse ut, quodcumque postremum populus iussisset, id ius ratumque esset;

7.17.13iussum populi et suffragia esse. cum intercedendo tribuni nihil aliud quam ut differrent comitia ualuissent, duo patricii consules creati sunt, C. Sulpicius Peticus tertium M. Ualerius Publicola eodemque die magistratum inierunt,

7.18.1quadringentesimo anno quam urbs Romana condita erat, quinto tricesimo quam a Gallis reciperata, ablato post undecimum annum a plebe consulatu [patricii consules ambo ex interregno magistratum iniere, C. Sulpicius Peticus tertium M. Ualerius Publicola ].

7.18.2Empulum eo anno ex Tiburtibus haud memorando certamine captum, siue duorum consulum auspicio bellum ibi gestum est, ut scripsere quidam, seu per idem tempus Tarquiniensium quoque sunt uastati agri ab Sulpicio consule, quo Ualerius aduersus Tiburtes legiones duxit.

7.18.3domi maius certamen consulibus cum plebe ac tribunis erat. fidei iam suae non solum uirtutis ducebant esse, ut accepissent duo patricii consulatum, ita ambobus patriciis mandare:

7.18.4quin aut toto cedendum esse, si plebeius iam magistratus consulatus fiat, aut totum possidendum quam possessionem integram a patribus accepissent.

7.18.5plebes contra fremit: quid se uiuere, quid in parte ciuium censeri, si, quod duorum hominum uirtute, L. Sexti ac C. Licini , partum sit, id obtinere uniuersi non possint?

7.18.7decemuiros uel si quod tristius sit imperii nomen patiendum esse potius quam ambos patricios consules uideant nec in uicem pareatur atque imperetur sed pars altera in aeterno imperio locata plebem nusquam alio natam quam ad seruiendum putet.

7.18.8non desunt tribuni auctores turbarum, sed inter concitatos per se omnes uix duces eminent.

7.18.9aliquotiens frustra in campum descensum cum esset multique per seditiones acti comitiales dies, postremo uicit perseuerantia consulum: plebis eo dolor erupit, ut tribunos actum esse de libertate uociferantes relinquendumque non campum iam solum sed etiam urbem captam atque oppressam regno patriciorum maesta [plebs] sequeretur.

7.18.10consules relicti a parte populi per infrequentiam comitia nihilo segnius perficiunt. creati consules ambo patricii, M. Fabius Ambustus tertium T. Quinctius . in quibusdam annalibus pro T. Quinctio M. Popilium consulem inuenio.

7.19.1duo bella eo anno prospere gesta: cum Tarquiniensibus Tiburtibusque ad deditionem pugnatum. Sassula ex his urbs capta; ceteraque oppida eandem fortunam habuissent, ni uniuersa gens positis armis in fidem consulis uenisset.

7.19.2triumphatum de Tiburtibus; alioquin mitis uictoria fuit. in Tarquinienses acerbe saeuitum; multis mortalibus in acie caesis ex ingenti captiuorum numero trecenti quinquaginta octo delecti, nobilissimus quisque, qui Romam mitterentur;

7.19.3uolgus aliud trucidatum. nec populus in eos qui missi Romam erant mitior fuit: medio in foro omnes uirgis caesi ac securi percussi. id pro immolatis in foro Tarquiniensium Romanis poenae hostibus redditum.

7.19.4res bello bene gestae ut Samnites quoque amicitiam peterent effecerunt. legatis eorum comiter ab senatu responsum; foedere in societatem accepti.

7.19.5non eadem domi quae militiae fortuna erat plebi Romanae. nam etsi unciario fenore facto leuata usura erat, sorte ipsa obruebantur inopes nexumque inibant; eo nec patricios ambo consules neque comitiorum curam publicaue studia prae priuatis incommodis plebs ad animum admittebat.

7.19.6consulatus uterque apud patricios manet; consules creati C. Sulpicius Peticus quartum M. Ualerius Publicola iterum. in bellum Etruscum intentam ciuitatem, quia Caeritem populum misericordia consanguinitatis Tarquiniensibus adiunctum fama ferebat, legati Latini ad Uolscos conuertere, nuntiantes exercitum conscriptum armatumque iam suis finibus imminere; inde populabundos in agrum Romanum uenturos esse.

7.19.7censuit igitur senatus neutram neglegendam rem esse; utroque legiones scribi consulesque sortiri prouincias iussit.

7.19.8inclinauit deinde pars maior curae in Etruscum bellum, postquam litteris Sulpici consulis, cui Tarquinii prouincia euenerat, cognitum est depopulatum agrum circa Romanas salinas praedaeque partem in Caeritum fines auectam et haud dubie iuuentutem eius populi inter praedatores fuisse.

7.19.9itaque Ualerium consulem, Uolscis oppositum castraque ad finem Tusculanum habentem, reuocatum inde senatus dictatorem dicere iussit. T. Manlium L. filium dixit.

7.19.10is cum sibi magistrum equitum A. Cornelium Cossum dixisset, consulari exercitu contentus ex auctoritate patrum ac populi iussu Caeritibus bellum indixit.

7.20.1tum primum Caerites, tamquam in uerbis hostium uis maior ad bellum significandum quam in suis factis, qui per populationem Romanos lacessierant, esset, uerus belli terror inuasit, et quam non suarum uirium ea dimicatio esset cernebant;

7.20.2paenitebatque populationis et Tarquinienses exsecrabantur defectionis auctores; nec arma aut bellum quisquam apparare sed pro se quisque legatos mitti iubebat ad petendam erroris ueniam.

7.20.3legati senatum cum adissent, ab senatu reiecti ad populum deos rogauerunt, quorum sacra bello Gallico accepta rite procurassent, ut Romanos florentes ea sui misericordia caperet quae se rebus adfectis quondam populi Romani cepisset;

7.20.4conuersique ad delubra Uestae hospitium flaminum Uestaliumque ab se caste ac religiose cultum inuocabant:

7.20.5eane meritos crederet quisquam hostes repente sine causa factos? aut, si quid hostiliter fecissent, consilio id magis quam furore lapsos fecisse, ut sua uetera beneficia, locata praesertim apud tam gratos, nouis corrumperent maleficiis florentemque populum Romanum ac felicissimum bello sibi desumerent hostem, cuius adflicti amicitiam cepissent? ne appellarent consilium, quae uis ac necessitas appellanda esset.

7.20.6transeuntes agmine infesto per agrum suum Tarquinienses, cum praeter uiam nihil petissent, traxisse quosdam agrestium populationis eius, quae sibi crimini detur, comites.

7.20.7eos seu dedi placeat, dedere se paratos esse, seu supplicio adfici, daturos poenas. Caere, sacrarium populi Romani, deuersorium sacerdotum ac receptaculum Romanorum sacrorum, intactum inuiolatumque crimine belli hospitio Uestalium cultisque dis darent.

7.20.8mouit populum non tam causa praesens quam uetus meritum, ut maleficii quam beneficii potius immemores essent. itaque pax populo Caeriti data indutiasque in centum annos factas in senatus consultum referri placuit.

7.20.9in Faliscos eodem noxios crimine uis belli conuersa est; sed hostes nusquam inuenti. cum populatione peragrati fines essent, ab oppugnatione urbium temperatum; legionibusque Romam reductis reliquum anni muris turribusque reficiendis consumptum et aedis Apollinis dedicata est.

7.21.1extremo anno comitia consularia certamen patrum ac plebis diremit, tribunis negantibus passuros comitia haberi ni secundum Liciniam legem haberentur, dictatore obstinato tollere potius totum e re publica consulatum quam promiscuum patribus ac plebi facere.

7.21.2prolatandis igitur comitiis cum dictator magistratu abisset, res ad interregnum rediit. infestam inde patribus plebem interreges cum accepissent, ad undecimum interregem seditionibus certatum est.

7.21.3legis Liciniae patrocinium tribuni iactabant: propior dolor plebi fenoris ingrauescentis erat curaeque priuatae in certaminibus publicis erumpebant.

7.21.4quorum taedio patres L. Cornelium Scipionem interregem concordiae causa obseruare legem Liciniam comitiis consularibus iussere. P. Ualerio Publicolae datus e plebe collega C. Marcius Rutulus .

7.21.5inclinatis semel in concordiam animis noui consules fenebrem quoque rem, quae distinere una animos uidebatur, leuare adgressi solutionem alieni aeris in publicam curam uerterunt quinqueuiris creatis quos mensarios ab dispensatione pecuniae appellarunt.

7.21.6meriti aequitate curaque sunt, ut per omnium annalium monumenta celebres nominibus essent; fuere autem C. Duillius P. Decius Mus M. Papirius Q. Publilius et T. Aemilius .

7.21.7qui rem difficillimam tractatu et plerumque parti utrique, semper certe alteri grauem cum alia moderatione tum impendio magis publico quam iactura sustinuerunt.

7.21.8tarda enim nomina et impeditiora inertia debitorum quam facultatibus aut aerarium mensis cum aere in foro positis dissoluit, ut populo prius caueretur, aut aestimatio aequis rerum pretiis liberauit, ut non modo sine iniuria sed etiam sine querimoniis partis utriusque exhausta uis ingens aeris alieni sit.

7.21.9terror inde uanus belli Etrusci, cum coniurasse duodecim populos fama esset, dictatorem dici coegit. dictus in castris —eo enim ad consules missum senatus consultum est— C. Iulius , cui magister equitum adiectus L. Aemilius . ceterum foris tranquilla omnia fuere:

7.22.1temptatum domi per dictatorem, ut ambo patricii consules crearentur, rem ad interregnum perduxit.

7.22.2duo interreges, C. Sulpicius et M. Fabius , interpositi obtinuere quod dictator frustra tetenderat, mitiore iam plebe ob recens meritum leuati aeris alieni, ut ambo patricii consules crearentur.

7.22.3creati ipse C. Sulpicius Peticus , qui prior interregno abiit, et T. Quinctius Poenus ; quidam Caesonem, alii Gaium praenomen Quinctio adiciunt,

7.22.4ad bellum ambo profecti, Faliscum Quinctius, Sulpicius Tarquiniense, nusquam acie congresso hoste cum agris magis quam cum hominibus urendo populandoque gesserunt bella;

7.22.5cuius lentae uelut tabis senio uicta utriusque pertinacia populi est, ut primum a consulibus, dein permissu eorum ab senatu indutias peterent. in quadraginta annos impetrauerunt.

7.22.6ita posita duorum bellorum quae imminebant cura, dum aliqua ab armis quies esset, quia solutio aeris alieni multarum rerum mutauerat dominos, censum agi placuit.

7.22.7ceterum cum censoribus creandis indicta comitia essent, professus censuram se petere C. Marcius Rutulus , qui primus dictator de plebe fuerat, concordiam ordinum turbauit;

7.22.8quod uidebatur quidem tempore alieno fecisse, quia ambo tum forte patricii consules erant, qui rationem eius se habituros negabant;

7.22.9sed et ipse constantia inceptum obtinuit et tribuni omni ui <ut> reciperaturi ius consularibus comitiis amissum adiuuerunt, et cum ipsius uiri maiestas nullius honoris fastigium non aequabat, tum per eundem, qui ad dictaturam aperuisset uiam, censuram quoque in partem uocari plebes uolebat.

7.22.10nec uariatum comitiis est, quin cum Manlio †Naeuio censor† Marcius crearetur. dictatorem quoque hic annus habuit M. Fabium , nullo terrore belli sed ne Licinia lex comitiis consularibus obseruaretur.

7.22.11magister equitum dictatori additus Q. Seruilius . nec tamen dictatura potentiorem eum consensum patrum consularibus comitiis fecit quam censoriis fuerat:

7.23.1M. Popilius Laenas a plebe consul, a patribus L. Cornelius Scipio datus.

7.23.2fortuna quoque inlustriorem plebeium consulem fecit; nam cum ingentem Gallorum exercitum in agro Latino castra posuisse nuntiatum esset, Scipione graui morbo implicito Gallicum bellum Popilio extra ordinem datum.

7.23.3is impigre exercitu scripto, cum omnes extra portam Capenam ad Martis aedem conuenire armatos iuniores iussisset signaque eodem quaestores ex aerario deferre, quattuor expletis legionibus, quod superfuit militum P. Ualerio Publicolae praetori tradidit,

7.23.4auctor patribus scribendi alterius exercitus, quod ad incertos belli euentus subsidium rei publicae esset.

7.23.5ipse iam satis omnibus instructis comparatisque ad hostem pergit; cuius ut prius nosceret uires quam periculo ultimo temptaret, in tumulo, quem proximum castris Gallorum capere potuit, uallum ducere coepit.

7.23.6gens ferox et ingenii auidi ad pugnam cum procul uisis Romanorum signis ut extemplo proelium initura explicuisset aciem, postquam neque in aequum demitti agmen uidit et cum loci altitudine tum uallo etiam tegi Romanos, perculsos pauore rata, simul opportuniores quod intenti tum maxime operi essent, truci clamore adgreditur.

7.23.7ab Romanis nec opus intermissum— triarii erant, qui muniebant—et ab hastatis principibusque, qui pro munitoribus intenti armatique steterunt, proelium initum.

7.23.8praeter uirtutem locus quoque superior adiuuit, ut pila omnia hastaeque non tamquam ex aequo missa uana, quod plerumque fit, caderent sed omnia librata ponderibus figerentur;

7.23.9oneratique telis Galli, quibus aut corpora transfixa aut praegrauata inhaerentibus gerebant scuta, cum cursu paene in aduersum subissent, primo incerti restitere;

7.23.10dein, cum ipsa cunctatio et his animos minuisset et auxisset hosti, impulsi retro ruere alii super alios stragemque inter se caede ipsa foediorem dare; adeo praecipiti turba obtriti plures quam ferro necati.

7.24.1necdum certa Romanis uictoria erat; alia in campum degressis supererat moles.

7.24.2namque multitudo Gallorum, sensum omnem talis damni exsuperans, uelut noua rursus exoriente acie integrum militem aduersus uictorem hostem ciebat;

7.24.3stetitque suppresso impetu Romanus, et quia iterum fessis subeunda dimicatio erat et quod consul, dum inter primores incautus agitat, laeuo umero matari prope traiecto cesserat parumper ex acie.

7.24.4iamque omissa cunctando uictoria erat, cum consul uolnere alligato reuectus ad prima signa 'quid stas, miles?' inquit; 'non cum Latino Sabinoque hoste res est, quem uictum armis socium ex hoste facias;

7.24.5in beluas strinximus ferrum; hauriendus aut dandus est sanguis. propulistis a castris, supina ualle praecipites egistis, stratis corporibus hostium superstatis; complete eadem strage campos qua montes replestis.

7.24.6nolite exspectare dum stantes uos fugiant; inferenda sunt signa et uadendum in hostem.'

Book 7, Part 4

7.24.7his adhortationibus iterum coorti pellunt loco primos manipulos Gallorum; cuneis deinde in medium agmen perrumpunt.

7.24.8inde barbari dissipati, quibus nec certa imperia nec duces essent, uertunt impetum in suos; fusique per campos et praeter castra etiam sua fuga praelati, quod editissimum inter aequales tumulos occurrebat oculis, arcem Albanam petunt.

7.24.9consul non ultra castra insecutus, quia et uolnus degrauabat et subicere exercitum tumulis ab hoste occupatis nolebat, praeda omni castrorum militi data uictorem exercitum opulentumque Gallicis spoliis Romam reduxit.

7.24.10moram triumpho uolnus consulis attulit eademque causa dictatoris desiderium senatui fecit, ut esset qui aegris consulibus comitia haberet.

7.24.11dictator L. Furius Camillus dictus addito magistro equitum P. Cornelio Scipione reddidit patribus possessionem pristinam consulatus. ipse ob id meritum ingenti patrum studio creatus consul collegam Ap. Claudium Crassum dixit.

7.25.1prius quam inirent noui consules magistratum, triumphus a Popilio de Gallis actus magno fauore plebis; mussantesque inter se rogitabant num quem plebeii consulis paeniteret;

7.25.2simul dictatorem increpabant, qui legis Liciniae spretae mercedem [consulatum] priuata cupiditate quam publica iniuria foediorem cepisset, ut se ipse consulem dictator crearet.

7.25.3annus multis uariisque motibus fuit insignis: Galli ex Albanis montibus, quia hiemis uim pati nequiuerant, per campos maritimaque loca uagi populabantur;

7.25.4mare infestum classibus Graecorum erat oraque litoris Antiatis Laurensque tractus et Tiberis ostia, ut praedones maritimi cum terrestribus congressi ancipiti semel proelio decertarint dubiique discesserint in castra Galli, Graeci retro ad naues, uictos se an uictores putarent.

7.25.5inter hos longe maximus exstitit terror concilia populorum Latinorum ad lucum Ferentinae habita responsumque haud ambiguum imperantibus milites Romanis datum, absisterent imperare iis quorum auxilio egerent:

7.25.6Latinos pro sua libertate potius quam pro alieno imperio laturos arma.

7.25.7inter duo simul bella externa defectione etiam sociorum senatus anxius, cum cerneret metu tenendos quos fides non tenuisset, extendere omnes imperii uires consules dilectu habendo iussit: ciuili quippe standum exercitu esse, quando socialis [coetus] desereret.

7.25.8undique non urbana tantum sed etiam agresti iuuentute decem legiones scriptae dicuntur quaternum milium et ducenorum peditum equitumque trecenorum, quem nunc nouum exercitum,

7.25.9si qua externa uis ingruat, hae uires populi Romani, quas uix terrarum capit orbis, contractae in unum haud facile efficiant; adeo in quae laboramus sola creuimus, diuitias luxuriamque.

7.25.10inter cetera tristia eius anni consul alter Ap. Claudius in ipso belli apparatu moritur; redieratque res ad Camillum, cui unico consuli,

7.25.11uel ob aliam dignationem haud subiciendam dictaturae uel ob omen faustum ad Gallicum tumultum cognominis, dictatorem adrogari haud satis decorum uisum est patribus.

7.25.12consul duabus legionibus urbi praepositis, octo cum L. Pinario praetore diuisis memor paternae uirtutis Gallicum sibi bellum extra sortem sumit, praetorem maritimam oram tutari Graecosque arcere litoribus iussit.

7.25.13et cum in agrum Pomptinum descendisset, quia neque in campis congredi nulla cogente re uolebat et prohibendo populationibus quos rapto uiuere necessitas cogeret satis domari credebat hostem, locum idoneum statiuis delegit.

7.26.1ubi cum stationibus quieti tempus tererent, Gallus processit magnitudine atque armis insignis; quatiensque scutum hasta cum silentium fecisset, prouocat per interpretem unum ex Romanis qui secum ferro decernat.

7.26.2M. erat Ualerius tribunus militum adulescens, qui haud indigniorem eo decore se quam T. Manlium ratus, prius sciscitatus consulis uoluntatem, in medium armatus processit.

7.26.3minus insigne certamen humanum numine interposito deorum factum; namque conserenti iam manum Romano coruus repente in galea consedit, in hostem uersus.

7.26.4quod primo ut augurium caelo missum laetus accepit tribunus, precatus deinde, si diuus, si diua esset qui sibi praepetem misisset, uolens propitius adesset.

7.26.5dictu mirabile, tenuit non solum ales captam semel sedem sed, quotienscumque certamen initum est, leuans se alis os oculosque hostis rostro et unguibus appetit, donec territum prodigii talis uisu oculisque simul ac mente turbatum Ualerius obtruncat; coruus ex conspectu elatus orientem petit.

7.26.6hactenus quietae utrimque stationes fuere; postquam spoliare corpus caesi hostis tribunus coepit, nec Galli se statione tenuerunt et Romanorum cursus ad uictorem etiam ocior fuit. ibi circa iacentis Galli corpus contracto certamine pugna atrox concitatur.

7.26.7iam non manipulis proximarum stationum sed legionibus utrimque effusis res geritur. Camillus laetum militem uictoria tribuni, laetum tam praesentibus ac secundis dis ire in proelium iubet; ostentansque insignem spoliis tribunum, 'hunc imitare, miles' aiebat, 'et circa iacentem ducem sterne Gallorum cateruas.'

7.26.8di hominesque illi adfuere pugnae depugnatumque haudquaquam certamine ambiguo cum Gallis est; adeo duorum militum euentum, inter quos pugnatum erat, utraque acies animis praeceperat.

7.26.9inter primos, quorum concursus alios exciuerat, atrox proelium fuit: alia multitudo, priusquam ad coniectum teli ueniret, terga uertit. primo per Uolscos Falernumque agrum dissipati sunt; inde Apuliam ac mare inferum petierunt.

7.26.10consul contione aduocata laudatum tribunum decem bubus aureaque corona donat; ipse iussus ab senatu bellum maritimum curare cum praetore iunxit castra.

7.26.11ibi quia res trahi segnitia Graecorum non committentium se in aciem uidebantur, dictatorem comitiorum causa T. Manlium Torquatum ex auctoritate senatus dixit.

7.26.12dictator magistro equitum A. Cornelio Cosso dicto comitia consularia habuit aemulumque decoris sui absentem M. Ualerium Coruum — id enim illi deinde cognominis fuit—summo fauore populi, tres et uiginti natum annos, consulem renuntiauit.

7.26.13collega Coruo de plebe M. Popilius Laenas , quartum consul futurus, datus est. cum Graecis a Camillo nulla memorabilis gesta res; nec illi terra nec Romanus mari bellator erat.

7.26.14postremo cum litoribus arcerentur, aqua etiam praeter cetera necessaria usui deficiente Italiam reliquere.

7.26.15cuius populi ea cuiusque gentis classis fuerit nihil certi est. maxime Siciliae fuisse tyrannos crediderim; nam ulterior Graecia ea tempestate intestino fessa bello iam Macedonum opes horrebat.

7.27.1exercitibus dimissis, cum et foris pax et domi concordia ordinum otium esset, ne nimis laetae res essent, pestilentia ciuitatem adorta coegit senatum imperare decemuiris ut libros Sibyllinos inspicerent; eorumque monitu lectisternium fuit.

7.27.2eodem anno Satricum ab Antiatibus colonia deducta restitutaque urbs quam Latini diruerant. et cum Carthaginiensibus legatis Romae foedus ictum, cum amicitiam ac societatem petentes uenissent.

7.27.3idem otium domi forisque mansit T. Manlio Torquato ii† C. Plautio consulibus. Semunciarium tantum ex unciario fenus factum et in pensiones aequas triennii, ita ut quarta praesens esset,

7.27.4solutio aeris alieni dispensata est; et sic quoque parte plebis adfecta fides tamen publica priuatis difficultatibus potior ad curam senatui fuit. leuatae maxime res, quia tributo ac dilectu supersessum.

7.27.5tertium anno post Satricum restitutum a Uolscis M. Ualerius Coruus iterum consul cum C. Poetelio factus, cum ex Latio nuntiatum esset legatos ab Antio circumire populos Latinorum ad concitandum bellum,

7.27.6prius quam plus hostium fieret Uolscis arma inferre iussus, ad Satricum exercitu infesto pergit. quo cum Antiates aliique Uolsci praeparatis iam ante, si quid ab Roma moueretur, copiis occurrissent, nulla mora inter infensos diutino odio dimicandi facta est.

7.27.7Uolsci, ferocior ad rebellandum quam ad bellandum gens, certamine uicti fuga effusa Satrici moenia petunt; et ne in muris quidem satis firma spe, cum corona militum cincta iam scalis caperetur urbs, ad quattuor milia militum praeter multitudinem imbellem sese dedidere.

7.27.8oppidum dirutum atque incensum: ab aede tantum Matris Matutae abstinuere ignem: praeda omnis militi data. extra praedam quattuor milia deditorum habita; eos uinctos consul ante currum triumphans egit; uenditis deinde magnam pecuniam in aerarium redegit.

7.27.9sunt qui hanc multitudinem captiuam seruorum fuisse scribant, idque magis ueri simile est quam deditos uenisse.

7.28.1hos consules secuti sunt M. Fabius Dorsuo Ser. Sulpicius Camerinus . Auruncum inde bellum ab repentina populatione coeptum;

7.28.2metuque ne id factum populi unius consilium omnis nominis Latini esset, dictator—uelut aduersus armatum iam Latium— L. Furius creatus magistrum equitum Cn. Manlium Capitolinum dixit;

7.28.3et cum—quod per magnos tumultus fieri solitum erat—iustitio indicto dilectus sine uacationibus habitus esset, legiones quantum maturari potuit in Auruncos ductae. ibi praedonum magis quam hostium animi inuenti; prima itaque acie debellatum est.

7.28.4dictator tamen, quia et ultro bellum intulerant et sine detractatione se certamini offerebant, deorum quoque opes adhibendas ratus inter ipsam dimicationem aedem Iunoni Monetae uouit; cuius damnatus uoti cum uictor Romam reuertisset, dictatura se abdicauit.

7.28.5senatus duumuiros ad eam aedem pro amplitudine populi Romani faciendam creari iussit; locus in arce destinatus, quae area aedium M. Manli Capitolini fuerat.

7.28.6consules dictatoris exercitu ad bellum Uolscum usi Soram ex hostibus, incautos adorti, ceperunt. anno postquam uota erat aedes Monetae dedicatur C. Marcio Rutulo tertium T. Manlio Torquato iterum consulibus.

7.28.7prodigium extemplo dedicationem secutum, simile uetusto montis Albani prodigio; namque et lapidibus pluit et nox interdiu uisa intendi; librisque inspectis cum plena religione ciuitas esset, senatui placuit dictatorem feriarum constituendarum causa dici.

7.28.8dictus P. Ualerius Publicola ; magister equitum ei Q. Fabius Ambustus datus est. non tribus tantum supplicatum ire placuit sed finitimos etiam populos, ordoque iis, quo quisque die supplicarent, statutus.

7.28.9iudicia eo anno populi tristia in feneratores facta, quibus ab aedilibus dicta dies esset, traduntur; et res haud ulla insigni ad memoriam causa ad interregnum redit.

7.28.10ex interregno, ut id actum uideri posset, ambo patricii consules creati sunt, M. Ualerius Coruus tertium A. Cornelius Cossus .

7.29.1maiora iam hinc bella et uiribus hostium et longinquitate uel regionum uel temporum [spatio] quibus bellatum est dicentur. namque eo anno aduersus Samnites, gentem opibus armisque ualidam, mota arma;

7.29.2Samnitium bellum ancipiti Marte gestum Pyrrhus hostis, Pyrrhum Poeni secuti. quanta rerum moles. quotiens in extrema periculorum uentum, ut in hanc magnitudinem quae uix sustinetur erigi imperium posset.

7.29.3belli autem causa cum Samnitibus Romanis, cum societate amicitiaque iuncti essent, extrinsecus uenit, non orta inter ipsos est.

7.29.4Samnites Sidicinis iniusta arma, quia uiribus plus poterant, cum intulissent, coacti inopes ad opulentiorum auxilium confugere Campanis sese coniungunt.

7.29.5Campani magis nomen ad praesidium sociorum quam uires cum attulissent, fluentes luxu ab duratis usu armorum in Sidicino pulsi agro in se deinde molem omnem belli uerterunt.

7.29.6namque Samnites, omissis Sidicinis ipsam arcem finitimorum [Campanos] adorti, unde aeque facilis uictoria, praedae atque gloriae plus esset, Tifata, imminentes Capuae colles, cum praesidio firmo occupassent, descendunt inde quadrato agmine in planitiem quae Capuam Tifataque interiacet.

7.29.7ibi rursus acie dimicatum; aduersoque proelio Campani intra moenia compulsi, cum robore iuuentutis suae acciso nulla propinqua spes esset, coacti sunt ab Romanis petere auxilium.

7.30.1legati introducti in senatum maxime in hanc sententiam locuti sunt. 'populus nos Campanus legatos ad uos, patres conscripti, misit amicitiam in perpetuum, auxilium in praesens a uobis petitum.

7.30.2quam si secundis rebus nostris petissemus, sicut coepta celerius, ita infirmiore uinculo contracta esset; tunc enim, ut qui ex aequo nos uenisse in amicitiam meminissemus, amici forsitan pariter ac nunc, subiecti atque obnoxii uobis minus essemus;

7.30.3nunc, misericordia uestra conciliati auxilioque in dubiis rebus defensi, beneficium quoque acceptum colamus oportet, ne ingrati atque omni ope diuina humanaque indigni uideamur.

7.30.4neque hercule, quod Samnites priores amici sociique uobis facti sunt, ad id ualere arbitror ne nos in amicitiam accipiamur sed ut ii uetustate et gradu honoris nos praestent; neque enim foedere Samnitium, ne qua noua iungeretis foedera, cautum est.

7.30.5fuit quidem apud uos semper satis iusta causa amicitiae, uelle eum uobis amicum esse qui uos appeteret:

7.30.6Campani, etsi fortuna praesens magnifice loqui prohibet, non urbis amplitudine, non agri ubertate ulli populo praeterquam uobis cedentes, haud parua, ut arbitror, accessio bonis rebus uestris in amicitiam uenimus uestram.

7.30.7Aequis Uolscisque, aeternis hostibus huius urbis, quandocumque se mouerint, ab tergo erimus, et quod uos pro salute nostra priores feceritis, id nos pro imperio uestro et gloria semper faciemus.

7.30.8subactis his gentibus quae inter nos uosque sunt, quod propediem futurum spondet et uirtus et fortuna uestra, continens imperium usque ad nos habebitis.

7.30.9acerbum ac miserum est quod fateri nos fortuna nostra cogit: eo uentum est, patres conscripti, ut aut amicorum aut inimicorum Campani simus.

7.30.10si defenditis, uestri, si deseritis, Samnitium erimus; Capuam ergo et Campaniam omnem uestris an Samnitium uiribus accedere malitis, deliberate.

7.30.11omnibus quidem, Romani, uestram misericordiam, uestrum auxilium aequum est patere, iis tamen maxime, qui [eam] implorantibus aliis auxilium dum supra uires suas praestant, †omnes† ipsi in hanc necessitatem uenerunt.

7.30.12quamquam pugnauimus uerbo pro Sidicinis, re pro nobis, cum uideremus finitimum populum nefario latrocinio Samnitium peti et, ubi conflagrassent Sidicini, ad nos traiecturum illud incendium esse.

7.30.13nec enim nunc, quia dolent iniuriam acceptam Samnites sed quia gaudent oblatam sibi esse causam, oppugnatum nos ueniunt.

7.30.14an, si ultio irae haec et non occasio cupiditatis explendae esset, parum fuit quod semel in Sidicino agro, iterum in Campania ipsa legiones nostras cecidere?

7.30.15quae est ista tam infesta ira quam per duas acies fusus sanguis explere non potuerit? adde huc populationem agrorum, praedas hominum atque pecudum actas, incendia uillarum ac ruinas, omnia ferro ignique uastata.

7.30.16hiscine ira expleri non potuit? sed cupiditas explenda est. ea ad oppugnandam Capuam rapit; aut delere urbem pulcherrimam aut ipsi possidere uolunt.

7.30.17sed uos potius, Romani, beneficio uestro occupate eam quam illos habere per maleficium sinatis. non loquor apud recusantem iusta bella populum; sed tamen, si ostenderitis auxilia uestra, ne bello quidem arbitror uobis opus fore.

7.30.18usque ad nos contemptus Samnitium peruenit, supra non ascendit; itaque umbra uestri auxilii, Romani, tegi possumus, quidquid deinde habuerimus, quidquid ipsi fuerimus, uestrum id omne existimaturi.

7.30.19uobis arabitur ager Campanus, uobis Capua urbs frequentabitur; conditorum, parentium, deorum immortalium numero nobis eritis; nulla colonia uestra erit, quae nos obsequio erga uos fideque superet.

7.30.20adnuite, patres conscripti, nutum numenque uestrum inuictum Campanis et iubete sperare incolumem Capuam futuram.

7.30.21qua frequentia omnium generum multitudinis prosequente creditis nos illinc profectos? quam omnia uotorum lacrimarumque plena reliquisse? in qua nunc exspectatione senatum populumque Campanum, coniuges liberosque nostros esse?

7.30.22stare omnem multitudinem ad portas uiam hinc ferentem prospectantes certum habeo. quid illis nos, patres conscripti, sollicitis ac pendentibus animi renuntiare iubetis?

Book 7, Part 5

7.30.23alterum responsum salutem uictoriam lucem ac libertatem; alterum—ominari horreo quae ferat. proinde ut aut de uestris futuris sociis atque amicis aut nusquam ullis futuris nobis consulite.'

7.31.1summotis deinde legatis, cum consultus senatus esset, etsi magnae parti urbs maxima opulentissimaque Italiae, uberrimus ager marique propinquus ad uarietates annonae horreum populi Romani fore uidebatur, tamen tanta utilitate fides antiquior fuit responditque ita ex auctoritate senatus consul.

7.31.2'auxilio uos, Campani, dignos censet senatus; sed ita uobiscum amicitiam institui par est, ne qua uetustior amicitia ac societas uioletur. Samnites nobiscum foedere iuncti sunt; itaque arma, deos prius quam homines uiolatura, aduersus Samnites uobis negamus; legatos, sicut fas iusque est, ad socios atque amicos precatum mittemus, ne qua uobis uis fiat.'

7.31.3ad ea princeps legationis—sic enim domo mandatum attulerant—'quando quidem' inquit, 'nostra tueri aduersus uim atque iniuria iusta ui non uoltis, uestra certe defendetis;

7.31.4itaque populum Campanum urbemque Capuam, agros, delubra deum, diuina humanaque omnia in uestram, patres conscripti, populique Romani dicionem dedimus, quidquid deinde patiemur dediticii uestri passuri'.

7.31.5sub haec dicta omnes, manus ad consules tendentes, pleni lacrimarum in uestibulo curiae procubuerunt.

7.31.6commoti patres uice fortunarum humanarum, si ille praepotens opibus populus, luxuria superbiaque clarus, a quo paulo ante auxilium finitimi petissent, adeo infractos gereret animos, ut se ipse suaque omnia potestatis alienae faceret.

7.31.7tum iam fides agi uisa deditos non prodi; nec facturum aequa Samnitium populum censebant, si agrum urbemque per deditionem factam populi Romani oppugnarent.

7.31.8legatos itaque extemplo mitti ad Samnites placuit. data mandata, ut preces Campanorum, responsum senatus amicitiae Samnitium memor, deditionem postremo factam Samnitibus exponerent;

7.31.9peterent pro societate amicitiaque, ut dediticiis suis parcerent neque in eum agrum qui populi Romani factus esset hostilia arma inferrent;

7.31.10si leniter agendo parum proficerent, denuntiarent Samnitibus populi Romani senatusque uerbis, ut Capua urbe Campanoque agro abstinerent.

7.31.11haec legatis agentibus in concilio Samnitium adeo est ferociter responsum, ut non solum gesturos se esse dicerent id bellum sed magistratus eorum e curia egressi stantibus legatis praefectos

7.31.12cohortium uocarent iisque clara uoce imperarent ut praedatum in agrum Campanum extemplo proficiscerentur.

7.32.1hac legatione Romam relata, positis omnium aliarum rerum curis patres fetialibus ad res repetendas missis, belloque, quia non redderentur, sollemni more indicto, decreuerunt ut primo quoque tempore de ea re ad populum ferretur;

7.32.2iussuque populi consules ambo cum duobus exercitibus [ab urbe] profecti, Ualerius in Campaniam, Cornelius in Samnium, ille ad montem Gaurum, hic ad Saticulam castra ponunt.

7.32.3priori Ualerio Samnitium legiones—eo namque omnem belli molem inclinaturam censebant— occurrunt; simul in Campanos stimulabat ira tam promptos nunc ad ferenda, nunc ad accersenda aduersus se auxilia.

7.32.4ut uero castra Romana uiderunt, ferociter pro se quisque signum duces poscere, adfirmare eadem fortuna Romanum Campano laturum opem qua Campanus Sidicino tulerit.

7.32.5Ualerius leuibus certaminibus temptandi hostis causa haud ita multos moratus dies signum pugnae proposuit,

7.32.6paucis suos adhortatus ne nouum bellum eos nouusque hostis terreret: quidquid ab urbe longius proferrent arma, magis magisque in imbelles gentes eos prodire.

7.32.7ne Sidicinorum Campanorumque cladibus Samnitium aestimarent uirtutem; qualescumque inter se certauerint, necesse fuisse alteram partem uinci. Campanos quidem haud dubie magis nimio luxu fluentibus rebus mollitiaque sua quam ui hostium uictos esse.

7.32.8quid autem esse duo prospera in tot saeculis bella Samnitium aduersus tot decora populi Romani, qui triumphos paene plures quam annos ab urbe condita numeret;

7.32.9qui omnia circa se, Sabinos Etruriam Latinos Hernicos Aequos Uolscos Auruncos, domita armis habeat; qui Gallos tot proeliis caesos postremo in mare ac naues fuga compulerit?

7.32.10cum gloria belli ac uirtute sua quemque fretos ire in aciem debere, tum etiam intueri cuius ductu auspicioque ineunda pugna sit,

7.32.11utrum qui, audiendus dumtaxat, magnificus adhortator sit, uerbis tantum ferox, operum militarium expers, an qui et ipse tela tractare, procedere ante signa, uersari media in mole pugnae sciat.

7.32.12'facta mea, non dicta uos, milites' inquit, 'sequi uolo, nec disciplinam modo sed exemplum etiam a me petere. non factionibus [modo] nec per coitiones usitatas nobilibus sed hac dextra mihi tres consulatus summamque laudem peperi.

7.32.13fuit cum hoc dici poterat: patricius enim eras et a liberatoribus patriae ortus, et eodem anno familia ista consulatum quo urbs haec consulem habuit:

7.32.14nunc iam nobis patribus uobisque plebei promiscuus consulatus patet nec generis, ut ante, sed uirtutis est praemium. proinde summum quodque spectate, milites, decus.

7.32.15non, si mihi nouum hoc Coruini cognomen dis auctoribus homines dedistis, Publicolarum uetustum familiae nostrae cognomen memoria excessit;

7.32.16semper ego plebem Romanam militiae domique, priuatus, in magistratibus paruis magnisque, aeque tribunus ac consul, eodem tenore per omnes deinceps consulatus colo atque colui.

7.32.17nunc, quod instat, dis bene iuuantibus nouum atque integrum de Samnitibus triumphum mecum petite.'

7.33.1non alias militi familiarior dux fuit omnia inter infimos militum haud grauate munia obeundo.

7.33.2in ludo praeterea militari, cum uelocitatis uiriumque inter se aequales certamina ineunt, comiter facilis; uincere ac uinci uoltu eodem nec quemquam aspernari parem qui se offerret;

7.33.3factis benignus pro re, dictis haud minus libertatis alienae quam suae dignitatis memor; et, quo nihil popularius est, quibus artibus petierat magistratus, iisdem gerebat.

7.33.4itaque uniuersus exercitus incredibili alacritate adhortationem prosecutus ducis castris egreditur.

7.33.5proelium, ut quod maxime unquam, pari spe utrimque, aequis uiribus, cum fiducia sui sine contemptu hostium commissum est.

7.33.6Samnitibus ferociam augebant nouae res gestae et paucos ante dies geminata uictoria, Romanis contra quadringentorum annorum decora et conditae urbi aequalis uictoria; utrisque tamen nouus hostis curam addebat.

7.33.7pugna indicio fuit quos gesserint animos; namque ita conflixerunt ut aliquamdiu in neutram partem inclinarent acies.

7.33.8tum consul trepidationem iniciendam ratus, quando ui pelli non poterant, equitibus immissis turbare prima signa hostium conatur.

7.33.9quos ubi nequiquam tumultuantes in spatio exiguo uoluere turmas uidit nec posse aperire in hostes uiam, reuectus ad antesignanos legionum, cum desiluisset ex equo, 'nostrum' inquit, 'peditum illud, milites, est opus;

7.33.10agitedum, ut me uideritis, quacumque incessero in aciem hostium, ferro uiam facientem, sic pro se quisque obuios sternite; illa omnia, qua nunc erectae micant hastae, patefacta strage uasta cernetis.' haec dicta dederat,

7.33.11cum equites consulis iussu discurrunt in cornua legionibusque in mediam aciem aperiunt uiam. primus omnium consul inuadit hostem et cum quo forte contulit gradum obtruncat.

7.33.12hoc spectaculo accensi dextra laeuaque ante se quisque memorandum proelium cient; stant obnixi Samnites, quamquam plura accipiunt quam inferunt uolnera.

7.33.13aliquamdiu iam pugnatum erat; atrox caedes circa signa Samnitium, fuga ab nulladum parte erat: adeo morte sola uinci destinauerant animis.

7.33.14itaque Romani cum et fluere iam lassitudine uires sentirent et diei haud multum superesse, accensi ira concitant se in hostem.

7.33.15tum primum referri pedem atque inclinari rem in fugam apparuit; tum capi, occidi Samnis; nec superfuissent multi, ni nox uictoriam magis quam proelium diremisset.

7.33.16et Romani fatebantur nunquam cum pertinaciore hoste conflictum, et Samnites, cum quaereretur quaenam prima causa tam obstinatos mouisset in fugam,

7.33.17oculos sibi Romanorum ardere uisos aiebant uesanosque uoltus et furentia ora; inde plus quam ex alia ulla re terroris ortum. quem terrorem non pugnae solum euentu sed nocturna profectione confessi sunt.

7.33.18postero die uacuis hostium castris Romanus potitur, quo se omnis Campanorum multitudo gratulabunda effudit.

7.34.1ceterum hoc gaudium magna prope clade in Samnio foedatum est. nam ab Saticula profectus Cornelius consul exercitum incaute in saltum caua ualle peruium circaque

7.34.2insessum ab hoste induxit nec prius quam recipi tuto signa non poterant imminentem capiti hostem uidit.

7.34.3dum id morae Samnitibus est quoad totum in uallem infimam demitteret agmen, P. Decius tribunus militum conspicit unum editum in saltu collem, imminentem hostium castris, aditu arduum impedito agmini, expeditis haud difficilem.

7.34.4itaque consuli territo animi 'uidesne tu' inquit, ' A. Corneli , cacumen illud supra hostem? arx illa est spei salutisque nostrae, si eam, quoniam caeci reliquere Samnites, impigre capimus.

7.34.5ne tu mihi plus quam unius legionis principes hastatosque dederis; cum quibus ubi euasero in summum, perge hinc omni liber metu, teque et exercitum serua; neque enim moueri hostis, subiectus nobis ad omnes ictus, sine sua pernicie poterit.

7.34.6nos deinde aut fortuna populi Romani aut nostra uirtus expediet.'

7.34.7conlaudatus ab consule accepto praesidio uadit occultus per saltum; nec prius ab hoste est uisus quam loco quem petebat appropinquauit.

7.34.8inde admiratione pauentibus cunctis, cum omnium in se uertisset oculos, et spatium consuli dedit ad subducendum agmen in aequiorem locum et ipse in summo constitit uertice.

7.34.9Samnites dum huc illuc signa uertunt utriusque rei amissa occasione neque insequi consulem nisi per eandem uallem, in qua paulo ante subiectum eum telis suis habuerant, possunt, nec erigere agmen in captum super se ab Decio tumulum;

7.34.10sed cum ira in hos magis, qui fortunam gerendae rei eripuerant, tum propinquitas loci atque ipsa paucitas incitat;

7.34.11et nunc circumdare undique collem armatis uolunt, ut a consule Decium intercludant, nunc uiam patefacere, ut degressos in uallem adoriantur. incertos quid agerent nox oppressit.

7.34.12Decium primum spes tenuit cum subeuntibus in aduersum collem ex superiore loco se pugnaturum; deinde admiratio incessit quod nec pugnam inirent nec, si ab eo consilio iniquitate loci deterrentur, opere se ualloque circumdarent.

7.34.13tum centurionibus ad se uocatis: 'quaenam illa inscitia belli ac pigritia est? aut quonam modo isti ex Sidicinis Campanisque uictoriam pepererunt? huc atque illuc signa moueri ac modo in unum conferri modo educi uidetis; opus quidem incipit nemo, cum iam circumdati uallo potuerimus esse.

7.34.14tum uero nos similes istorum simus, si diutius hic moremur quam commodum sit. agitedum ite mecum ut, dum lucis aliquid superest, quibus locis praesidia ponant, qua pateat hinc exitus, exploremus.'

7.34.15haec omnia sagulo gregali amictus centurionibus item manipularium militum habitu ductis? ne ducem circumire hostes notarent, perlustrauit.

7.35.1uigiliis deinde dispositis ceteris omnibus tesseram dari iubet, ubi secundae uigiliae bucina datum signum esset, armati cum silentio ad se conuenirent.

7.35.2quo ubi, sicut edictum erat, taciti conuenerunt, 'hoc silentium, milites,' inquit, 'omisso militari adsensu in me audiendo seruandum est. ubi sententiam meam uobis peregero, tum quibus eadem placebunt in dextram partem taciti transibitis; quae pars maior erit, eo stabitur consilio.

7.35.3nunc quae mente agitem audite. non fuga delatos nec inertia relictos hic uos circumuenit hostis: uirtute cepistis locum, uirtute hinc oportet euadatis.

7.35.4ueniendo huc exercitum egregium populo Romano seruastis: erumpendo hinc uosmet ipsos seruate; digni estis qui pauci pluribus opem tuleritis, ipsi nullius auxilio egueritis.

7.35.5cum eo hoste res est, qui hesterno die delendi omnis exercitus fortuna per socordiam usus non sit, hunc tam opportunum collem imminentem capiti suo non ante uiderit quam captum a nobis,

7.35.6nos tam paucos tot ipse milibus hominum nec ascensu arcuerit nec tenentes locum, cum diei tantum superesset, uallo circumdederit. quem uidentem ac uigilantem sic eluseritis, sopitum oportet fallatis, immo necesse est;

7.35.7in eo enim loco res sunt nostrae ut uobis ego magis necessitas uestrae index quam consilii auctor sim.

7.35.8neque enim, maneatis an abeatis hinc, deliberari potest, cum praeter arma et animos armorum memores nihil uobis fortuna reliqui fecerit fameque et siti moriendum sit, si plus quam uiros ac Romanos decet ferrum timeamus.

7.35.9ergo una est salus erumpere hinc atque abire; id aut interdiu aut nocte faciamus oportet.

7.35.10ecce autem aliud minus dubium; quippe, si lux exspectetur, quae spes est non uallo perpetuo fossaque nos saepturum hostem, qui nunc corporibus suis subiectis undique cinxerit, ut uidetis, collem? atqui si nox opportuna est eruptioni, sicut est, haec profecto noctis aptissima hora est.

7.35.11signo secundae uigiliae conuenistis, quod tempus mortales somno altissimo premit; per corpora sopita uadetis uel silentio incautos fallentes uel sentientibus clamore subito pauorem iniecturi.

7.35.12me modo sequimini, quem secuti estis; ego eandem quae duxit huc sequar fortunam. quibus haec salutaria uidentur, agitedum in dextram partem pedibus transite.'

7.36.1omnes transierunt; uadentemque per intermissa custodiis loca Decium secuti sunt.

7.36.2iam euaserant media castra, cum superscandens uigilum strata somno corpora miles offenso scuto praebuit sonitum; quo excitatus uigil cum proximum mouisset erectique alios concitarent, ignari ciues an hostes essent, praesidium erumperet an consul castra cepisset,

7.36.3Decius, quoniam non fallerent, clamorem tollere iussis militibus torpidos somno insuper pauore exanimat, quo praepediti nec arma impigre capere nec obsistere nec insequi poterant.

7.36.4inter trepidationem tumultumque Samnitium praesidium Romanum obuiis custodibus caesis ad castra consulis peruadit.

7.36.5aliquantum supererat noctis iamque in tuto uidebantur esse, cum Decius 'macte uirtute' inquit, 'milites Romani, este; uestrum iter ac reditum omnia saecula laudibus ferent;

7.36.6sed ad conspiciendam tantam uirtutem luce ac die opus est, nec uos digni estis quos cum tanta gloria in castra reduces silentium ac nox tegat; hic lucem quieti opperiamur.'

Book 7, Part 6

7.36.7dictis obtemperatum; atque ubi primum inluxit, praemisso nuntio ad consulem castra ingenti gaudio concitantur; et tessera data incolumes reuerti, qui sua corpora pro salute omnium haud dubio periculo obiecissent, pro se quisque obuiam effusi laudant, gratulantur, singulos uniuersos seruatores suos uocant, dis laudes gratesque agunt, Decium in caelum ferunt.

7.36.8hic Deci castrensis triumphus fuit incedentis per media castra cum armato praesidio coniectis in eum omnium oculis et omni honore tribunum consuli aequantibus.

7.36.9ubi ad praetorium uentum est, consul classico ad contionem conuocat orsusque meritas Deci laudes interfante ipso Decio distulit contionem;

7.36.10qui auctor omnia posthabendi dum occasio in manibus esset, perpulit consulem ut hostes et nocturno pauore attonitos et circa collem castellatim dissipatos adgrederetur: credere etiam aliquos ad se sequendum emissos per saltum uagari.

7.36.11iussae legiones arma capere egressaeque castris, cum per exploratores notior iam saltus esset, uia patentiore ad hostem ducuntur;

7.36.12quem incautum improuiso adortae, cum palati passim Samnitium milites, plerique inermes, nec coire in unum nec arma capere nec recipere intra uallum se possent, pauentem primum intra castra compellunt, deinde castra ipsa turbatis stationibus capiunt.

7.36.13perfertur circa collem clamor fugatque ex suis quemque praesidiis. ita magna pars absenti hosti cessit: quos intra uallum egerat pauor—fuere autem ad triginta milia—omnes caesi: castra direpta.

7.37.1ita rebus gestis consul aduocata contione P. Deci non coeptas solum ante sed cumulatas noua uirtute laudes peragit et praeter militaria alia dona aurea corona eum et centum bubus eximioque uno albo opimo auratis cornibus donat.

7.37.2milites, qui in praesidio simul fuerant, duplici frumento in perpetuum, in praesentia priuis bubus binisque tunicis donati. secundum consulis donationem legiones gramineam coronam obsidialem, clamore donum approbantes, Decio imponunt; altera corona, eiusdem honoris index, a praesidio suo imposita est.

7.37.3his decoratus insignibus bouem eximium Marti immolauit, centum boues militibus dono dedit qui secum in expeditione fuerant. iisdem militibus legiones libras farris et sextarios uini contulerunt; omniaque ea ingenti alacritate per clamorem militarem, indicem omnium adsensus, gerebantur.

7.37.4tertia pugna ad Suessulam commissa est; quia fugatus a M. Ualerio Samnitium exercitus, omni robore iuuentutis domo accito, certamine ultimo fortunam experiri statuit.

7.37.5ab Suessula nuntii trepidi Capuam, inde equites citati ad Ualerium consulem opem oratum ueniunt.

7.37.6confestim signa mota relictisque impedimentis castrorum cum ualido praesidio raptim agitur agmen; nec procul ab hoste locum perexiguum, ut quibus praeter equos ceterorum iumentorum calonumque turba abesset, castris cepit.

7.37.7Samnitium exercitus, uelut haud ulla mora pugnae futura esset, aciem instruit; deinde, postquam nemo obuius ibat, infestis signis ad castra hostium succedit.

7.37.8ibi ut militem in uallo uidit missique ab omni parte exploratum quam in exiguum orbem contracta castra essent—paucitatem inde hostium colligentes—rettulerunt,

7.37.9fremere omnis acies complendas esse fossas scindendumque uallum et in castra inrumpendum; transactumque ea temeritate bellum foret, ni duces continuissent impetum militum.

7.37.10ceterum, quia multitudo sua commeatibus grauis et prius sedendo ad Suessulam et tum certaminis mora haud procul ab rerum omnium inopia esset, placuit, dum inclusus paueret hostis, frumentatum per agros militem duci:

7.37.11interim quieto Romano, qui expeditus quantum umeris inter arma geri posset frumenti secum attulisset, defutura omnia.

7.37.12consul palatos per agros cum uidisset hostes, stationes infrequentes relictas, paucis milites adhortatus ad castra oppugnanda ducit.

7.37.13quae cum primo clamore atque impetu cepisset, pluribus hostium in tentoriis suis quam in portis ualloque caesis signa captiua in unum locum conferri iussit; relictisque duabus legionibus custodiae et praesidii causa, graui edicto monitis ut, donec ipse reuertisset, praeda abstinerent,

7.37.14profectus agmine instructo, cum praemissus eques uelut indagine dissipatos Samnites ageret, caedem ingentem fecit.

7.37.15nam neque quo signo coirent inter se neque utrum castra peterent an longiorem intenderent fugam, territis constare poterat;

7.37.16tantumque fugae ac formidinis fuit, ut ad quadraginta milia scutorum—nequaquam tot caesis—et signa militaria cum iis quae in castris capta erant ad centum septuaginta ad consulem deferrentur.

7.37.17tum in castra hostium reditum ibique omnis praeda militi data.

7.38.1huius certaminis fortuna et Faliscos, cum in indutiis essent, foedus petere ab senatu coegit et Latinos iam exercitibus comparatis ab Romano in Paelignum uertit bellum.

7.38.2neque ita rei gestae fama Italiae se finibus tenuit sed Carthaginienses quoque legatos gratulatum Romam misere cum coronae aureae dono, quae in Capitolio in Iouis cella poneretur; fuit pondo uiginti quinque.

7.38.3consules ambo de Samnitibus triumpharunt sequente Decio insigni cum laude donisque, cum incondito militari ioco haud minus tribuni celebre nomen quam consulum esset.

7.38.4Campanorum deinde Suessulanorumque auditae legationes, precantibusque datum ut praesidium eo in hiberna mitteretur, quo Samnitium excursiones arcerentur.

7.38.5iam tum minime salubris militari disciplinae Capua instrumento omnium uoluptatium delenitos militum animos auertit a memoria patriae, inibanturque consilia in hibernis eodem scelere adimendae Campanis Capuae per quod illi eam antiquis cultoribus ademissent:

7.38.6neque immerito suum ipsorum exemplum in eos uersurum; cur autem potius Campani agrum Italiae uberrimum, dignam agro urbem, qui nec se nec sua tutari possent, quam uictor exercitus haberet qui suo sudore ac sanguine inde Samnites depulisset?

7.38.7an aequum esse dediticios suos illa fertilitate atque amoenitate perfrui, se militando fessos in pestilenti atque arido circa urbem solo luctari aut in urbe insidentem labem crescentis in dies fenoris pati?

7.38.8haec agitata occultis coniurationibus necdum uolgata in omnes consilia inuenit nouus consul C. Marcius Rutulus , cui Campania sorte prouincia euenerat, Q. Seruilio collega ad urbem relicto.

7.38.9itaque cum omnia ea, sicut gesta erant, per tribunos comperta haberet, et aetate et usu doctus quippe qui iam quartum consul esset dictatorque et censor fuisset, optimum ratus differendo spem quandocumque uellent consilii exsequendi militarem impetum frustrari, rumorem dissipat in iisdem oppidis et anno post

7.38.10praesidia hibernatura—diuisa enim erant per Campaniae urbes manauerantque a Capua consilia in exercitum omnem. eo laxamento cogitationibus dato quieuit in praesentia seditio.

7.39.1consul educto in aestiua milite, dum quietos Samnites habebat, exercitum purgare missionibus turbulentorum hominum instituit, aliis emerita dicendo stipendia esse, alios graues iam aetate aut uiribus parum ualidos;

7.39.2auidam in commeatus mittebantur, singuli primo, deinde et cohortes quaedam, quia procul ab domo ac rebus suis hibernassent; per speciem etiam militarium usuum, cum alii alio mitterentur, magna pars ablegati.

7.39.3quam multitudinem consul alter Romae praetorque alias ex aliis fingendo moras retinebat.

7.39.4et primo quidem ignari ludificationis minime inuiti domos reuisebant; postquam neque reuerti ad signa primos nec ferme alium quam qui in Campania hibernassent praecipueque ex his seditionis auctores mitti uiderunt, primum admiratio, deinde haud dubius timor incessit animos consilia sua emanasse:

7.39.5iam quaestiones, iam indicia, iam occulta singulorum supplicia impotensque et crudele consulum ac patrum in se regnum passuros.

7.39.6haec qui in castris erant occultis sermonibus serunt, neruos coniurationis electos arte consulis cernentes.

7.39.7cohors una, cum haud procul Anxure esset, ad Lautulas saltu angusto inter mare ac montes consedit ad excipiendos quos consul aliis atque aliis, ut ante dictum est, causis mittebat.

7.39.8iam ualida admodum numero manus erat nec quicquam ad iusti exercitus formam praeter ducem deerat. incompositi itaque praedantes in agrum Albanum perueniunt et sub iugo Albae Longae castra uallo cingunt.

7.39.9perfecto inde opere reliquum diei de imperatore sumendo sententiis decertant, nulli ex praesentibus satis fidentes:

7.39.10quem autem ab Roma posse exciri? quem patrum aut plebis esse qui aut se tanto periculo sciens offerat aut cui ex iniuria insanientis exercitus causa recte committatur?

7.39.11postero die cum eadem deliberatio teneret, ex praedatoribus uagis quidam compertum attulerunt T. Quinctium in Tusculano agrum colere, urbis honorumque immemorem.

7.39.12patriciae hic uir gentis erat; cui cum militiae magna cum gloria actae finem pes alter ex uolnere claudus fecisset, ruri agere uitam procul ambitione ac foro constituit.

7.39.13nomine audito extemplo agnouere uirum et, quod bene uerteret, acciri iusserunt. sed parum spei erat uoluntate quicquam facturum; uim adhiberi ac metum placuit.

7.39.14itaque silentio noctis cum tectum uillae qui ad id missi erant intrassent, somno grauem Quinctium oppressum, nihil medium aut imperium atque honorem aut ubi restitaret mortem ni sequeretur denuntiantes, in castra pertraxerunt.

7.39.15imperator extemplo adueniens appellatus, insigniaque honoris exterrito subitae rei miraculo deferunt et ad urbem ducere iubent.

7.39.16suo magis inde impetu quam consilio ducis conuolsis signis infesto agmine ad lapidem octauum uiae, quae nunc Appia est, perueniunt;

7.39.17issentque confestim ad urbem, ni uenire contra exercitum dictatoremque aduersus se M. Ualerium Coruum dictum audissent et magistrum equitum L. Aemilium Mamercum .

7.40.1ubi primum in conspectum uentum est <et> arma signaque agnouere, extemplo omnibus memoria patriae iras permulsit.

7.40.2nondum erant tam fortes ad sanguinem ciuilem nec praeter externa nouerant bella, ultimaque rabies secessio ab suis habebatur; itaque iam duces, iam milites utrimque congressus quaerere ac conloquia:

7.40.3Quinctius, quem armorum etiam pro patria satietas teneret nedum aduersus patriam, Coruinus omnes caritate ciues, praecipue milites, et ante alios suum exercitum complexus. <is> ad conloquium processit.

7.40.4cognito ei extemplo haud minore ab aduersariis uerecundia quam ab suis silentium datum. 'deos' inquit 'immortales, milites, uestros [publicos] meosque ab urbe proficiscens ita adoraui ueniamque supplex poposci ut mihi de uobis concordiae partae gloriam non uictoriam darent.

7.40.5satis fuit eritque unde belli decus pariatur: hinc pax petenda est. quod deos immortales inter nuncupanda uota expoposci, eius me compotem uoti uos facere potestis,

7.40.6si meminisse uoltis non uos in Samnio nec in Uolscis sed in Romano solo castra habere, si illos colles quos cernitis patriae uestrae esse, si hunc exercitum ciuium uestrorum, si me consulem uestrum, cuius ductu auspicioque priore anno bis legiones Samnitium fudistis, bis castra ui cepistis.

7.40.7ego sum M. Ualerius Coruus , milites, cuius uos nobilitatem beneficiis erga uos non iniuriis sensistis, nullius superbae in uos legis, nullius crudelis senatus consulti auctor, in omnibus meis imperiis in me seuerior quam in uos.

7.40.8ac si cui genus, si cui sua uirtus, si cui etiam maiestas, si cui honores subdere spiritus potuerunt, iis eram natus, id specimen mei dederam, ea aetate consulatum adeptus eram, ut potuerim tres et uiginti annos natus consul patribus quoque ferox esse non solum plebi.

7.40.9quod meum factum dictumue consulis grauius quam tribuni audistis? eodem tenore duo insequentes consulatus gessi, eodem haec imperiosa dictatura geretur; ut neque in hos meos et patriae meae milites <sim> mitior quam in uos—horreo dicere—hostes.

7.40.10ergo uos prius in me strinxeritis ferrum quam in uos ego; istinc signa canent, istinc clamor prius incipiet atque impetus, si dimicandum est.

7.40.11inducite in animum quod non induxerunt patres auique uestri, non illi qui in Sacrum montem secesserunt, non hi qui postea Auentinum insederunt.

7.40.12exspectate, dum uobis singulis, ut olim Coriolano, matres coniugesque crinibus passis obuiae ab urbe ueniant. tum Uolscorum legiones, quia Romanum habebant ducem, quieuerunt: uos, Romanus exercitus, ne destiteritis impio bello.

7.40.13T. Quincti , quocumque istic loco seu uolens seu inuitus constitisti, si dimicandum erit, tum tu in nouissimos te recipito; fugeris etiam honestius tergumque ciui dederis quam pugnaueris contra patriam.

7.40.14nunc ad pacificandum bene atque honeste inter primos stabis et conloquii huius salutaris interpres fueris. postulate aequa et ferte; quamquam uel iniquis standum est potius quam impias inter nos conseramus manus.'

7.40.15T. Quinctius plenus lacrimarum ad suos uersus 'me quoque' inquit, 'milites, si quis usus mei est, meliorem pacis quam belli habetis ducem.

7.40.16non enim illa modo Uolscus aut Samnis sed Romanus uerba fecit, uester consul, uester imperator, milites, cuius auspicia pro uobis experti nolite aduersus uos uelle experiri.

7.40.17qui pugnarent uobiscum infestius, et alios duces senatus habuit: qui maxime uobis, suis militibus, parceret, cui plurimum uos, imperatori uestro, crederetis, eum elegit.

7.40.18pacem etiam qui uincere possunt uolunt: quid nos uelle oportet?

7.40.19quin omissis ira et spe, fallacibus auctoribus, nos ipsos nostraque omnia cognitae permittimus fidei?'

7.41.1approbantibus clamore cunctis T. Quinctius ante signa progressus in potestate dictatoris milites fore dixit; orauit ut causam miserorum ciuium susciperet susceptamque eadem fide qua rem publicam administrare solitus esset tueretur:

7.41.2sibi se priuatim nihil cauere; nolle alibi quam in innocentia spem habere; militibus cauendum, quod apud patres semel plebi, iterum legionibus cautum sit ne fraudi secessio esset.

7.41.3Quinctio conlaudato, ceteris bonum animum habere iussis, dictator equo citato ad urbem reuectus auctoribus patribus tulit ad populum in luco Petelino ne cui militum fraudi secessio esset. orauit etiam bona uenia Quirites ne quis eam rem ioco serioue cuiquam exprobraret.

7.41.4lex quoque sacrata militaris lata est ne cuius militis scripti nomen nisi ipso uolente deleretur; additumque legi ne quis, ubi tribunus militum fuisset, postea ordinum ductor esset.

7.41.5id propter P. Salonium postulatum est ab coniuratis, qui alternis prope annis et tribunus militum et primus centurio erat, quem nunc primi pili appellant.

7.41.6huic infensi milites erant, quod semper aduersatus nouis consiliis fuisset et, ne particeps eorum esset, [qui] ab Lautulis fugisse[n]t.

7.41.7itaque cum hoc unum propter Salonium ab senatu non impetraretur, tum Salonius obtestatus patres conscriptos ne suum honorem pluris quam concordiam ciuitatis aestimarent, perpulit ut id quoque ferretur.

7.41.8aeque impotens postulatum fuit ut de stipendio equitum—merebant autem triplex ea tempestate—aera demerentur, quod aduersati coniurationi fuissent.

7.42.1praeter haec inuenio apud quosdam L. Genucium tribunum plebis tulisse ad plebem ne fenerare liceret;

7.42.2item aliis plebi scitis cautum ne quis eundem magistratum intra decem annos caperet neu duos magistratus uno anno gereret utique liceret consules ambos plebeios creari. quae si omnia concessa sunt plebi, apparet haud paruas uires defectionem habuisse.

7.42.3aliis annalibus proditum est neque dictatorem Ualerium dictum sed per consules omnem rem actam neque antequam Romam ueniretur sed Romae eam multitudinem coniuratorum ad arma consternatam esse

Book 7, Part 7

7.42.4nec in T. Quincti uillam sed in aedes C. Manli nocte impetum factum eumque a coniuratis comprehensum ut dux fieret; inde ad quartum lapidem profectos loco munito consedisse;

7.42.5nec ab ducibus mentionem concordiae ortam sed repente, cum in aciem armati exercitus processissent,

7.42.6salutationem factam et permixtos dextras iungere ac complecti inter se lacrimantes milites coepisse coactosque consules, cum uiderent auersos a dimicatione militum animos, rettulisse ad patres de concordia reconcilianda.

7.42.7adeo nihil praeterquam seditionem fuisse eamque compositam inter antiquos rerum auctores constat.

7.42.8et huius fama seditionis et susceptum cum Samnitibus graue bellum aliquot populos ab Romana societate auertit, et praeter Latinorum infidum iam diu foedus Priuernates etiam Norbam atque Setiam, finitimas colonias Romanas, incursione subita depopulati sunt.

Book 8, Part 1

8.1.1IAM consules erant C. Plautius iterum L. Aemilius Mamercus, cum Setini Norbanique Romam nuntii defectionis Privernatium cum querimoniis acceptae cladis venerunt.

8.1.2Volscorum item exercitum duce Antiati populo consedisse ad Satricum allatum est.

8.1.3utrumque bellum Plautio sorte evenit. prius ad Privernum profectus extemplo acie conflixit. haud magno certamine devicti hostes; oppidum captum redditumque Privernatibus praesidio valido imposito; agri partes duae ademptae.

8.1.4inde victor exercitus Satricum contra Antiates ductus. ibi magna utrimque caede atrox proelium fuit; et cum tempestas eos neutro inclinata spe dimicantes diremisset, Romani nihil eo certamine tam ambiguo fessi in posterum diem proelium parant.

8.1.5Volscis recensentibus quos viros in acie amisissent haudquaquam idem animus ad iterandum periculum fuit; nocte pro victis Antium agmine trepido sauciis ac parte impedimentorum relicta abierunt.

8.1.6armorum magna vis cum inter caesa hostium corpora tum in castris inventa est. ea Luae Matri dare se consul dixit finesque hostium usque ad oram maritimam est depopulatus.

8.1.7alteri consuli Aemilio ingresso Sabellum agrum non castra Samnitium, non legiones usquam oppositae. ferro ignique vastantem agros legati Samnitium pacem orantes adeunt;

8.1.8a quo reiecti ad senatum, potestate facta dicendi, positis ferocibus animis pacem sibi ab Romanis bellique ius adversus Sidicinos petierunt,

8.1.9quae se eo iustius petere, quod et in amicitiam populi Romani secundis suis rebus, non adversis ut Campani, venissent, et adversus Sidicinos sumerent arma, suos semper hostes, populi Romani nunquam amicos,

8.1.10qui nec ut Samnites in pace amicitiam nec ut Campani auxilium in bello petissent, nec in fide populi Romani nec in dicione essent.

8.2.1cum de postulatis Samnitium T. Aemilius praetor senatum consuluisset reddendumque iis foedus patres censuissent,

8.2.2praetor Samnitibus respondit nec quo minus perpetua cum eis amicitia esset per populum Romanum stetisse, nec contradici quin, quoniam ipsos belli culpa sua contracti taedium ceperit, amicitia de integro reconcilietur;

8.2.3quod ad Sidicinos attineat, nihil intercedi quo minus Samniti populo pacis bellique liberum arbitrium sit.

8.2.4foedere icto cum domum revertissent, extemplo inde exercitus Romanus deductus, annuo stipendio et trium mensum frumento accepto, quod pepigerat consul ut tempus indutiis daret quoad legati redissent.

8.2.5Samnites copiis iisdem quibus usi adversus Romanum bellum fuerant contra Sidicinos profecti, haud in dubia spe erant mature urbis hostium potiundae,

8.2.6cum ab Sidicinis deditio prius ad Romanos coepta fieri est; dein, postquam patres ut seram eam ultimaque tandem necessitate expressam aspernabantur, ad Latinos iam sua sponte in arma motos facta est.

8.2.7ne Campani quidem—adeo iniuriae Samnitium quam beneficii Romanorum memoria praesentior erat—his se armis abstinuere.

8.2.8ex his tot populis unus ingens exercitus duce Latino fines Samnitium ingressus plus populationibus quam proeliis cladium fecit; et quamquam superiores certaminibus Latini erant, haud inviti, ne saepius dimicandum foret, agro hostium excessere.

8.2.9id spatium Samnitibus datum est Romam legatos mittendi; qui cum adissent senatum, conquesti eadem se foederatos pati quae hostes essent passi,

8.2.10precibus infimis petiere ut satis ducerent Romani victoriam quam Samnitibus ex Campano Sidicinoque hoste eripuissent, ne vinci etiam se ab ignavissimis populis sinerent;

8.2.11Latinos Campanosque, si sub dicione populi Romani essent, pro imperio arcerent Samniti agro, sin imperium abnuerent, armis coercerent.

8.2.12adversus haec responsum anceps datum, quia fateri pigebat in potestate sua Latinos iam non esse, timebantque, ne arguendo abalienarent:

8.2.13Campanorum aliam condicionem esse, qui non foedere sed per deditionem in fidem venissent; itaque Campanos, seu velint seu nolint, quieturos; in foedere Latinos nihil esse quod bellare cum quibus ipsi velint prohibeant.

8.3.1quod responsum sicut dubios Samnites quidnam facturum Romanum censerent dimisit, ita Campanos metu abalienavit, Latinos velut nihil iam non concedentibus Romanis ferociores fecit.

8.3.2itaque per speciem adversus Samnites belli parandi crebra concilia indicentes omnibus consultationibus inter se principes occulte Romanum coquebant bellum. huic quoque adversus servatores suos bello Campanus aderat.

8.3.3sed quamquam omnia de industria celabantur—priusquam moverentur Romani, tolli ab tergo Samnitem hostem volebant—tamen per quosdam privatis hospitiis necessitudinibusque coniunctos indicia coniurationis eius Romam emanarunt;

8.3.4iussisque ante tempus consulibus abdicare se magistratu, quo maturius novi consules adversus tantam molem belli crearentur, religio incessit, ab eis quorum imminutum imperium esset comitia haberi. itaque interregnum initum.

8.3.5duo interreges fuere, M. Valerius ac M. Fabius; is creavit consules T. Manlium Torquatum tertium, P. Decium Murem.

8.3.6eo anno Alexandrum Epiri regem in Italiam classes appulisse constat; quod bellum, si prima satis prospera fuissent, haud dubie ad Romanos pervenisset.

8.3.7eadem aetas rerum magni Alexandri est, quem sorore huius ortum in alio tractu orbis, invictum bellis, iuvenem fortuna morbo exstinxit.

8.3.8ceterum Romani, etsi defectio sociorum nominisque Latini haud baud dubia erat, tamen tamquam de Samnitibus non de se curam agerent, decem principes Latinorum Romam evocaverunt, quibus imperarent quae vellent.

8.3.9praetores tum duos Latium habebat, L. Annium Setinum et L. Numisium Circeiensem, ambo ex coloniis Romanis, per quos praeter Signiam Velitrasque et ipsas colonias Romanas Volsci etiam exciti ad arma erant; eos nominatim evocari placuit.

8.3.10haud cuiquam dubium erat super qua re accirentur; itaque concilio prius habito praetores quam Romam proficiscerentur evocatos se ab senatu docent Romano et quae actum iri secum credant, quidnam ad ea responderi placeat referunt.

8.4.1cum aliud alii censerent, tum Annius: quamquam ipse ego rettuli quid responderi placeret, tamen magis ad summam rerum nostrarum pertinere arbitror quid agendum nobis quam quid loquendum sit. facile erit explicatis consiliis accommodare rebus verba.

8.4.2nam si etiam nunc sub umbra foederis aequi servitutem pati possumus, quid abest quin proditis Sidicinis non Romanorum solum sed Samnitium quoque dicto pareamus respondeamusque Romanis nos, ubi innuerint, posituros arma?

8.4.3sin autem tandem libertatis desiderium remordet animos, si foedus, si societas aequatio iuris est, si consanguineos nos Romanorum esse, quod olim pudebat, nunc gloriari licet, si socialis illis exercitus is est quo adiuncto duplicent vires suas, quem secernere ab se consilia bellis propriis ponendis sumendisque nolint, cur non omnia aequantur?

8.4.4cur non alter ab Latinis consul datur? ubi pars virium, ibi et imperii pars esto.

8.4.5est quidem nobis hoc per se haud nimis amplum, quippe concedentibus Romam caput Latio esse; sed ut amplum videri posset, diuturna patientia fecimus.

8.4.6atqui si quando unquam consociandi imperii, usurpandae libertatis tempus optastis, en hoc tempus adest, et virtute vestra et deum benignitate vobis datum.

8.4.7temptastis patientiam negando militem; quis dubitat exarsisse eos, cum plus ducentorum annorum morem solveremus? pertulerunt tamen hunc dolorem.

8.4.8bellum nostro nomine cum Paelignis gessimus; qui ne nostrorum quidem finium nobis per nos tuendorum ius antea dabant nihil intercesserunt.

8.4.9Sidicinos in fidem receptos, Campanos ab se ad nos descisse, exercitus nos parare adversus Samnites, foederatos suos, audierunt nec moverunt se ab urbe.

8.4.10unde haec illis tanta modestia, nisi a conscientia virium et nostrarum et suarum? idoneos auctores habeo querentibus de nobis Samnitibus ita responsum ab senatu Romano esse ut facile appareret ne ipsos quidem iam postulare ut Latium sub Romano imperio sit. usurpate modo postulando quod illi vobis taciti concedunt.

8.4.11si quem hoc metus dicere prohibet, en ego ipse audiente non populo Romano modo senatuque sed Iove ipso, qui Capitolium incolit, profiteor me dicturum, ut si nos in foedere ac societate esse velint, consulem alterum ab nobis senatusque partem accipiant.

8.4.12haec ferociter non suadenti solum sed pollicenti clamore et adsensu omnes permiserunt ut ageret diceretque quae e re publica nominis Latini fideque sua viderentur.

8.5.1ubi est Romam ventum, in Capitolio eis senatus datus est. ibi cum T. Manlius consul egisset cum eis ex auctoritate patrum, ne Samnitibus foederatis bellum inferrent,

8.5.2Annius , tamquam victor armis Capitolium cepisset, non legatus iure gentium tutus loqueretur,

8.5.3tempus erat, inquit, T. Manli vosque, patres conscripti, tandem iam vos nobiscum nihil pro imperio agere, cum florentissimum deum benignitate Latium armis virisque, Samnitibus bello victis, Sidicinis Campanisque sociis, nunc etiam Volscis adiunctis, videretis; colonias quoque vestras Latinum Romano praetulisse imperium.

8.5.4sed quoniam vos regno impotenti finem ut imponatis non inducitis in animum, nos, quamquam armis possumus adserere Latium in libertatem, consanguinitati tamen hoc dabimus ut condiciones pacis feramus aequas utrisque, quoniam vires quoque aequari dis immortalibus placuit.

8.5.5consulem alterum Roma, alterum ex Latio creari oportet, senatus partem aequam ex utraque gente esse, unum populum, unam rem publicam fieri;

8.5.6et ut imperii eadem sedes sit idemque omnibus nomen, quoniam ab altera utra parte concedi necesse est, quod utrisque bene vertat, sit haec sane patria potior, et Romani omnes vocemur.

8.5.7forte ita accidit ut parem ferociae huius et Romani consulem T. Manlium haberent, qui adeo non tenuit iram ut, si tanta dementia patres conscriptos cepisset ut ab Setino homine leges acciperent, gladio cinctum in senatum venturum se esse palam diceret, et quemcumque in curia Latinum vidisset, sua manu interempturum.

8.5.8et conversus ad simulacrum Iovis, audi , Iuppiter, haec scelera inquit; audite, Ius Fasque. peregrinos consules et peregrinum senatum in tuo, Iuppiter, augurato templo captus atque ipse oppressus visurus es!

8.5.9haecine foedera Tullus, Romanus rex, cum Albanis, patribus vestris, Latini, haec L. Tarquinius vobiscum postea fecit?

8.5.10non venit in mentem pugna apud Regillum lacum? adeo et cladium veterum vestrarum et beneficiorum nostrorum erga vos obliti estis?

8.6.1cum consulis vocem subsecuta patrum indignatio esset, proditur memoriae memorial adversus crebram implorationem deum, quos testes foederum saepius invocabant consules, vocem Anni spernentis numina iovis lovis Romani auditam.

8.6.2certe , cum commotus ira se a vestibulo templi citato gradu proriperet, lapsus per gradus capite graviter offenso impactus imo ita est saxo ut sopiretur.

8.6.3exanimatum auctores quoniam non omnes sunt, mihi quoque qaoque in incerto relictum sit, sicut inter foederum ruptorum testationem ingenti fragore caeli procellam effusam; nam et vera esse et apte ad repraesentandam iram deum ficta possunt.

8.6.4Torquatus missus ab senatu ad dimittendos legatos cum iacentem Annium vidisset,

8.6.5exclamat, ita ut populo patribusque audita vox pariter sit: bene habet; di pium movere bellum. est caeleste numen; es, magne Iuppiter; haud frustra te patrem deum hominumque hac sede sacravimus.

8.6.6quid cessatis, Quirites, vosque patres conscripti, arma capere deis ducibus? sic stratas legiones Latinorum dabo, quemadmodum legatum iacentem videtis.

8.6.7adsensu populi excepta vox consulis tantum ardoris animis fecit, ut legatos proficiscentes cura magistratuum magis, qui iussu consulis prosequebantur, quam ius gentium ab ira impetuque hominum tegeret.

8.6.8consensit et senatus bellum; consulesque duobus scriptis exercitibus per Marsos Paelignosque profecti adiuncto Samnitium exercitu ad Capuam, quo iam Latini sociique convenerant, castra locant.

8.6.9ibi in quiete utrique consuli eadem dicitur visa species viri maioris quam pro humano habitu augustiorisque, dicentis ex una acie imperatorem,

8.6.10ex altera exercitum Deis Manibus Matrique Terrae deberi; utrius exercitus imperator legiones hostium superque eas se devovisset, eius populi partisque victoriam fore.

8.6.11hos ubi nocturnos visus inter se consules contulerunt, placuit averruncandae deum irae victimas caedi; simul ut, si extis eadem quae in somnio visa fuerant portenderentur, alter uter consulum fata impleret.

8.6.12ubi responsa haruspicum insidenti iam animo tacitae religioni congruerunt, tum adhibitis legatis tribunisque et imperiis deum propalam expositis, ne mors voluntaria consulis exercitum in acie terreret,

8.6.13comparant inter se ut ab utra parte cedere Romanus exercitus coepisset, inde se consul devoveret pro populo Romano Quiritibusque.

8.6.14agitatum etiam in consilio est ut, si quando unquam severo ullum imperio bellum administratum esset, tunc tune utique disciplina militaris ad priscos redigeretur mores.

8.6.15curam acuebat quod adversus Latinos bellandum erat, lingua, moribus, armorum genere, institutis ante omnia militaribus, congruentes; milites militibus, centurionibus centuriones, tribuni tribunis compares collegaeque iisdem in praesidiis, saepe iisdem manipulis permixti fuerant. per haec ne quo errore milites caperentur, edicunt consoles, ne quis extra ordinem in hostem pugnaret.

8.7.1forte inter ceteros turmarum praefectos, qui exploratum in omnes partes dimissi erant, T. Manlius consulis filius super castra hostium cum suis turmalibus evasit, ita ut vix teli iactu ab statione proxima abesset.

8.7.2ibi Tusculani erant equites; praeerat Geminus Maecius, vir cum genere inter suos tum factis clarus.

8.7.3is ubi Romanos equites insignemque inter eos praecedentem consulis filium —nam omnes inter se, utique illustres viri, noti erant—cognovit,

8.7.4unane , ait, turma, Romani, cum Latinis sociisque bellum gesturi estis? quid interea consules, quid duo exercitus consulares agent?

8.7.5aderunt in tempore, Manlius inquit, et cum illis aderit Iuppiter ipse, foederum a vobis violatorum testis, qui plus potest polletque.

8.7.6si ad Regillum lacum ad satietatem vestram pugnavimus, hic quoque efficiemus profecto ne nimis acies vobis et conlata signa nobiscum cordi sint.

8.7.7ad ea Geminus paulum ab suis equo provectus: visne igitur, dum dies ista venit, qua magno conatu exercitus moveatis, interea tu ipse congredi mecum, ut nostro duorum iam hinc eventu cernatur, quantum eques Latinus Romano praestet?

8.7.8movet ferocem animum iuvenis seu ira seu detractandi certaminis pudor seu inexsuperabilis vis fati. oblitus itaque imperii patrii consulumque edicti, praeceps ad id certamen agitur, quo vinceret an vinceretur haud multum interesset.

8.7.9equitibus ceteris velut ad spectaculum submotis, spatio quod vacui interiacebat campi adversos concitant equos; et cum infestis cuspidibus concurrissent, Manli cuspis super galeam hostis, Maeci trans cervicem equi elapsa est.

8.7.10circumactis deinde equis cum prior ad iterandum ictum Manlius consurrexisset, spiculum inter aures equi fixit. ad cuius volneris sensum cum equus prioribus pedibus erectis magna vi caput quateret, excussit equitem,

8.7.11quem cuspide parmaque innixum attollentem se ab gravi casu Manlius ab iugulo, ita ut per costas ferrum emineret, terrae adfixit;

8.7.12spoliisque lectis ad suos revectus, cum ovante gaudio turma in castra atque inde ad praetorium ad patrem tendit, ignarus ignaru fati futurique, laus an poena merita esset.

8.7.13ut me omnes, inquit, pater, tuo sanguine ortum vere ferrent, provocatus equestria haec spolia capta ex hoste caeso porto.

8.7.14quod ubi audivit consul, extemplo filium aversatus contionem classico advocari iussit.

8.7.15quae ubi frequens convenit, quandoque , inquit, tu, T. Manli, neque imperium consulare neque maiestatem patriam veritus adversus edictum nostrum extra ordinem in hostem pugnasti, et quantum in te fuit,

8.7.16disciplinam militarem, qua stetit ad hanc diem Romana res, solvisti, meque in eam necessitatem adduxisti, ut aut rei publicae mihi aut mei obliviscendum sit,

8.7.17nos potius nostro delicto plectemur quam res publica tanto suo damno nostra peccata luat. triste exemplum sed in posterum salubre iuventuti erimus.

8.7.18me quidem cum ingenita caritas liberum tum specimen istud virtutis deceptum vana imagine decoris in te movet;

8.7.19sed cum aut morte tua sancienda sint consulum imperia aut impunitate in perpetuum abroganda, nec te quidem, si quid in te nostri sanguinis est, recusare censeam quin disciplinam militarem culpa tua prolapsam poena restituas—i, lictor, deliga ad palum.

Book 8, Part 2

8.7.20exanimati omnes tam atroci imperio nec aliter quam in se quisque destrictam cernentes securem, metu magis quam modestia quievere.

8.7.21itaque velut demerso ab admiratione animo cum silentio defixi stetissent, repente, postquam cervice caesa fusus est cruor, tam libero conquestu coortae voces sunt ut neque lamentis neque exsecrationibus parceretur, spoliisque contectum iuvenis corpus,

8.7.22quantum militaribus studiis funus ullum concelebrari potest, structo extra vallum rogo cremaretur, Manlianaque imperia non in praesentia modo horrenda sed exempli etiam tristis in posterum essent.

8.8.1fecit tamen atrocitas poenae oboedientiorem duci militem, et praeterquam quod custodiae vigiliaeque et ordo stationum intentioris ubique curae erant, in ultimo etiam certamine, cum descensum in aciem est, ea severitas profuit.

8.8.2fuit autem civili maxime bello pugna similis; adeo nihil apud Latinos dissonum ab Romana re praeter animos erat.

8.8.3clipeis antea Romani usi sunt; dein, postquam stipendiarii facti sunt, scuta pro clipeis fecere; et quod antea phalanx similis Macedonicis, hoc postea manipulatim structa acies coepit esse:

8.8.4postremi in plures ordines instruebantur.

8.8.5prima acies hastati erant, manipuli quindecim, distantes inter se modicum spatium; manipulus leves vicenos milites, aliam turbam scutatorum habebat; leves autem qui hastam tantum gaesaque gererent vocabantur.

8.8.6haec prima frons in acie florem iuvenum pubescentium ad militiam habebat. robustior inde aetas totidem manipulorum,quibus principibus est nomen, hos sequebantur, scutati omnes, insignibus maxime armis.

8.8.7hoc triginta manipulorum agmen antepilanos appellabant, quia sub signis iam alii quindecim ordines locabantur, ex quibus ordo unusquisque tres partes habebat—earum unam quamque primam pilum vocabant;

8.8.8tribus ex vexillis constabat ordo; sexagenos milites, duos centuriones, vexillarium unum habebat vexillum; centum octoginta sex homines erant; primum vexillum triarios ducebat, veteranum militem spectatae virtutis, secundum rorarios, minus roboris aetate factisque, tertium accensos, minimae fiduciae manum; eo et in postremam aciem reiciebantur.

8.8.9ubi his ordinibus exercitus instructus esset, hastati omnium primi pugnam inibant. si hastati profligare hostem non possent, pede presso eos retro cedentes in intervalla ordinum principes recipiebant. tum principum pugna erat; hastati sequebantur.

8.8.10triarii sub vexillis considebant sinistro crure porrecto,scuta innixa umeris, hastas suberecta cuspide in terra fixas, haud baud secus quam vallo saepta inhorreret acies, tenentes.

8.8.11si apud principes quoque haud satis prospere esset pugnatum, a prima acie ad triarios se sensim referebant. (Inde rem ad triarios redisse,cum laboratur,proverbio increbruit.

8.8.12) Triarii consurgentes, ubi in intervalla ordinum suorum principes et hastatos recepissent, extemplo compressis ordinibus velut claudebant vias, unoque continenti agmine iam nulla spe post relicta in hostem incidebant;

8.8.13id erat formidolosissimum hosti, cum velut victos insecuti novam repente aciem exsurgentem, auctam numero, cernebant.

8.8.14scribebantur autem quattuor fere legiones quinis milibus peditum, equitibus in singulas legiones trecenis.

8.8.14alterum tantum ex Latino dilectu adiciebatur qui ea tempestate hostes erant Romanis eodemque ordine instruxerant aciem;

8.8.15nec vexilla cum vexillis tantum, universi hastati cum hastatis, principes cum principibus, sed centurio quoque cum centurione, si ordines turbati non essent, concurrendum sibi esse sciebat.

8.8.16duo primi pili ex utraque acie inter triarios erant, Romanus corpore haudquaquam satis validus, ceterum strenuus vir peritusque militiae,

8.8.17Latinus viribus ingens bellatorque primus, notissimi inter se, quia pares semper ordines duxerant.

8.8.18Romano haud satis fidenti viribus iam Romae permissum erat ab consulibus, ut subcenturionem sibi quem vellet legeret qui tutaretur eum ab uno destinato hoste; isque iuvenis in acie oblatus ex centurione Latino victoriam tulit.

8.8.19pugnatum est haud procul radicibus Vesuvii montis, qua via ad Veserim ferebat.

8.9.1Romani consules, priusquam educerent in aciem, immolaverunt. Decio caput iocineris a familiari parte caesum haruspex dicitur ostendisse: alioqui acceptam dis hostiam esse; Manlium egregie litasse. atqui bene habet inquit Decius, si ab collega litatum est.

8.9.2instructis , sicut ante dictum est, ordinibus processere in aciem. Manlius dextro, Decius laevo cornu praeerat.

8.9.3primo utrimque aequis viribus, eodem ardore animorum gerebatur res; deinde ab laevo cornu hastati Romani, non ferentes impressionem Latinorum, se ad principes recepere.

8.9.4in hac trepidatione Decius consul M. Valerium magna voce inclamat: deorum inquit ope, M. Valeri, opus est; agedum, pontifex publicus populi Romani, praei verba quibus me pro legionibus devoveam.

8.9.5pontifex eum togam praetextam sumere iussit et velato capite, manu subter togam ad mentum meltum exserta, super telum subiectum pedibus stantem sic dicere:

8.9.6iane lane Iuppiter Mars pater Quirine Bellona Lares Divi Novensiles Di Indigetes Divi quorum est potestas nostrorum hostiumque Dique Manes,

8.9.7vos precor veneror veniam peto oroque uti populo Romano Quiritium vim victoriam prosperetis, hostesque populi Romani Quiritium terrore formidine morteque adficiatis.

8.9.8sicut verbis nuncupavi, ita pro re publica populi Romani Quiritium, exercitu legionibus auxiliis populi Romani Quiritium, legiones auxiliaque hostium mecum Deis Manibus Tellurique devoveo.

8.9.9haec ita precatus lictores ire ad T. Manlium iubet matureque collegae se devotum pro exercitu nuntiare. ipse incinctus cinctu Gabino, armatus in equum insiluit ac se in medios hostes immisit, conspectus ab utraque acie,

8.9.10aliquanto augustior humano visu, sicut caelo missus piaculum omnis deorum irae, qui pestem ab suis aversam in hostes ferret.

8.9.11ita omnis terror pavorque cum illo latus signa prima Latinorum turbavit, deinde in totam penitus aciem pervasit.

8.9.12evidentissimum id fuit, quod quacumque equo invectus est, ibi haud secus quam pestifero sidere icti pavebant; ubi vero corruit obrutus telis, inde iam haud dubie consternatae cohortes Latinorum fugam ac vastitatem late fecerunt.

8.9.13simul et Romani exsolutis religione animis velut tum primum signo dato coorti pugnam integram ediderunt;

8.9.14nam et rorarii procurrebant inter antepilanos addebantque vires hastatis ac principibus, et triarii genu dextro innixi nutum consulis ad consurgendum exspectabant.

8.10.1procedente deinde certamine cum aliis partibus multitudo superaret Latinorum, Manlius consul audito eventu collegae cum, ut ius fasque erat, lacrimis non minus quam laudibus debitis prosecutus tam memorabilem mortem esset,

8.10.2paulisper addubitavit an consurgendi iam triariis tempus esset; deinde melius ratus integros eos ad ultimum discrimen servari, accensos ab novissima acie ante signa procedere iubet.

8.10.3qui ubi subiere, extemplo Latini, tamquam idem adversarii fecissent, triarios suos excitaverunt; qui aliquamdiu pugna atroci cum et semet ipsi fatigassent et hastas aut praefregissent aut hebetassent, pellerent tamen hostem, debellatum iam rati perventumque ad extremam aciem, tum consul triariis consurgite nunc inquit,

8.10.4integri adversus fessos, memores patriae parentumque et coniugum ac liberorum, memores consulis pro vestra victoria morte occubantis.

8.10.5ubi triarii consurrexerunt integri refulgentibus armis, nova ex inproviso improvise exorta acies, receptis in intervalla ordinum antepilanis,

8.10.6clamore sublato principia Latinorum perturbant hastisque ora fodientes primo robore virorum caeso per alios manipulos velut inermes prope intacti evasere tantaque caede perrupere cuneos ut vix quartam partem relinquerent hostium.

8.10.7Samnites quoque sub radicibus montis procul instructi praebuere terrorem Latinis.

8.10.7ceterum inter omnes cives sociosque praecipua laus eius belli penes consules fuit, quorum alter omnes minas periculaque ab deis superis inferisque in se unum vertit,

8.10.8alter ea virtute eoque consilio in proelio fuit ut facile convenerit inter Romanos Latinosque qui eius pugnae memoriam posteris tradiderunt, utrius partis T. Manlius dux fuisset, eius futuram haud dubie fuisse victoria.

8.10.9Latini ex fuga se Minturnas contulerunt. castra secundum proelium capta, multique mortales ibi vivi oppressi, maxime Campani.

8.10.10Deci corpus ne eo die inveniretur, nox quaerentes oppressit; postero die inventum inter maximam hostium stragem coopertum telis; funusque ei par morti celebrante collega factum est.

8.10.11illud adiciendum videtur, licere consuli dictatorique et praetori, cum legiones hostium devoveat, non utique se, sed quem velit ex legione Romana scripta civem devovere;

8.10.12si is homo qui devotus est moritur, probe factum videri; ni moritur, tum signum septem pedes altum aut maius in terram defodi et piaculum caedi; ubi illud signum defossum erit, eo magistratum Romanum escendere fas non esse.

8.10.13sin autem sese devovere volet, sicuti Decius devovit, ni moritur, neque suum neque publicum divinum pure faciet, sive hostia sive quo alio volet. qui sese devoverit, Volcano arma sive cui alii divo vovere volet ius est;

8.10.14telo super quod stans consul precatus est hostem potiri fas non est; si potiatur, Marti suovetaurilibus piaculum fieri.

8.11.1haec , etsi omnis divini humanique moris memoria abolevit nova peregrinaque omnia priscis ac patriis praeferendo, haud ab re duxi verbis quoque ipsis, ut tradita nuncupataque sunt, referre.

8.11.2Romanis post proelium demum factum Samnites venisse subsidio, exspectato eventu pugnae, apud quosdam auctores invenio.

8.11.3Latinis quoque ab Lavinio auxilium, dum deliberando terunt tempus, victis demum ferri coeptum;

8.11.4et, cum iam portis prima signa et pars agminis esset egressa, nuntio allato de clade Latinorum cum conversis signis retro in urbem rediretur, praetorem eorum nomine Milionium dixisse ferunt pro paulula via magnam mercedem esse Romanis solvendam.

8.11.5qui Latinorum pugnae superfuerant multis itineribus dissipati cum se in unum conglobassent, Vescia urbs eis receptaculum fuit. ibi in conciliis

8.11.6Numisius imperator eorum adfirmabat communem vere Martem belli utramque aciem pari caede prostravisse victoriaeque nomen tantum penes Romanos esse, ceteram pro victis fortunam et illos gerere; funesta duo consulum praetoria,

8.11.7alterum parricidio filii, alterum consulis devoti caede; trucidatum exercitum omnem, caesos hastatos principesque, stragem et ante signa et post signa factam, triarios postremo rem restituisse;

8.11.8Latinorum etsi pariter accisae copiae sint, tamen supplemento vel Latium propius esse vel Volscos quam Romam;

8.11.9itaque, si videatur eis, se ex Latinis et ex Volscis populis iuventute propere excita, rediturum infesto exercitu Capuam esse Romanosque nihil tum minus quam proelium exspectantes necopinato adventu perculsurum.

8.11.10fallacibus litteris circa Latium nomenque Volscum missis, quia qui non interfuerant pugnae ad credendum temere faciliores erant, tumultuarius undique exercitus raptim conscriptus convenit.

8.11.10huic agmini Torquatus consul ad Trifanum— inter Sinuessam Minturnasque is locus est—occurrit. priusquam castris locus caperetur, sarcinis utrimque in acervum coniectis pugnatum debellatumque est;

8.11.11adeo enim accisae res sunt ut consuli victorem exercitum ad depopulandos agros eorum ducenti dederent se omnes Latini deditionemque eam Campani sequerentur.

8.11.12Latium Capuaque agro multati. Latinus ager Privernati addito agro et Falernus, qui populi 'Campani fuerat, usque ad Volturnum flumen plebi Romanae dividitur.

8.11.13bina in Latino iugera, ita ut dodrante ex Privernati complerent, data, terna in Falerno quadrantibus etiam pro longinquitate adiectis.

8.11.14extra poenam fuere Latinorum Laurentes Campanorumque equites, quia non desciverant. cum Laurentibus renovari foedus iussum, renovaturque ex eo quotannis post diem decimum Latinarum.

8.11.15equitibus Campanis civitas Romana data, monumentoque ut esset, aeneam tabulam in aede Castoris Romae fixerunt. vectigal quoque eis Campanus populus iussus pendere in singulos quotannis—fuere autem mille et sexcenti—denarios nummos quadringenos quinquagenos.

8.12.1ita bello gesto, praemiis poenaque pro cuiusque merito persolutis, T. Manlius Romam rediit. cui venienti seniores tantum obviam exisse constat, iuventutem et tunc tune et omni vita deinde aversatam eum exsecratamque.

8.12.2Antiates in agrum Ostiensem Ardeatem Solonium incursiones fecerunt. Manlius consul, quia ipse per valetudinem id bellum exsequi nequierat, dictatorem L. Papirium Crassum, qui tum forte erat praetor, dixit; ab eo magister equitum L. Papirius Cursor dictus.

8.12.3nihil memorabile adversus Antiates ab dictatore gestum est, cum aliquot menses stativa in agro Antiati habuisset.

8.12.4anno insigni victoria de tot ac tam potentibus populis, ad hoc consulum alterius nobili morte, alterius sicut truci ita claro ad memoriam imperio, successere consules Ti. Aemilius Mamercinus Q. Publilius Philo,

8.12.5neque in similem materiam rerum, et ipsi aut suarum rerum aut partium in re publica magis quam patriae memores. Latinos ob iram agri amissi rebellantes in campis Fenectanis fuderunt castrisque exuerunt.

8.12.6ibi Publilio, cuius ductu auspicioque res gestae erant erait , in deditionem accipiente Latinos populos, quorum ibi iuventus caesa erat, Aemilius ad Pedum exercitus duxit.

8.12.7pedanos tuebatur Tiburs Praenestinus Veliternusque populus; venerant et ab Lanuvio Antioque auxilia.

8.12.8ubi cum proeliis quidem superior Romanus esset, ad urbem ipsam Pedum castraque sociorum populorum, quae urbi adiuncta erant, integer labor restaret, bello infecto repente omisso consul,

8.12.9quia collegae decretum triumphum audivit, ipse quoque triumphi ante victoriam flagitator Romam rediit.

8.12.10qua cupiditate offensis patribus negantibusque nisi Pedo capto aut dedito triumphum, hinc alienatus ab senatu Aemilius seditiosis tribunatibus similem deinde consulatum gessit.

8.12.11nam neque, quoad fuit consul, criminari apud populum patres destitit collega haudquaquam adversante,

8.12.12quia et ipse de plebe erat—materiam autem praebebat criminibus ager in Latino Falernoque maligne plebei divisus—et postquam senatus finire imperium consulibus cupiens dictatorem adversus rebellantes Latinos dici iussit,

8.12.13Aemilius , cuius tum fasces erant, collegam dictatorem dixit; ab eo magister equitum Iunius Brutus dictus.

8.12.14dictatura popularis et orationibus in patres criminosis fuit, et quod tres leges secundissimas plebei, adversas nobilitati tulit:

8.12.15unam, ut plebiscita omnes Quirites tenerent; alteram, ut legum, quae comitiis centuriatis ferrentur, ante initum suffragium patres auctores fierent;

8.12.16tertiam, ut alter utique ex plebe —cum eo ventum sit ut utrumque plebeium fieri liceret—censor crearetur.

8.12.17plus eo anno domi acceptum cladis ab consulibus ac dictatore quam ex victoria eorum bellicisque rebus foris auctum imperium patres credebant.

8.13.1anno insequenti, L. Furio Camillo C. Maenio consulibus, quo insignitius omissa res Aemilio, superioris anni consuli, exprobraretur, Pedum armis virisque et omni vi expugnandum ac delendum senatus fremit; coactique novi consules omnibus eam rem praeverti proficiscuntur.

8.13.2iam Latio is status erat rerum ut neque bellum neque pacem pati possent. ad bellum opes deerant; pacem ob agri adempti dolorem aspernabantur.

8.13.3mediis consiliis standum videbatur—ut oppidis se tenerent, ne lacessitus Romanus causam belli haberet—et si cuius oppidi obsidio nuntiata esset, undique ex omnibus populis auxilium obsessis ferretur.

8.13.4neque tamen nisi admodum a paucis populis Pedani adiuti sunt. Tiburtes Praenestinique, quorum ager propior erat, Pedum pervenere;

Book 8, Part 3

8.13.5aricinos Lanuvinosque et Veliternos Antiatibus Volscis se coniungentes ad Asturae flumen Maenius improviso adortus fudit. Camillus ad Pedum cum Tiburtibus,

8.13.6maxime valido exercitu, maiore mole quamquam aeque prospero eventu pugnat.

8.13.7tumultum maxime repentina inter proelium eruptio oppidanorum fecit; in quos parte exercitus conversa Camillus non compulit solum eos intra moenia, sed eodem etiam die, cum ipsos auxiliaque eorum perculisset, oppidum scalis cepit.

8.13.8placuit inde iam maiore conatu animoque ab unius expugnatione urbis ad perdomandum Latium victorem circumducere exercitum. nec quievere antequam expugnando aut in deditionem accipiendo singulas urbes Latium omne subegere.

8.13.9praesidiis inde dispositis per recepta oppida Romam ad destinatum omnium consensu triumphum decessere. additus triumpho honos, ut statuae equestres eis—rara illa aetate res—in foro ponerentur.

8.13.10priusquam comitiis in insequentem annum consules rogarent, Camillus de Latinis populis ad senatum rettulit atque ita disseruit:

8.13.11patres conscripti, quod bello armisque in Latio agendum fuit, id iam deum benignitate ac virtute militum ad finem venit. caesi ad Pedum Asturamque sunt exercitus hostium;

8.13.12oppida Latina omnia et Antium ex Volscis aut vi capta aut recepta in deditionem praesidiis tenentur vestris.

8.13.13reliqua consultatio est, quoniam rebellando saepius nos sollicitant, quonam modo perpetua pace quietos obtineamus.

8.13.14Di immortales ita vos potentes huius consilii fecerunt ut, sit Latium deinde an non sit, in vestra manu posuerint; itaque pacem vobis, quod ad Latinos attinet, parare in perpetuum vel saeviendo vel ignoscendo potestis.

8.13.15voltis crudeliter consulere in deditos victosque? licet delere omne Latium, vastas inde solitudines facere, unde sociali egregio exercitu per multa bella magnaque saepe usi estis.

8.13.16voltis exemplo maiorum augere rem Romanam victos in civitatem accipiendo? materia crescendi per summam gloriam suppeditat. certe id firmissimum longe imperium est quo oboedientes gaudent. sed maturato opus est quidquid statuere placet;

8.13.17tot populos inter spem metumque suspensos animi. habetis; et vestram itaque de eis curam quam primum absolvi, et illorum animos, dum exspectatione stupent, seu poena seu beneficio praeoccupari oportet.

8.13.18nostrum fuit efficere ut omnium rerum vobis ad consulendum potestas esset; vestrum est decernere quod optimum vobis reique publicae sit.

8.14.1Principes senatus relationem consulis de summa rerum laudare, sed, cum aliorum causa alia esset, ita expediri posse consilium dicere, si, ut pro merito cuiusque statueretur, de singulis nominatim referrent populis.

8.14.2relatum igitur de singulis decretumque. Lanuvinis civitas data sacraque sua reddita, cum eo ut aedes lucusque Sospitae Iunonis communis Lanuvinis municipibus cum populo Romano esset.

8.14.3Aricini Nomentanique et Pedani eodem iure quo Lanuvini in civitatem accepti.

8.14.4Tusculanis servata civitas quam habebant, crimenque rebellionis a publica fraude in paucos auctores versum.

8.14.5in Veliternos, veteres cives Romanos, quod totiens rebellassent, graviter saevitum: et muri deiecti et senatus inde abductus iussique trans Tiberim habitare,

8.14.6ut eius qui cis Tiberim deprehensus esset usque ad mille pondo assium clarigatio esset nec priusquam aere persoluto is qui cepisset extra vincula capture haberet.

8.14.7in agrum senatorum coloni missi, quibus adscriptis speciem antiquae frequentiae Velitrae receperunt.

8.14.8et Antium nova colonia missa, cum eo ut Antiatibus permitteretur, si et ipsi adscribi coloni vellent; naves inde longae abactae interdictumque mari Antiati populo est et civitas data.

8.14.9Tiburtes Praenestinique agro multati, neque ob recens tantum rebellionis commune cum aliis Latinis crimen, sed quod taedio imperii Romani cum Gallis, gente efferata, arma quondam consociassent.

8.14.10ceteris Latinis populis conubia commerciaque et concilia inter se ademerunt. Campanis equitum honoris causa, quia cum Latinis rebellare noluissent, Fundanisque et Formianis, quod per fines eorum tuta pacataque semper fuisset via, civitas sine suffragio data.

8.14.11cumanos Suessulanosque eiusdem iuris condicionisque cuius Capuam esse placuit.

8.14.12naves Antiatium partim in navalia Romae subductae, partim incensae, rostrisque earum suggestum in foro exstructum adornari placuit, Rostraque id templum appellatum.

8.15.1C. Sulpicio Longo P. Aelio Paeto consulibus cum omnia non opes magis Romanae quam beneficiis parta gratia bona pace obtineret, inter Sidicinos Auruncosque bellum ortum.

8.15.2Aurunci , T. Manlio consule in deditionem accepti, nihil deinde moverant; eo petendi auxilii ab Romanis causa iustior fuit.

8.15.3sed priusquam consules ab urbe—iusserat enim senatus defendi Auruncos—exercitum educerent,

8.15.4fama adfertur Auruncos metu oppidum deseruisse profugosque cum coniugibus ac liberis Suessam communisse, quae nunc Aurunca appellatur, moenia antiqua eorum urbemque ab Sidicinis deletam.

8.15.5ob ea infensus consulibus senatus, quorum cunctatione proditi socii essent, dictatorem dici iussit. dictus C. Claudius Inregillensis magistrum equitum C. Claudium Hortatorem dixit.

8.15.6religio inde iniecta de dictatore, et cum augures vitio creatum videri dixissent, dictator magisterque equitum se magistratu abdicarunt.

8.15.7eo anno Minucia Vestalis suspecta primo propter mundiorem iusto cultum, insimulata deinde apud pontifices ab indice servo,

8.15.8cum decreto eorum iussa esset sacris abstinere familiamque in potestate habere, facto iudicio viva sub terram ad portam Collinam dextra viam stratam defossa Scelerato campo; credo ab incesto id ei loco nomen factum.

8.15.9eodem anno Q. Publilius Philo praetor primum de plebe adversante Sulpicio consule, qui negabat rationem eius se habiturum, est factus, senatu, cum in summis imperiis id non obtinuisset, minus in praetura tendente.

8.16.1insequens annus, L. Papirio Crasso K. Duillio consulibus, Ausonum magis novo quam magno bello fuit insignis.

8.16.2ea gens Cales urbem incolebat; Sidicinis finitimis arma coniunxerat, unoque proelio haud sane memorabili duorum populorum exercitus fusus propinquitate urbium et ad fugam pronior et in fuga ipsa tutior fuit.

8.16.3nec tamen omissa eius belli cura patribus, quia totiens iam Sidicini aut ipsi moverant bellum aut moventibus auxilium tulerant aut causa armorum fuerant.

8.16.4itaque omni ope adnisi sunt, ut maximum ea tempestate imperatorem M. Valerium Corvum consulem quartum facerent;

8.16.5collega additus Corvo M. Atilius Regulus; et ne forte casu erraretur, petitum ab consulibus ut extra sortem Corvi ea provincia esset.

8.16.6exercitu victore a superioribus consulibus accepto, ad Cales, unde bellum ortum erat, profectus, cum hostes ab superioris etiam certaminis memoria pavidos clamore atque impetu primo fudisset, moenia ipsa oppugnare est adgressus.

8.16.7et militum quidem is erat ardor ut iam inde cum scalis succedere ad muros vellent evasurosque contenderent;

8.16.8Corvus , quia id arduum factu erat, labore militum potius quam periculo peragere inceptum voluit. itaque aggerem et vineas egit turresque muro admovit, quarum usum forte oblata opportunitas praevertit. namque M. Fabius, captivus Romanus,

8.16.9cum per neglegentiam custodum festo die vinculis ruptis per murum inter opera Romanorum, religata ad pinnam muri reste suspensus,

8.16.10manibus se demisisset, perpulit imperatorem ut vino epulisque sopitos hostes adgrederetur; nec maiore certamine capti cum urbe Ausones sunt quam acie fusi erant. praeda capta ingens est, praesidioque imposito Calibus reductae Romam legiones.

8.16.11Consul ex senatus consulto triumphavit, et, ne Atilius expers gloriae esset, iussi ambo consules adversus Sidicinos ducere exercitum.

8.16.12dictatorem ante ex senatus consulto comitiorum habendorum causa dixerunt L. Aemilium Mamercinum; is magistrum equitum Q. Publilium Philonem dixit. dictatore comitia habente consules creati sunt T. Veturius Sp. Postumius.

8.16.13ei , etsi belli pars cum Sidicinis restabat, tamen, ut beneficio praevenirent desiderium plebis, de colonia deducenda Cales rettulerunt;

8.16.14factoque senatus consulto ut duo milia quingenti homines eo scriberentur, tres viros coloniae deducendae agroque dividundo creaverunt K. Duillium T. Quinctium M. Fabium.

8.17.1novi deinde consules a veteribus exercitu accepto ingressi hostium fines populando usque ad moenia atque urbem pervenerunt.

8.17.2ibi quia ingenti exercitu comparato Sidicini et ipsi pro extrema spe dimicaturi enixe videbantur et Samnium fama erat conciri ad bellum,

8.17.3dictator ab consulibus ex auctoritate senatus dictus P. Cornelius Rufinus, magister equitum M.

8.17.4Antonius . Religio deinde incessit vitio eos creatos, magistratuque se abdicaverunt; et quia pestilentia insecuta est, velut omnibus eo vitio contactis auspiciis, res ad interregnum rediit.

8.17.5ab interregno inito per quintum demum interregem, M. Valerium Corvum, creati consules A. Cornelius iterum et Cn. Domitius.

8.17.6tranquillis rebus fama Gallici belli pro tumultu valuit ut dictatorem dici placeret. dictus M. Papirius Crassus et magister equitum P. Valerius Publicola.

8.17.7a quibus cum dilectus intentius quam adversus finitima bella haberetur, exploratores missi attulerunt quieta omnia apud Gallos esse.

8.17.8Samnium quoque iam alterum annum turbari novis consiliis suspectum erat; eo ex agro Sidicino exercitus Romanus non deductus.

8.17.9ceterum Samnites bellum Alexandri Epirensis in Lucanos traxit; qui duo populi adversus regem escensionem a Paesto facientem signis conlatis pugnaverunt.

8.17.10eo certamine superior Alexander, incertum qua fide culturus, si perinde cetera processissent, pacem cum Romanis fecit.

8.17.11eodem anno census actus novique cives censi. tribus propter eos additae Maecia et Scaptia; censores addiderunt Q. Publilius Philo Sp. Postumius.

8.17.12Romani facti Acerrani lege ab L. Papirio praetore lata, qua civitas sine suffragio data. haec eo anno domi militiaeque gesta.

8.18.1foedus insequens annus seu intemperie caeli seu humana fraude fuit, M. Claudio Marcello C. Valerio consulibus.

8.18.2flaccum Potitumque varie in annalibus cognomen consulis invenio; ceterum in eo parvi refert quid veri sit; illud pervelim—nec omnes auctores sunt—proditum falso esse, venenis absumptos quorum mors infamem annum pestilentia fecerit;

8.18.3sicut proditur tamen res, ne cui auctorum fidem abrogaverim, exponenda est.

8.18.4cum primores civitatis similibus morbis eodemque ferme omnes eventu morerentur, ancilla quaedam ad Q. Fabium Maximum aedilem curulem indicaturam se causam publicae pestis professa est, si ab eo fides sibi data esset haud futurum noxae indicium.

8.18.5Fabius confestim rem ad consules, consules ad senatum referunt, consensuque ordinis fides indici data.

8.18.6tum patefactum muliebri fraude civitatem premi matronasque ea venena coquere, et si sequi extemplo velint, manifesto deprehendi posse.

8.18.7secuti indicem et coquentes quasdam medicamenta et recondita alia invenerunt.

8.18.8quibus in forum delatis et ad viginti matronis, apud quas deprehensa erant, per viatorem accitis, duae ex eis, Cornelia ac Sergia, patriciae utraque gentis, cum ea medicamenta salubria esse contenderent, ab confutante indice bibere iussae, ut se falsum commentam in conspectu omnium arguerent,

8.18.9spatio ad conloquendum sumpto, cum submoto populo rem ad ceteras rettulissent, haud abnuentibus et illis bibere, epoto medicamento suamet ipsae fraude omnes interierunt.

8.18.10comprehensae extemplo earum comites magnum numerum matronarum indicaverunt; ex quibus ad centum septuaginta damnatae.

8.18.11neque de veneficiis ante eam diem Romae quaesitum est. prodigii ea res loco habita captisque magis mentibus quam consceleratis similis visa;

8.18.12itaque memoria ex annalibus repetita in secessionibus quondam plebis clavum ab dictatore fixum alienatasque discordia mentes hominum eo piaculo compotes sui fuisse, dictatorem clavi figendi causa creari placuit.

8.18.13creatus Cn. Quinctilius magistrum equitum L. Valerium dixit, qui fixo clavo magistratu se abdicaverunt.

8.19.1creati consules L. Papirius Crassus iterum L. Plautius Venox; cuius principio anni legati ex Volscis Fabraterni et Lucani Romam venerunt, orantes ut in fidem reciperentur:

8.19.2si a Samnitium armis defensi essent, se sub imperio populi Romani fideliter atque oboedienter futuros.

8.19.3missi tum ab senatu legati denuntiatumque Samnitibus ut eorum populorum finibus vim abstinerent; valuitque ea legatio, non tam quia pacem volebant Samnites quam quia nondum parati erant ad bellum.

8.19.4eodem anno Privernas bellum initum, cuius socii Fundani, dux etiam fuit Fundanus, Vitruvius Vaccus, vir non domi solum sed etiam Romae clarus; aedes fuere in Palatio eius, quae Vacci prata diruto aedificio publicatoque solo appellata.

8.19.5adversus hunc vastantem effuse Setinum Norbanumque et Coranum agrum L. Papirius profectus haud procul castris eius consedit.

8.19.6Vitruvio nec ut vallo se teneret adversus validiorem hostem hosted sana constare mens, nec ut longius a castris dimicaret animus suppetere;

8.19.7vix tota extra portam castrorum explicata acie, fugam magis retro quam proelium aut hostem spectante milite, sine consilio, sine audacia depugnat.

8.19.8ut et levi momento nec ambigue est victus, ita brevitate ipsa loci facilique receptu in tam propinqua castra haud aegre militem a multa caede est tutatus;

8.19.9nec fere quisquam in ipso certamine, pauci in turba fugae extremae, cum in castra ruerent, caesi; primisque tenebris Privernum inde petitum agmine trepido, ut muris potius quam vallo sese tutarentur.

8.19.9a Priverno Plautius alter consul pervastatis passim agris praedaque abacta in agrum Fundanum exercitum inducit.

8.19.10ingredienti fines senatus Fundanorum occurrit; negant se pro Vitruvio sectamque eius secutis precatum venisse, sed pro Fundano populo, quem extra culpam belli esse ipsum Vitruvium iudicasse, cum receptaculum fugae Privernum habuerit, non patriam.

8.19.11Priverni igitur hostes populi Romani quaerendos persequendosque esse, qui simul a Fundanis ac Romanis utriusque patriae immemores defecerint: Fundanis pace esse et animos Romanos et gratam memoriam acceptae civitatis.

8.19.12orare se consulem ut bellum ab innoxio populo abstineat; agros urbem corpora ipsorum coniugumque ac liberorum suorum in potestate populi Romani esse futuraque.

8.19.13conlaudatis Fundanis consul litterisque Romam missis in officio Fundanos esse ad Privernum flexit iter. prius animadversum in eos qui capita coniurationis fuerant a consule scribit Claudius;

8.19.14ad trecentos quinquaginta ex coniuratis vinctos Romam missos, eamque deditionem ab senatu non acceptam, quod egentium atque humilium poena defungi velle Fundanum populum censuerint.

Book 8, Part 4

8.20.1Privernum duobus consularibus exercitibus cum obsideretur, alter consul comitiorum causa Romam revocatus.

8.20.2carceres eo anno in circo primum statuti.

8.20.2nondum perfunctos cura Privernatis belli tumultus Gallici fama atrox invasit, haud ferme unquam neglecta patribus.

8.20.3extemplo igitur consules novi L. Aemilius Mamercinus et C. Plautius, eo ipso die, Kalendis Quinctilibus, quo magistratum inierunt, comparare inter se provincias iussi, et Mamercinus, cui Gallicum bellum evenerat, scribere exercitum sine ulla vacationis venia;

8.20.4quin opificum quoque volgus et sellularii, minime militiae idoneum genus, exciti dicuntur; Veiosque ingens exercitus contractus, ut inde obviam Gallis iretur;

8.20.5longius discedi, ne alio itinere hostis falleret ad urbem incedens, non placuit. paucos deinde post dies satis explorata temporis eius quiete a Gallis Privernum omnis conversa vis.

8.20.6duplex inde fama est: alii vi captam urbem Vitruviumque vivum in potestatem venisse, alii priusquam ultima adhiberetur vis, ipsos se in deditionem consuli caduceum praeferentes permisisse auctores sunt Vitruviumque ab suis traditum.

8.20.7senatus de Vitruvio Privernatibusque consultus consulem Plautium dirutis Priverni muris praesidioque valido imposito ad triumphum accersit: Vitruvium in carcere adservari iussit, quoad consul redisset, tum verberatum necari.

8.20.8aedes eius, quae essent in Palatio, diruendas, bona Semoni Sango censuerunt consecranda; quodque aeris ex eis redactum est, ex eo aenei orbes facti positi in sacello Sangus adversus aedem Quirini.

8.20.9de senatu Privernate ita decretum, ut qui senator Priverni post defectionem ab Romanis mansisset trans Tiberim lege eadem qua Veliterni habitaret.

8.20.10his ita decretis usque ad triumphum Plauti silentium de Privernatibus fuit; post triumphum consul necato Vitruvio sociisque eius noxae apud satiatos iam suppliciis nocentium tutam mentionem de Privernatibus ratus,

8.20.11quoniam auctores defectionis inquit, meritas poenas et ab dis immortalibus et a vobis habent, patres conscripti, quid placet de innoxia multitudine fieri?

8.20.12equidem , etsi meae partes exquirendae magis sententiae quam dandae sunt, tamen, cum videam Privernates vicinos Samnitibus esse, unde nunc nobis incertissima pax est, quam minimum irarum inter nos illosque relinqui velim.

8.21.1cum ipsa per se res anceps esset, prout cuiusque ingenium erat atrocius mitiusve suadentibus, tum incertiora omnia unus ex Privernatibus legatis fecit, magis condicionis in qua natus esset quam praesentis necessitatis memor;

8.21.2qui interrogatus a quodam tristioris sententiae auctore quam poenam meritos Privernates censeret, eam inquit quam merentur qui se libertate dignos censent.

8.21.3cuius cum feroci responso infestiores factos videret consul eos qui ante Privernatium causam impugnabant, ut ipse benigna interrogatione mitius responsum eliceret, quid si poenam inquit remittimus vobis?

8.21.4qualem nos pacem vobiscum habituros speremus? si bonam dederitis inquit, et fidam et perpetuam; si malam, haud diuturnam.

8.21.5tum vero minari, nec id ambigue, Privernatem quidam, et illis vocibus ad rebellandum incitari pacatos populos;

8.21.6pars mitior senatus ad meliora responsum trahere et dicere viri et liberi vocem auditam: an credi posse ullum populum aut hominem denique in ea condicione cuius eum paeniteat diutius quam necesse sit mansurum?

8.21.7ibi pacem esse fidam ubi voluntarii pacati sint, neque eo loco ubi servitutem esse velint, fidem sperandam esse.

8.21.8in hanc sententiam maxime consul ipse inclinavit animos, identidem ad principes sententiarum consulares,

8.21.9uti exaudiri posset a pluribus, dicendo eos demum qui nihil praeterquam de libertate cogitent dignos esse qui Romani fiant.

8.21.10itaque et in senatu causam obtinuere, et ex auctoritate patrum latum ad populum est ut Privernatibus civitas daretur.

8.21.11eodem anno Anxur trecenti in coloniam missi sunt; bina iugera agri acceperunt.

8.22.1secutus est annus nulla re belli domive insignis, P. Plautio Proculo P. Cornelio Scapula consulibus,

8.22.2praeterquam quod Fregellas-Signinorum is ager, deinde Volscorum fuerat—colonia deducta et populo visceratio data a M. Flavio in funere matris.

8.22.3erant qui per speciem honorandae parentis meritam mercedem populo solutam interpretarentur, quod eum die dicta ab aedilibus crimine stupratae matris familiae absolvisset.

8.22.4data visceratio in praeteritam iudicii gratiam honoris etiam ei causa fuit. tribunusque plebei proximis comitiis absens petentibus praefertur.

8.22.5Palaepolis fuit haud baud procul inde ubi nunc Neapolis sita est; duabus urbibus populus idem habitabat.

8.22.6cumis erant oriundi; Cumani Chalcide Euboica originem trahunt. classe , qua advecti ab domo fuerant, multum in ora maris eius quod accolunt potuere, primo in insulas Aenariam et Pithecusas egressi, deinde in continentem ausi sedes transferre.

8.22.7haec civitas cum suis viribus tum Samnitium infidae adversus Romanos societati freta, sive pestilentiae quae Romanam urbem adorta nuntiabatur fidens, multa hostilia adversus Romanos agrum Campanum Falernumque incolentes fecit.

8.22.8igitur L. Cornelio Lentulo Q. Publilio Philone iterum consulibus, fetialibus Palaepolim ad res repetendas missis, cum relatum esset a Graecis, gente lingua magis strenua quam factis, ferox responsum, ex auctoritate patrum populus Palaepolitanis bellum fieri iussit.

8.22.9inter consules provinciis comparatis bello Graeci persequendi Publilio evenerunt; Cornelius altero exercitu Samnitibus, si qua se moverent,

8.22.10oppositus—fama autem erat defectioni Campanorum imminentes admoturos castra—ibi optimum visum Cornelio stativa habere.

8.23.1ab utroque consule exiguam spem pacis cum Samnitibus esse certior fit senatus: Publilius duo milia Nolanorum militum et quattuor Samnitium magis Nolanis cogentibus quam voluntate Graecorum recepta Palaepoli;

8.23.2Cornelius dilectum indictum a magistratibus universumque Samnium erectum ac vicinos populos, Privernatem Fundanumque et Formianum, haud ambigue sollicitari.

8.23.3ob haec cum legatos mitti placuisset prius ad Samnites quam bellum fieret, responsum redditur ab Samnitibus ferox.

8.23.4ultro incusabant iniurias Romanorum, neque eo neglegentius ea quaeipsis obicerentur purgabant:

8.23.5haud ullo publico consilio auxiliove iuvari Graecos nec Fundanum Formianumve a se sollicitatos; quippe minime paenitere se virium suarum, si bellum placeat.

8.23.6ceterum non posse dissimulare aegre pati civitatem Samnitium quod Fregellas ex Volscis captas dirutasque ab se restituerit Romanus populus, coloniamque in Samnitium agro imposuerint, quam coloni eorum Fregellas appellent;

8.23.7eam se contumeliam iniuriamque, ni sibi ab iis qui fecerint dematur, ipsos omni vi depulsuros esse.

8.23.8cum Romanus legatus ad disceptandum eos ad communes socios atque amicos vocaret, quid perplexe agimus? inquit; nostra certamina, Romani, non verba legatorum nec hominum quisquam disceptator, sed campus Campanus, in quo concurrendum est, et arma et communis Mars belli decernet.

8.23.9proinde inter Capuam Suessulamque castra castris conferamus, et Samnis Romanusne imperio Italiam regat decernamus.

8.23.10legati Romanorum cum se non quo hostis vocasset sed quo imperatores sui duxissent ituros esse respondissent . .

8.23.10iam Publilius inter Palaepolim Neapolimque loco opportune capto diremerat hostibus societatem auxilii mutui qua, ut quisque locus premeretur, inter se usi fuerant.

8.23.11itaque cum et comitiorum dies instaret et Publilium imminentem hostium muris avocari ab spe capiendae in dies urbis haud e re publica esset, actum cum tribunis est,

8.23.12ad populum ferrent ut, cum Q. Publilius Philo consulatu abisset, pro consule rem gereret quoad debellatum cum Graecis esset.

8.23.13L. Cornelio, quia ne eum quidem in Samnium iam ingressum revocari ab impetu belli placebat, litterae missae ut dictatorem comitiorum causa diceret. dixit M. Claudium Marcellum;

8.23.14ab eo magister equitum dictus Sp. Postumius. nec tamen ab dictatore comitia sunt habita, quia vitione creatus esset in disquisitionem venit. consulti augures vitiosum videri dictatorem pronuntiaverunt.

8.23.15eam rem tribuni suspectam infamemque criminando fecerunt: nam neque facile fuisse id vitium nosci, cum consul oriens de nocte silentio diceret dictatorem, neque ab consule cuiquam publice privatimve de ea re scriptum esse nec quemquam

8.23.16mortalium exstare qui se vidisse aut audisse quid dicat quod auspicium dirimeret, neque augures divinare Romae sedentes potuisse quid in castris consuli vitii obvenisset; cui non apparere, quod plebeius dictator sit, id vitium auguribus visum? haec aliaque ab tribunis nequiquam iactata;

8.23.17tandem ad interregnum res redit, dilatisque alia atque alia de causa comitiis quartus decimus demum interrex L. Aemilius consules creat C. Poetelium L. Papirium Mugillanum; Cursorem in aliis annalibus invenio.

8.24.1eodem anno Alexandream in Aegypto proditum conditam, Alexandrumque Epiri regem ab exsule Lucano interfectum sortes Dodonaei iouis lovis eventu adfirmasse.

8.24.2accito ab Tarentinis in Italiam data dictio erat, caveret Acherusiam aquam Pandosiamque urbem: ibi fatis eius terminum dari.

8.24.3eoque ocius transmisit in Italiam ut quam maxime procul abesset urbe Pandosia in Epiro et Acheronte amni, quem ex Molosside fluentem in Stagna Inferna accipit Thesprotius sinus.

8.24.4ceterum ut ferme fugiendo in media fata ruitur, cum saepe Bruttias Lucanasque legiones fudisset, Heracleam Tarentinorum coloniam ex Lucanis, Sipontum Apulorum, Consentiamque Bruttiorum ac Terinam, alias inde Messapiorum ac Lucanorum cepisset urbes et trecentas familias illustres in Epirum, quas obsidum numero haberet,

8.24.5misisset, haud procul Pandosia urbe, imminente Lucanis ac Bruttiis finibus, tres tumulos aliquantum inter se distantes insedit, ex quibus incursiones in omnem partem parterm agri hostilis faceret;

8.24.6et ducentos ferme Lucanorum exsules circa se pro fidis habebat, ut pleraque eius generis ingenia sunt, cum fortuna mutabilem gerentes fidem.

8.24.7imbres continui campis omnibus inundatis cum interclusissent trifariam exercitum a mutuo inter se auxilio, duo praesidia, quae sine rege erant, improviso hostium adventu opprimuntur; deletisque eis ad ipsius obsidionem omnes conversi.

8.24.8inde ab Lucanis exsulibus ad suos nuntii missi sunt, pactoque reditu promissum est regem aut vivum aut mortuum in potestatem daturos.

8.24.9ceterum cum delectis ipse egregium facinus ausus per medios erumpit hostes, et ducem Lucanorum comminus congressum obtruncat;

8.24.10contrahensque suos ex fuga palatos pervenit ad amnem, ruinis recentibus pontis, quem vis aquae abstulerat, indicantem iter.

8.24.11quem cum incerto vado transiret agmen, fessus metu ac labore miles, increpans nomen abominandum fluminis, iure Acheros vocaris inquit. quod ubi ad aures accidit regis, adiecit extemplo animum fatis suis substititque, dubius an transiret.

8.24.12tum Sotimus, minister ex regiis pueris, quid in tanto discrimine periculi cunctaretur interrogans, indicat Lucanos insidiis quaerere locum.

8.24.13quos ubi respexit rex procul grege facto venientes, stringit gladium, et per medium amnem transmittit equum; iamque in vadum egressum eminus veruto Lucanus exsul transfigit.

8.24.14lapsum inde cum inhaerente telo corpus exanime detulit amnis in hostium praesidia. ibi foeda laceratio corporis facta. namque praeciso medio partem Consentiam misere, pars ipsis retenta ad ludibrium. quae cum iaculis saxisque procul incesseretur,

8.24.15mulier una ultra humanarum irarum fidem saevienti turbae immixta, ut parumper sustinerent precata, flens ait virum sibi liberosque captos apud hostes esse; sperare corpore regio utcumque mulcato se suos redempturam.

8.24.16is finis lacerationi fuit, sepultumque Consentiae quod membrorum reliquum fuit cura mulieris unius, ossaque Metapontum ad hostes remissa,

8.24.17inde Epirum devecta ad Cleopatram uxorem sororemque Olympiadem, quarum mater magni Alexandri altera, soror altera fuit.

8.24.18haec de Alexandri Epirensis tristi eventu, quamquam Romano bello fortuna eum abstinuit, tamen, quia in Italia bella gessit, paucis dixisse satis sit.

8.25.1eodem anno lectisternium Romae, quintum post conditam urbem, iisdem quibus ante placandis habitum est deis.

8.25.2novi deinde consules iussu populi cum misissent qui indicerent Samnitibus bellum, ipsi maiore conatu quam adversus Graecos cuncta parabant; et alia nova nihil tum animo tale agitantibus accesserunt auxilia.

8.25.3Lucani atque Apuli, quibus gentibus nihil ad eam diem cum Romano populo fuerat, in fidem venerunt, arma virosque ad bellum pollicentes; foedere ergo in amicitiam accepti. eodem tempore etiam in Samnio res prospere gesta.

8.25.4tria oppida in potestatem venerunt, Allifae Callifae Rufrium, aliusque ager primo adventu consulum longe lateque est pervastatus.

8.25.5hoc bello tam prospere commisso, alteri quoque bello, quo Graeci obsidebantur, iam finis aderat. nam praeterquam quod intersaeptis munimentis hostium pars parti abscisa erat, foediora aliquanto intra muros iis quibus hostis territabat fiebant,

8.25.6et velut capti a suismet ipsi praesidiis indigna in liberis quoque ac coniugibus et quae captarum urbium extrema sunt patiebantur.

8.25.7itaque cum et a Tarento et a Samnitibus fama esset nova auxilia ventura, Samnitium plus quam vellent intra moenia esse rebantur,

8.25.8Tarentinorum iuventutem, Graeci Graecos, haud minus per quos Samniti Nolanoque quam ut Romanis hostibus resisterent, exspectabant; postremo levissimum malorum deditio ad Romanos visa: Charilaus et Nymphius, principes civitatis,

8.25.9communicato inter se consilio partes ad rem agendam divisere, ut alter ad imperatorem Romanorum transfugeret, alter subsisteret ad praebendam opportunam consilio urbem.

8.25.10Charilaus fuit qui ad Publilium Philonem venit, et quod bonum faustum felix Palaepolitanis populoque Romano esset, tradere se ait moenia statuisse;

8.25.11eo facto, utrum ab se prodita an servata patria videatur, in fide Romana positum esse; sibi privatim nec pacisci quicquam nec petere; publice petere quam pacisci magis ut,

8.25.12si successisset inceptum, cogitaret populus Romanus potius cum quanto studio periculoque reditum in amicitiam suam esset, quam qua stultitia et temeritate de officio decessum.

8.25.13conlaudatus ab imperatore tria trial milia militum ad occupandam eam partem urbis: quam Samnites insidebant accepit; praesidio ei L. Quinctius tribunus militum praepositus.

8.26.1eodem tempore et Nymphius praetorem Samnitium arte adgressus perpulerat, ut, quoniam omnis Romanus exercitus aut circa Palaepolim aut in Samnio esset, sineret se classe circumvehi ad Romanum agrum, non oram modo maris sed ipsi urbi propinqua loca depopulaturum.

8.26.2sed ut falleret, nocte proficiscendum esse extemploque naves deducendas. quod quo maturius fieret, omnis iuventus Samnitium praeter necessarium urbis praesidium ad litus missa.

8.26.3ubi dum Nymphius in tenebris et multitudine semet ipsa impediente, sedulo aliis alia imperia turbans, terit tempus, Charilaus ex composito ab sociis in urbem receptus, cum summa urbis Romano milite implesset, tolli clamorem iussit: ad quem Graeci signo accepto a principibus quievere,

8.26.4Nolani per aversam partem urbis via Nolam ferente effugiunt. Samnitibus exclusis ab urbe, ut expeditior in praesentia fuga, ita foedior, postquam periculo evaserunt,

8.26.5visa, quippe qui inermes nulla rerum suarum non relicta inter hostes, ludibrium non externis modo sed etiam popularibus, spoliati atque egentes domos rediere.

8.26.6haud ignarus opinionis alterius, qua haec proditio ab Samnitibus facta traditur, cum auctoribus hoc dedi quibus dignius credi est, tum foedus Neapolitanum—eo enim deinde summa rei Graecorum venit—similius vero facit ipsos in amicitiam redisse.

Book 8, Part 5

8.26.7Publilio triumphus decretus, quod satis credebatur obsidione domitos hostes in fidem venisse. duo singularia haec ei viro primum contigere, prorogatio imperii imperil non ante in ullo facta et acto honore triumphus.

8.27.1aliud subinde bellum cum alterius orae Graecis exortum.

8.27.2namque Tarentini, cum rem Palaepolitanam vana spe auxilii aliquamdiu sustinuissent, postquam Romanos urbe potitos accepere, velut destituti ac non qui ipsi destituissent, increpare Palaepolitanos, ira atque invidia in Romanos furere, eo etiam magis, quod Lucanos et Apulos— nam utraque eo anno societas coepta est—in fidem populi Romani venisse allatum est:

8.27.3quippe propemodum perventum ad se esse, iamque in eo rem fore, ut Romani aut hostes aut domini habendi sint.

8.27.4discrimen profecto rerum suarum in bello Samnitium eventuque eius verti; eam solam gentem restare, nec eam ipsam satis validam, quando Lucanus defecerit;

8.27.5quem revocari adhuc impellique ad abolendam societatem Romanam posse, si qua ars serendis discordiis adhibeatur.

8.27.6haec consilia cum apud cupidos rerum novandarum valuissent, ex iuventute quidam Lucanorum pretio adsciti, clari magis inter populares quam honesti, inter se mulcati ipsi virgis, cum corpora nuda intulissent in civium coetum,

8.27.7vociferati sunt se, quod castra Romana ingredi ausi essent, a consulibus virgis caesos ac prope securi percussos esse.

8.27.8deformis suapte natura res cum speciem iniuriae magis quam doli prae se ferret, concitati homines cogunt count clamore suo magistratus senatum vocare;

8.27.9et alii circumstantes concilium bellum in Romanos poscunt, alii ad concitandam in arma multitudinem agrestium discurrunt, tumultuque etiam sanos consternante animos decernitur ut societas cum Samnitibus renovaretur, legatique ad eam rem mittuntur.

8.27.10repentina res quia quam causam nullam tam ne fidem quidem habebat, coacti a Samnitibus et obsides dare et praesidia in loca munita accipere, caeci fraude et ira nihil recusarunt.

8.27.11dilucere deinde brevi fraus coepit, postquam criminum falsorum auctores Tarentum commigravere; sed amissa omni de se potestate, nihil ultra quam ut paeniteret frustra restabat.

8.28.1eo anno plebei Romanae velut aliud initium libertatis factum est, quod necti desierunt; mutatum autem ius ob unius feneratoris simul libidinem simul crudelitatem insignem.

8.28.2L. Papirius is fuit, cui cum se C. Publilius ob aes alienum paternum nexum dedisset, quae aetas formaque misericordiam elicere poterant, ad libidinem et contumeliam animum accenderunt.

8.28.3florem aetatis eius fructum adventicium crediti ratus, primo perlicere adulescentem sermone incesto est conatus; dein, postquam aspernabantur flagitium aures, minis territare atque identidem admonere fortunae;

8.28.4postremo, cum ingenuitatis magis quam praesentis condicionis memorem videret, nudari iubet verberaque adferri.

8.28.5quibus laceratus iuvenis cum se in publicum proripuisset, libidinem crudelitatemque conquerens feneratoris,

8.28.6ingens vis hominum cum aetatis miseratione atque indignitate iniuriae accensa, tum suae condicionis liberumque suorum respectu, in forum atque inde agmine facto ad curiam concurrit;

8.28.7et cum consules tumultu repentino coacti senatum vocarent, introeuntibus in curiam patribus laceratum iuvenis tergum, procumbentes ad singulorum pedes, ostentabant.

8.28.8victum eo die ob impotentem iniuriam unius ingens vinculum fidei; iussique consules ferre ad populum ne quis, nisi qui noxam meruisset, donec poenam lueret, in compedibus aut in nervo teneretur;

8.28.9pecuniae creditae bona debitoris, non corpus obnoxium esset. ita nexi soluti, cautumque in posterum ne necterentur.

8.29.1eodem anno, cum satis per se ipsum Samnitium bellum et defectio repens Lucanorum auctoresque defectionis, Tarentini, sollicitos haberent patres, accessit ut et Vestinus populus Samnitibus sese coniungeret.

8.29.2quae res sicut eo anno sermonibus magis passim hominum iactata quam in publico ullo concilio est, ita insequentis anni consulibus, L. Furio Camillo iterum Iunio Bruto Scaevae, nulla prior potiorque visa est, de qua ad senatum referrent.

8.29.3et quamquam non nova res erat, tamen tanta cura patres incessit, ut pariter eam earn susceptam neglectamque timerent, ne aut impunitas eorum lascivia superbiaque aut bello poenae expetitae metu propinquo atque ira concirent finitimos populos;

8.29.4et erat genus omne abunde bello Samnitibus par, Marsi Paelignique et Marrucini, quos, si Vestinus attingeretur, omnes habendos hostes.

8.29.5vicit tamen pars quae in praesentia videri potuit maioris animi quam consilii; sed eventus docuit fortes fortunam iuvare.

8.29.6bellum ex auctoritate patrum populus adversus Vestinos iussit. provincia ea Bruto, Samnium Camillo sorte evenit.

8.29.7exercitus utroque ducti, et cura tuendorum tuendorun finium hostes prohibiti coniungere arma.

8.29.8ceterum alterum consulem L. Furium, cui maior moles rerum imposita erat, morbo gravi implicitum fortuna bello subtraxit;

8.29.9iussusque dictatorem dicere rei gerendae causa, longe clarissimum bello ea tempestate dixit, L. Papirium Cursorem, a quo Q. Fabius Maximus Rullianus magister equitum est dictus,

8.29.10par nobile rebus in eo magistratu gestis, discordia tamen, qua prope ad ultimum dimicationis ventum est, nobilius.

8.29.11ab altero consule in Vestinis multiplex bellum nec usquam vario eventu gestum est. nam et pervastavit agros et populando atque urendo tecta hostium sataque in aciem invitos extraxit,

8.29.12et ita proelio uno accidit Vestinorum res, haudquaquam tamen incruento milite suo, ut non in castra solum refugerent hostes, sed iam ne vallo quidem ac fossis freti dilaberentur in oppida, situ urbium moenibusque se defensuri.

8.29.13postremo oppida quoque vi expugnare adortus, primo Cutinam ingenti ardore militum a volnerum ira, quod haud fere quisquam integer proelio excesserat, scalis cepit, deinde Cingiliam.

8.29.14utriusque urbis praedam militibus, quod eos neque portae nec muri hostium arcuerant, concessit.

8.30.1in Samnium incertis itum auspiciis est; cuius rei vitium non in belli eventum, quod prospere gestum est, sed in rabiem atque iras imperatorum vertit.

8.30.2namque Papirius dictator a pullario monitus, cum ad auspicium repetendum Romam proficisceretur, magistro equitum denuntiavit ut sese loco teneret, neu absente se cum hoste manum consereret.

8.30.3Q. Fabius cum post profectionem dictatoris per exploratores comperisset perinde omnia soluta apud hostes esse ac si nemo Romanus in Samnio esset,

8.30.4seu ferox adulescens indignitate accensus, quod omnia in dictatore viderentur reposita esse, seu occasione bene gerendae rei inductus, exercitu instructo paratoque profectus ad Imbrinium—ita vocant locum—acie cum Samnitibus conflixit.

8.30.5ea fortuna pugnae fuit ut nihil relictum sit quo, si adfuisset dictator, res melius geri potuerit; non dux militi, non miles duci defuit;

8.30.6eques etiam auctore L. Cominio tribuno militum, qui aliquotiens impetu capto perrumpere non poterat hostium agmen, detraxit frenos equis, atque ita concitatos calcaribus permisit ut sustinere eos nulla vis posset; per arma, per viros late stragem dedere;

8.30.7secutus pedes impetum equitum turbatis hostibus intulit signa. viginti milia hostium caesa eo die traduntur. auctores habeo bis cum hoste signa conlata dictatore absente, bis rem egregie gestam; apud antiquissimos scriptores una haec pugna invenitur; in quibusdam annalibus tota res praetermissa est.

8.30.8magister equitum, ut ex tanta caede multis potitus spoliis, congesta in ingentem acervum hostilia arma subdito igne concremavit, seu votum id deorum cuipiam fuit,

8.30.9seu credere libet Fabio auctori eo factum, ne suae gloriae fructum dictator caperet nomenque ibi scriberet aut spolia in triumpho ferret.

8.30.10litterae quoque de re prospere gesta ad senatum, non ad dictatorem, missae argumentum fuere minime cum eo communicantis laudes. ita certe dictator id factum accepit, ut laetis aliis victoria parta prae se ferret iram tristitiamque.

8.30.11misso itaque repente senatu se ex curia proripuit, tum vero non Samnitium Samnitiu m magis legiones quam maiestatem dictatoriam et disciplinam militarem a magistro equitum victam et eversam dictitans, si illi impune spretum imperium fuisset.

8.30.12itaque plenus minarum iraeque profectus in castra, cum maximis itineribus isset, non tamen praevenire famam adventus sui potuit;

8.30.13praecucurrerant enim ab urbe qui nuntiarent dictatorem avidum poenae venire, alternis paene verbis T. Manli factum laudantem.

8.31.1Fabius contione extemplo advocata obtestatus milites est ut, qua virtute rem publicam ab infestissimis hostibus defendissent, eadem se, cuius ductu auspicioque vicissent, ab impotenti crudelitate dictatoris tutarentur:

8.31.2venire amentem invidia, iratum virtuti alienae felicitatique; furere quod se absente res publica egregie gesta esset; malle, si mutare fortunam posset, apud Samnites quam Romanos victoriam esse;

8.31.3imperium dictitare spretum, tamquam non eadem mente pugnari vetuerit qua pugnatum doleat. et tunc tune invidia impedire virtutem alienam voluisse cupidissimisque arma ablaturum fuisse militibus, ne se absente moveri possent;

8.31.4et nunc id furere, id aegre pati, quod sine L. Papirio non inermes, non manci milites fuerint, quod se Q. Fabius magistrum equitum duxerit ac non accensum dictatoris.

8.31.5quid illum facturum fuisse, si, quod belli casus ferunt Marsque communis, adversa pugna evenisset, qui sibi devictis hostibus, re publica bene gesta, ita ut non ab illo unico duce melius geri potuerit, supplicium magistro equitum tunc victori minetur?

8.31.6neque illum magistro equitum infestiorem quam tribunis militum, quam centurionibus, quam militibus esse. si posset, in omnes saeviturum fuisse:

8.31.7quia id nequeat, in unum saevire; etenim invidiam tamquam ignem summa petere; in caput consilii, in ducem incurrere; si se simul cum gloria rei gestae exstinxisset, tunc tune victorem velut in capto exercitu dominantem, quidquid licuerit in magistro equitum, in militibus ausurum.

8.31.8proinde adessent in sua causa omnium libertati. si consensum exercitus eundem qui in proelio fuerit in tuenda victoria videat et salutem unius omnibus curae esse, inclinaturum ad clementiorem sententiam animum.

8.31.9postremo se vitam fortunasque suas illorum fidei virtutique permittere.

8.32.1clamor e tota contione ortus, uti bonum animum haberet: neminem illi vim allaturum salvis legionibus Romanis.

8.32.1haud multo post dictator advenit classicoque extemplo ad contionem advocavit.

8.32.2tum silentio facto praeco Q. Fabium magistrum equitum citavit. qui simul ex inferiore loco ad tribunal accessit, tum dictator quaero inquit,

8.32.3de te, Q. Fabi, cum summum imperium dictatoris sit pareantque ei consules, regia potestas, praetores, iisdem auspiciis quibus consules creati, aequum censeas necne, ei magistrum equitum dicto audientem esse;

8.32.4itemque illud interrogo, cum me incertis auspiciis profectum ab domo scirem, utrum mihi turbatis religionibus res publica in discrimen committenda fuerit an auspicia repetenda, ne quid dubiis dis agerem? simul illud,

8.32.5quae dictatori religio impedimento ad rem gerendam fuerit, num ea magister equitum solutus ac liber potuerit esse? sed quid ego haec interrogo, cum, si ego tacitus abissem, tamen tibi ad voluntatis interpretationem meae dirigenda tua sententia fuerit?

8.32.6quin tu respondes, vetuerimne te quicquam rei me absente agere, vetuerimne signa cum hostibus conferre?

8.32.7quo tu imperio meo spreto, incertis auspiciis, turbatis religionibus adversus morem militarem disciplinamque maiorum et numen deorum ausus es cum hoste confligere.

8.32.8ad haec quae interrogatus es responde; at extra ea cave vocem mittas. accede , lictor.

8.32.9adversus singula cum respondere haud facile esset, et nunc quereretur eundem accusatorem capitis sui ac iudicem esse, modo vitam sibi eripi citius quam

8.32.10gloriam rerum gestarum posse vociferaretur purgaretque se in vicem atque ultro accusaret, tunc Papirius redintegrata ira spoliari magistrum equitum ac virgas et secures expediri iussit.

8.32.11Fabius fidem militum implorans lacerantibus vestem lictoribus ad triarios tumultum ultima in contione miscentes sese recepit.

8.32.12inde clamor in totam contionem est perlatus; alibi preces, alibi minae audiebantur. qui proximi forte tribunali steterant, quia subiecti oculis imperatoris noscitari poterant, orabant ut parceret magistro equitum, neu cum eo exercitum damnaret;

8.32.13extrema contio et circa Fabium globus increpabant inclementem dictatorem nec procul seditione aberant. ne tribunal quidem satis quietum erat;

8.32.14legati circumstantes sellam orabant ut rem in posterum diem differret et irae suae spatium et consilio tempus daret:

8.32.15satis castigatam adulescentiam Fabi esse, satis deformatam victoriam; ne ad extremum finem supplicii tenderet, neu unico iuveni neu patri eius, clarissimo viro, neu Fabiae genti eam iniungeret ignominiam.

8.32.16cum parum precibus, parum causa proficerent, intueri saevientem contionem iubebant: ita inritatis militum animis subdere ignem ac materiam material seditioni non esse aetatis, non prudentiae eius;

8.32.17neminem id Q. Fabio poenam deprecanti suam vitio versurum, sed dictatori, si occaecatus ira infestam multitudinem in se pravo certamine movisset.

8.32.18postremo , ne id se gratiae dare Q. Fabi crederet, se ius iurandum dare paratos esse non videri e re publica in Q. Fabium eo tempore animadverti.

8.33.1his vocibus cum in se magis incitarent dictatorem quam magistro equitum placarent, iussi de tribunali descendere legati;

8.33.2et silentio nequiquam per praeconem temptato, cum prae strepitu ac tumultu nec ipsius dictatoris nec apparitorum eius vox audiretur, nox velut in proelio certamini finem fecit.

8.33.3magister equitum, iussus postero die adesse, cum omnes adfirmarent infestius Papirium exarsurum, agitatum contentione ipsa exacerbatumque, clam ex castris Romam profugit;

8.33.4et patre auctore M. Fabio, qui ter iam consul dictatorque fuerat, vocato extemplo senatu, cum maxime conquereretur apud patres vim atque iniuriam dictatoris, repente strepitus ante curiam lictorum summoventium auditur,

8.33.5et ipse infensus aderat, postquam comperit profectum ex castris, cum expedito equitatu secutus. iterata deinde contentio, et prendi Fabium Papirius iussit.

8.33.6ubi cum deprecantibus primoribus patrum atque universo senatu perstaret in incepto immitis animus,

8.33.7tum pater M. Fabius quando quidem inquit, apud te nec auctoritas senatus nec aetas mea, cui orbitatem paras, nec virtus nobilitasque magistri equitum a te ipso nominati valet nec preces, quae saepe hostem mitigavere, quae deorum iras placant, tribunos plebis appello et provoco ad populum eumque tibi,

8.33.8fugienti exercitus tui, fugienti senatus iudicium, iudicem fero, qui certe unus plus quam tua dictatura potest polletque. videro , cessurusne provocationi sis, cui rex Romanus Tullus Hostilius cessit.

8.33.9ex curia in contionem itur. quo cum paucis dictator, cum omni agmine principum magister equitum cum escendisset, deduci eum de rostris Papirius in partem inferiorem inferiorern iussit.

8.33.10secutus pater bene agis inquit, cum eo nos deduci iussisti, unde et privati vocem mittere possemus. ibi primo non tam perpetuae orationes quam altercatio exaudiebatur ;

8.33.11vicit deinde strepitum vox et indignatio Fabi senis increpantis superbiam crudelitatemque Papiri:

8.33.12se quoque dictatorem Romae fuisse, nec a se quemquam, ne plebis quidem hominem, non centurionem, non militem violatum;

8.33.13Papirium tamquam ex hostium ducibus, sic ex Romano imperatore victoria et triumphum petere. quantum interesse inter moderationem antiquorum et novam superbiam crudelitatemque!

Book 8, Part 6

8.33.14dictatorem Quinctium Cincinnatum in L. Minucium consulem ex obsidione a se ereptum non ultra saevisse quam ut legatum eum ad exercitum pro consule relinqueret.

8.33.15M. Furium Camillum in L. Furio, qui contempta sua senectute et auctoritate foedissimo cum eventu pugnasset, non solum in praesentia moderatum irae esse, ne quid de collega secus populo aut senatui scriberet,

8.33.16sed cum revertisset, potissimum ex tribunis consularibus habuisse quem ex collegis optione ab senatu data socium sibi imperii deligeret.

8.33.17nam populi quidem, penes quem potestas omnium rerum esset, ne iram quidem unquam atrociorem fuisse in eos qui temeritate atque inscitia exercitus amisissent quam ut pecunia eos multaret: capite anquisitum ob rem bello male gestam de imperatore nullo ad eam diem esse.

8.33.18nunc ducibus populi Romani, quae ne victis quidem bello fas fuerit, virgas et secures victoribus et iustissimos meritis triumphos intentari.

8.33.19quid enim tandem passurum fuisse filium suum, si exercitum amisisset, si fusus, fugatus, castris exutus fuisset? quo ultra iram violentiamque eius excessuram fuisse, quam ut verberaret necaretque?

8.33.20quam conveniens esse, propter Q. Fabium civitatem in laetitia victoria supplicationibus ac gratulationibus esse,

8.33.21eum propter quem deum delubra pateant, arae sacrificiis fument, honore donis cumulentur, nudatum virgis lacerari in conspectu populi Romani, intuentem Capitolium atque arcem deosque ab se duobus proeliis haud frustra advocatos!

8.33.22quo id animo exercitum, qui eius ductu auspiciisque vicisset, laturum? quem luctum in castris Romanis, quam laetitiam inter hostes fore!

8.33.23haec simul iurgans, querens, deum hominumque fidem obtestans et complexus filium, plurimis cum lacrimis agebat.

8.34.1stabat cum eo senatus maiestas, favor populi, tribunicium auxilium, memoria absentis exercitus;

8.34.2ex parte altera imperium invictum populi Romani et disciplina rei militaris et dictatoris edictum pro numine semper observatum et Manliana imperia et posthabita filii caritas publicae utilitati iactabantur:

8.34.3hoc etiam L. Brutum, conditorem Romanae libertatis, antea in duobus liberis fecisse; nunc patres comes et senes faciles de alieno imperio spreto, tamquam rei parvae, disciplinae militaris eversae iuventuti gratiam facere.

8.34.4se tamen perstaturum in incepto, nec ei qui adversus dictum suum turbatis religionibus ac dubiis auspiciis pugnasset quicquam ex iusta poena remissurum.

8.34.5maiestas imperii perpetuane esset non esse in sua potestate:

8.34.6L. Papirium nihil de eius iure deminuturum ; optare ne potestas tribunicia, inviolata ipsa, violet intercessione sua Romanum imperium, neu populus in se potissimum dictatore vim et ius dictaturae exstinguat.

8.34.7quod si fecisset, non L. Papirium sed tribunos, sed pravum populi iudicium nequiquam posteros accusaturos, cum polluta semel militari disciplina non miles centurionis, non centurio tribuni, non tribunus legati, non legatus consulis, non magister equitum dictatoris pareat imperio,

8.34.8nemo hominum, nemo deorum verecundiam habeat, non edicta imperatorum, non auspicia observentur, sine commeatu vagi milites in pacato, in hostico errent,

8.34.9immemores sacramenti licentia sua se ubi velint exauctorent,

8.34.10infrequentia deserantur signa neque conveniatur ad edictum nec discernatur interdiu nocte, aequo iniquo loco, iussu iniussu imperatoris pugnent, et non signa, non ordines servent, latrocinii modo caeca et fortuita pro sollemni et sacrata militia sit;

8.34.11— horum criminum vos reos in omnia saecula offerte, tribuni plebi, vestra obnoxia capita pro licentia Q. Fabi obicite.

8.35.1stupentes tribunos et suam iam vicem magis anxios quam eius cui auxilium ab se petebatur, liberavit onere consensus populi Romani, ad preces et obtestationem versus, ut sibi poenam magistri equitum dictator remitteret.

8.35.2tribuni quoque inclinatam rem in preces subsecuti orare dictatorem insistunt ut veniam errori humano, veniam adulescentiae Q. Fabi daret; satis eum poenarum dedisse.

8.35.3iam ipse adulescens, iam pater M. Fabius, contentionis obliti procumbere ad genua et iram deprecari dictatoris.

8.35.4tum dictator silentio facto bene habet inquit, Quirites . Vicit disciplina militaris, vicit imperii maiestas, quae in discrimine fuerunt an ulla post hanc diem essent.

8.35.5non noxae eximitur Q. Fabius, qui contra edictum imperatoris pugnavit, sed noxae damnatus donatur populo Romano, donatur tribuniciae potestati precarium non iustum auxilium ferenti.

8.35.6vive , Q. Fabi, felicior hoc consensu civitatis ad tuendum te quam qua paulo ante exsultabas victoria; vive, id facinus ausus cuius tibi ne parens quidem, si eodem loco fuisset quo fuit L. Papirius, veniam dedisset.

8.35.7mecum , ut voles, reverteris in gratiam; populo Romano, cui vitam debes, nihil maius praestiteris quam si hic tibi dies satis documenti dederit ut bello ac pace pati legitima imperia imperial possis.

8.35.8cum se nihil morari magistrum equitum pronuntiasset, degressum eum templo laetus senatus, laetior populus, circumfusi ac gratulantes hinc hine magistro equitum,

8.35.9hinc dictatori, prosecuti sunt, firmatumque imperium militare haud hand minus periculo Q. Fabi quam supplicio miserabili adulescentis Manli videbatur.

8.35.10forte ita eo anno evenit ut quotienscumque dictator ab exercitu recessisset, hostes in Samnio moverentur. ceterum in oculis exemplum erat Q. Fabius M. Valerio legato, qui castris praeerat, ne quam vim hostium magis quam trucem dictatoris iram timeret.

8.35.11itaque frumentatores cum circumventi ex insidiis caesi loco iniquo essent, creditum volgo est subveniri eis ab legato potuisse, ni tristia edicta exhorruisset.

8.35.12ea quoque ira alienavit a dictatore militum animos, iam ante infensos, quod implacabilis Q. Fabio fuisset et, quod suis precibus negasset, eius populo Romano veniam dedisset.

8.36.1postquam dictator praeposito in urbe L. Papirio Crasso, magistro equitum Q. Fabio vetito quicquam pro magistratu agere, in castra rediit,

8.36.2neque civibus satis laetus adventus eius fuit nec hostibus quicquam attulit terroris. namque postero die, seu ignari venisse dictatorem seu adesset an abesset parvi facientes, instructa acie ad castra accesserunt.

8.36.3ceterum tantum momenti in uno viro L. Papirio fuit ut, si ducis consilia favor subsecutus militum foret, debellari eo die cum Samnitibus potuisse pro haud dubio habitum sit;

8.36.4ita instruxit aciem, ita loco ac subsidiis, ita omni arte bellica firmavit; cessatum a milite ac de industria, ut obtrectaretur laudibus ducis, impedita victoria est. plures Samnitium cecidere, plures Romani volnerati sunt.

8.36.5sensit peritus dux quae res victoriae obstaret: temperandum ingenium suum esse et severitatem miscendam comitati.

8.36.6itaque adhibitis legatis ipse circuit saucios milites, inserens in tentoria caput, singulosque ut sese haberent rogitans curam eorum nominatim norinatim legatis tribunisque et praefectis demandabat.

8.36.7rem per se popularem ita dextere egit ut medendis corporibus animi multo prius militum imperatori reconciliarentur, nec quicquam ad salubritatem efficacius fuerit quam quod grato animo ea cura accepta est.

8.36.8refecto exercitu cum hoste congressus, haud dubia spe sua militumque, ita fudit fugavitque Samnites, ut ille ultimus eis dies conferendi signa cum dictatore fuerit.

8.36.9incessit deinde qua duxit praedae spes victor exercitus perlustravitque hostium agros, nulla arma, nullam vim nec apertam nec ex insidiis expertus.

8.36.10addebat alacritatem quod dictator praedam omnem edixerat militibus; nec ira magis publica quam privatum compendium in hostem acuebat.

8.36.11his cladibus subacti Samnites pacem a dictatore petiere; cum quo pacti, ut singula vestimenta militibus et annuum stipendium darent,

8.36.12cum ire ad senatum iussi essent, secuturos se dictatorem responderunt, unius eius fidei virtutique causam suam commendantes. ita deductus ex Samnitibus exercitus.

8.37.1dictator triumphans urbem est ingressus; et cum se dictatura abdicare vellet, iussu patrum, priusquam abdicaret, consules creavit C. Sulpicium Longum iterum Q. Aemilium Cerretanum.

8.37.2Samnites infecta pace, quia de condicionibus ambigebatur, indutias annuas ab urbe rettulerunt. nec earumipsarum sancta fides fuit; adeo, postquam Papirium abisse magistratu nuntiatum est, arrecti ad bellandum animi sunt.

8.37.3C. Sulpicio Q. Aemilio—Aulium quidam annales habent—consulibus ad defectionem Samnitium Apulum novum bellum accessit. utroque exercitus missi. Sulpicio Samnites, Apuli Aemilio sorte evenerunt.

8.37.4sunt qui non ipsis Apulis bellum inlatum, sed socios eius gentis populos ab Samnitium vi atque iniuriis defensos scribant;

8.37.5ceterum fortuna Samnitium, vix a se ipsis eo tempore propulsantium bellum, propius ut sit vero facit non Apulis ab Samnitibus arma inlata, sed cum utraque simul gente bellum Romanis fuisse.

8.37.6nec tamen res ulla memorabilis mnemorabilis acta; ager Apulus Samniumque Samnniumque evastatum; hostes nec hic nec illic inventi.

8.37.6Romae nocturnus terror ita ex somno trepidam repente civitatem excivit ut Capitolium atque arx moeniaque et portae plena armatorum fuerint;

8.37.7et cum concursatum clamatumque ad arma omnibus locis esset, prima luce nec auctor nec causa terroris comparuit.

8.37.8eodem anno de Tusculanis Flavia rogatione populi fuit iudicium. M. Flavius tribunus plebis tulit ad populum ut in Tusculanos animadverteretur, quod eorum ope ac consilio Veliterni Privernatesque populo Romano bellum fecissent.

8.37.9populus Tusculanus cum coniugibus ac liberis Romam venit. ea multitudo multitude veste mutata et specie reorum tribus circuit, genibus se omnium advolvens;

8.37.10plus itaque misericordia ad poenae veniam impetrandam quam causa ad crimen purgandum valuit.

8.37.11tribus omnes praeter Polliam antiquarunt legem. polliae sententia fuit puberes verberatos necari, coniuges liberosque sub corona lege belli venire.

8.37.12memoriam eius irae Tusculanis in poenae tam atrocis auctores mansisse ad patrum aetatem constat, nec quemquam ferme ex Pollia tribu candidatum Papiriam ferre solitum.

8.38.1insequenti anno, Q. Fabio L. Fulvio consulibus, A. Cornelius Arvina dictator et M. Fabius Ambustus magister equitum metu gravioris in Samnio belli—conducta enim pretio a finitimis iuventus dicebatur—intentiore dilectu habito egregium exercitum adversus Samnites duxerunt.

8.38.2castra in hostico incuriose ita posita tamquam procul abesset hostis, cum subito advenere Samnitium legiones tanta ferocia ut vallum usque ad stationem Romanam inferrent.

8.38.3nox iam appetebat; id prohibuit munimenta adoriri; nec dissimulabant orta luce postero die facturos.

8.38.4dictator ubi propiorem spe dimicationem vidit, ne militum virtuti damno locus esset, ignibus crebris relictis, qui conspectum hostium frustrarentur, silentio legiones educit; nec tamen fallere propter propinquitatem castrorum potuit.

8.38.5eques extemplo insecutus ita institit agmini ut, donec done lucesceret, proelio abstineret; ne pedestres quidem copiae ante lucem castris egressae.

8.38.6eques luce demum ausus incursare in hostem, carpendo novissimos premendoque iniquis ad transitum locis, agmen detinuit. interim pedes equitem adsecutus, et totis iam copiis Samnis urgebat.

8.38.7tum dictator, postquam sine magno incommodo incolmmodo progredi non poterat, eum ipsum in quo constiterat locum castris dimetari iussit. id vero circumfuso undique equitatu—ut vallum peteretur opusque inciperet—fieri non poterat.

8.38.8itaque ubi neque eundi neque manendi copiam esse videt, instruit aciem, impedimentis ex agmine remotis. instruunt contra et hostes, et animis et viribus pares.

8.38.9auxerat id maxime animos quod ignari loco iniquo, non hosti cessum, velut fugientes ac territos terribiles ipsi secuti fuerant.

8.38.10id aliquamdiu aequavit pugnam, iam pridem desueto Samnite clamorem Romani exercitus pati; et hercule illo die ab hora diei tertia ad octavam ita anceps dicitur certamen stetisse, ut neque clamor, ut primo semel concursu est sublatus, iteratus sit, neque signa promota loco retrove recepta, neque recursum ab ulla sit parte.

8.38.11in suo quisque gradu obnixi, urgentes scutis, sine respiratione ac respectu pugnabant; fremitus aequalis tenorque idem pugnae in defatigationem ultimam aut noctem spectabat.

8.38.12iam viris vires, iam ferro sua vis, iam consilia ducibus deerant, cum subito Samnitium equites, cum turma una longius provecta accepissent impedimenta Romanorum procul ab armatis sine praesidio, sine munimento stare, aviditate praedae impetum faciunt.

8.38.13quod ubi dictatori trepidus nuntius attulit, sine modo inquit, sese praeda praepediant. alii deinde super alios diripi passim ferrique fortunas militum vociferabantur.

8.38.14tum magistro equitum accito vides tu inquit, M. Fabi, ab hostium equite omissam pugnam? haerent impediti impedimentis nostris.

8.38.15adgredere , quod inter praedandum omni multitudini evenit, dissipatos dissipates ; raros equis insidentes, raros, quibus ferrum in manu sit, invenies; sese equosque dum praeda onerant, caede inermes cruentamque illis praedam redde.

8.38.16mihi legiones peditumque pugna curae erunt; penes te equestre sit decus.

8.39.1equitum acies, qualis quae esse instructissima potest, invecta in dissipatos dissipates impeditosque hostes caede omnia replet.

8.39.2inter sarcinas omissas repente, obiacentes pedibus fugientium consternatorumque equorum, neque pugnae neque fugae satis potentes caeduntur.

8.39.3tum deleto prope equitatu hostium M. Fabius circumductis paulum alis ab tergo pedestrem aciem adoritur.

8.39.4clamor inde novus accidens et Samnitium terruit animos, et dictator, ubi respectantes hostium antesignanos turbataque signa et fluctuantem aciem vidit, tum appellare, tum adhortari milites, tribunos principesque ordinum nominatim ad iterandam secum pugnam vocare. novato clamore signa inferuntur;

8.39.5et quidquid progrediebantur, magis magisque turbatos, hostes cernebant. eques ipse iam primis erat in conspectu, et Cornelius respiciens ad manipulos militum,

8.39.6quod manu, quod voce poterat, monstrabat vexilla se suorum parmasque cernere equitum.

8.39.7quod ubi auditum simul visumque est, adeo repente laboris per diem paene totum tolerati volnerumque obliti sunt, ut haud secus quam si tum integri e castris signum pugnae accepissent concitaverint se in hostem hosted .

8.39.8nec ultra Samnis tolerare terrorem equitum peditumque vim potuit; partim in medio caesi, partim in fugam dissipati sunt.

8.39.9pedes restantes ac circumventos cecidit: ab equite fugientium strages est facta, inter quos et ipse imperator cecidit.

8.39.10hoc demum proelium Samnitium res ita infregit, ut omnibus conciliis fremerent minime id quidem mirum esse, si impio bello et contra foedus suscepto, infestioribus merito deis quam hominibus nihil prospere agerent; expiandum id bellum magna mercede luendumque esse;

8.39.11id referre tantum, utrum supplicia noxio paucorum an omnium innoxio praebeant sanguine; audebantque iam quidam nominare auctores armorum.

8.39.12unum maxime nomen per consensum clamantium Brutuli Papi exaudiebatur. vir nobilis potensque erat, haud baud dubie proximarum indutiarum ruptor.

8.39.13de eo coacti referre, praetores decretum fecerunt, ut Brutulus Papius Romanis dederetur et cum eo praeda omnis Romana captivique ut Romam mitterentur, quaeque res per fetiales ex foedere repetitae essent secundum ius fasque restituerentur.

8.39.14fetiales Romam, ut censuerunt, missi, et corpus Brutuli exanime; ipse morte voluntaria ignominiae se ac supplicio subtraxit.

8.39.15placuit cum corpore bona quoque eius dedi. nihil tamen earum rerum praeter captivos ac si qua cognita ex praeda sunt acceptum est; ceterarum rerum inrita fuit deditio. dictator ex senatus consulto triumphavit.

Book 8, Part 7

8.40.1hoc bellum a consulibus bellatum quidam auctores sunt, eosque de Samnitibus triumphasse; Fabium etiam in Apuliam processisse atque inde magnas praedas egisse.

8.40.2nec discrepat quin dictator eo anno A. Cornelius fuerit; id ambigitur, belline gerendi causa creatus sit, an ut esset qui ludis Romanis, quia L. Plautius praetor gravi morbo forte implicitus erat,

8.40.3signum mittendis quadrigis daret functusque eo haud sane memorandi imperii ministerio se dictatura abdicaret. nec facile est aut rem rei aut auctorem auctori praeferre.

8.40.4vitiatam memoriam funebribus laudibus reor falsisque imaginum titulis, dum familiae ad se quaeque famam rerum gestarum honorumque fallenti mendacio trahunt;

8.40.5inde certe et singulorum gesta et publica monumenta rerum confusa. nec quisquam aequalis temporibus illis scriptor exstat, quo satis certo auctore stetur.

Book 9, Part 1

9.1.1SEQUITUR hunc annum nobilis clade Romana Caudina pax T. Veturio Calvino Sp. Postumio consulibus.

9.1.2Samnites eo anno imperatorem C. Pontium Herenni filium habuerunt, patre longe prudentissimo natum, primum ipsum bellatorem ducemque.

9.1.3is , ubi legati qui ad dedendas res missi erant pace infecta redierunt, ne nihil actum inquit hac legatione censeatis, expiatum est quidquid ex foedere rupto irarum in nos caelestium fuit.

9.1.4satis scio quibuscumque discordi fuit subigi nos ad necessitatem dedendi res quae ab nobis ex foedere repetitae fuerant, iis non fuisse cordi tam superbe ab Romanis foederis expiationem spretam.

9.1.5quid enim ultra fieri ad placandos deos mitigandosque homines potuit quam quod nos fecimus? res hostium in praeda captas, quae belli iure nostrae videbantur, remisimus; auctores belli,

9.1.6quia vivos non potuimus, perfunctos iam fato dedidimus; bona eorum, ne quid ex contagione noxae remaneret penes nos, Romam portavimus.

9.1.7quid ultra tibi, Romane, quid foederi, quid dis arbitris foederis debeo? quem tibi tuarum irarum, quem meorum suppliciorum iudicem feram? neminem neque populum neque privatum fugio.

9.1.8quod si nihil cum potentiore iuris humani relinquitur inopi, at ego ad deos vindices intolerandae superbiae

9.1.9confugiam et precabor ut iras suas vertant in eos quibus non suae redditae res, non alienae accumulatae satis sint; quorum saevitiam non mors noxiorum, non deditio exanimatorum corporum, non bona sequentia domini deditionem exsatient, nisi hauriendum sanguinem laniandaque viscera nostra praebuerimus.

9.1.10iustum est bellum, Samnites, quibus necessarium, et pia arma quibus nulla nisi in armis relinquitur spes.

9.1.11proinde , cum rerum humanarum maximum momentum sit, quam propitiis rem, quam adversis agant dis, pro certo habete priora bella adversus deos magis quam homines gessisse, hoc quod instat ducibus ipsis dis gesturos.

9.2.1haec non laeta magis quam vera vaticinatus exercitu educto circa Caudium castra quam potest occultissime locat.

9.2.2inde ad Calatiam, ubi iam consules Romanos castraque esse audiebat, milites decem pastorum habitu mittit pecoraque diversos, alium alibi, haud procul Romanis pascere iubet praesidiis;

9.2.3ubi inciderint in praedatores, ut idem omnibus sermo constet, legiones Samnitium in Apulia esse, Luceriam omnibus copiis circumsedere nec procul abesse quin vi capiant.

9.2.4iam is rumor et ante de industria volgatus venerat ad Romanos, sed fidem auxere captivi eo maxime quod sermo inter omnes congruebat.

9.2.5haud erat dubium quin Lucerinis opem Romanus ferret, bonis ac fidelibus sociis, simul ne Apulia omnis ad praesentem terrorem deficeret: ea modo qua irent consultatio fuit.

9.2.6duae ad Luceriam ferebant viae, altera praeter oram superi maris, patens apertaque sed quanto tutior tanto fere longior, altera per furculas Caudinas, brevior;

9.2.7sed ita natus locus est: saltus duo alti angusti silvosique sunt montibus circa perpetuis inter se iuncti; iacet inter eos satis patens clausus in medio campus herbidus aquosusque, per quem medium iter est;

9.2.8sed antequam venias ad eum, intrandae primae angustiae sunt, et aut eadem qua te insinuaveris retro via repetenda aut, si ire porro pergas, per alium saltum artiorem impeditioremque, evadendum.

9.2.9in eum campum via alia per cavam rupem Romani demisso agmine cum ad alias angustias protinus pergerent, saeptas deiectu arborum saxorumque ingentium obiacente mole invenere. cum fraus hostilis apparuisset, praesidium etiam in summo saltu conspicitur.

9.2.10citati inde retro, qua venerant pergunt repetere viam; eam quoque clausam sua obice armisque inveniunt. sistunt inde gradum sine ullius imperio, stuporque omnium animos ac velut torpor quidam insolitus membra tenet,

9.2.11intuentesque alii alios, cum alterum quisque compotem magis mentis ac consilii ducerent, diu immobiles silent;

9.2.12deinde, ubi praetoria consulum erigi videre et expedire quosdam utilia operi, quamquam ludibrio

9.2.13fore munientes perditis rebus ac spe omni adempta cernebant, tamen, ne culpam malis adderent, pro se quisque nec hortante ullo nec imperante ad muniendum versi castra propter aquam vallo circumdant,

9.2.14sua ipsi opera laboremque inritum, praeterquam quod hostes superbe increpabant, cum miserabili confessione eludentes.

9.2.15ad consules maestos, ne advocantes quidem in consilium, quando nec consilio nec auxilio locus esset, sua sponte legati ac tribuni conveniunt, militesque ad praetorium versi opem open , quam vix di immortales ferre poterant, ab ducibus exposcunt.

9.3.1querentes magis quam consultantes nox oppressit, cum pro ingenio quisque fremerent: per obices viarum, alius, per adversa montium, per silvas,

9.3.2qua ferri arma poterunt, eamus, modo ad hostem pervenire liceat, quem per annos iam prope triginta vincimus; omnia aequa et plana erunt Romano in perfidum Samnitem pugnanti ; alius: quo aut qua eamus? num montes moliri sede sua paramus? dum haec imminebunt iuga, qua tu ad hostem venias? armati inermes, fortes ignavi, pariter omnes capti atque victi sumus; ne ferrum quidem ad bene moriendum oblaturus est hostis; sedens bellum conficiet.

9.3.3his in vicem sermonibus qua cibi qua quietis immemor nox traducta est.

9.3.3ne Samnitibus quidem consilium in tam laetis suppetebat rebus; itaque universi Herennium Pontium, patrem imperatoris, per litteras consulendum censent.

9.3.4iam is gravis annis non militaribus solum sed civilibus quoque abscesserat muneribus; in corpore tamen adfecto vigebat vis animi consiliique.

9.3.5is ubi accepit ad furculas Caudinas inter duos saltus clausos esse exercitus Romanos, consultus ab nuntio filii censuit omnes inde quam primum inviolatos dimittendos.

9.3.6quae ubi spreta sententia est iterumque eodem remeante nuntio consulebatur, censuit ad unum omnes ones interficiendos.

9.3.7quae ubi tam discordia inter se velut ex ancipiti oraculo responsa data sunt, quamquam filius ipse in primis iam animum quoque patris consenuisse in adfecto corpore rebatur, tamen consensu omnium victus est ut ipsum in consilium acciret.

9.3.8nec gravatus senex plaustro in castra dicitur advectus vocatusque in consilium ita ferme locutus esse ut nihil sententiae suae mutaret, causas tantum adiceret:

9.3.9priore se consilio, quod optimum duceret, cum potentissimo populo per ingens beneficium perpetuam firmare pace amicitiamque; altero consilio in multas aetates, quibus amissis duobus exercitibus haud facile receptura vires Romana res esset, bellum differre; tertium nullum consilium esse.

9.3.10cum filius aliique principes percontando exsequerentur, quid si media via consilii caperetur, ut et dimitterentur incolumes et leges iis iure belli victis imponerentur,

9.3.11ista quidem sententia inquit ea est, quae neque amicos parat nec inimicos tollit. servate modo quos ignominia inritaveritis: ea est Romana gens quae victa quiescere nesciat.

9.3.12vivet semper in pectoribus illorum quidquid istuc praesens necessitas inusserit, nec eos ante multiplices poenas expetitas a vobis quiescere sinet. neutra sententia accepta Herennius domum e castris est avectus.

9.4.1et in castris Romanis cum frustra multi conatus ad erumpendum capti essent et iam omnium rerum inopia esset,

9.4.2victi necessitate legatos mittunt qui primum pacem aequam peterent; si pacem non impetrarent, uti provocarent ad pugnam.

9.4.3tum Pontius debellatum esse respondit; et, quoniam ne victi quidem ac capti fortunam fateri scirent, inermes cum singulis vestimentis sub iugum missurum; alias condiciones pacis aequas victis ac victoribus fore:

9.4.4si agro Samnitium decederetur, coloniae abducerentur, suis inde legibus Romanum ac Samnitem aequo foedere victurum;

9.4.5his condicionibus paratum se esse foedus cum consulibus ferire; si quid eorum displiceat, legatos redire ad se vetuit.

9.4.6haec cum legatio renuntiaretur, tantus gemitus omnium subito exortus est tantaque maestitia incessit ut non gravius accepturi viderentur si nuntiaretur omnibus eo loco mortem oppetendam esse.

9.4.7cum diu silentium fuisset nec consules aut pro foedere tam turpi aut contra foedus tam necessarium hiscere possent, tum L. Lentulus, qui princeps legatorum virtute atque honoribus erat:

9.4.8patrem meum inquit, consules, saepe audivi memorantem se in Capitolio unum non fuisse auctorem senatui redimendae auro a Gallis civitatis, quando nec fossa valloque ab ignavissimo ad opera ac muniendum hoste clausi essent et erumpere, si non sine magno periculo tamen sine certa pernicie, possent.

9.4.9quod si, ut illis decurrere ex Capitolio armatis in hostem licuit, quo saepe modo obsessi in obsidentes eruperunt, ita nobis aequo aut iniquo loco dimicandi tantummodo cum hoste copia esset, non mihi paterni animi indoles in consilio dando deesset.

9.4.10equidem mortem pro patria praeclaram esse fateor et me vel devovere pro populo Romano legionibusque vel in medios immittere hostes paratus sum;

9.4.11sed hic patriam video, hic quidquid Romanarum legionum est, quae nisi pro se ipsis ad mortem ruere volunt, quid habent quod morte sua servent?

9.4.12'Tecta urbis' dicat aliquis 'et moenia et eam turbam a qua urbs incolitur.' immo hercule produntur ea omnia deleto hoc exercitu, non servantur.

9.4.13quis enim ea tuebitur? imbellis videlicet atque inermis multitudo. tam hercule quam a Gallorum impetu defendit.

9.4.14An a Veiis exercitum Camillumque ducem implorabunt? hic omnes spes opesque sunt, quas servando patriam servamus, dedendo ad necem patriam deserimus ac prodimus.

9.4.15' At foeda atque ignominiosa deditio est.' sed ea caritas patriae est ut tam ignominia eam quam morte nostra, si opus sit, servemus.

9.4.16subeatur ergo ista, quantacumque est, indignitas et pareatur necessitati, quam ne di quidem superant. ite , consules, redimite armis civitatem quam auro maiores vestri redemerunt.

9.5.1consules profecti ad Pontium in conloquium, cum de foedere victor agitaret, negarunt iniussu populi foedus fieri posse nec sine fetialibus caerimoniaque alia sollemni.

9.5.2itaque non, ut volgo credunt Claudiusque etiam scribit, foedere pax Caudina, sed per sponsionem facta est.

9.5.3quid enim aut sponsoribus in foedere opus esset aut obsidibus, ubi precatione res transigitur, per quem populum fiat quo minus legibus dictis stetur, ut eum ita Iuppiter feriat quemadmodum a fetialibus porcus feriatur? spoponderunt consules,

9.5.4legati, quaestores, tribuni militum, nominaque omnium qui spoponderunt exstant, ubi, si ex foedere acta res esset, praeterquam duorum fetialium non exstarent;

9.5.5et propter necessariam foederis dilationem obsides etiam sescenti equites imperati, qui capite luerent, si pacto non staretur.

9.5.6tempus inde statutum tradendis obsidibus exercituque inermi mittendo.

9.5.6redintegravit luctum in castris consulum adventus, ut vix ab iis abstinerent manus quorum temeritate in eum locum deducti essent, quorum ignavia foedius inde quam venissent abituri:

9.5.7illis non ducem locorum, non exploratorem fuisse; beluarum modo caecos in foveam missos.

9.5.8alii alios intueri, contemplari arma mox tradenda et inermes futuras dextras obnoxiaque corpora hosti; proponere sibimet ipsi ante oculos iugum hostile et ludibria victoris et voltus superbos et per armatos inermium iter,

9.5.9inde foedi agminis miserabilem viam per sociorum urbes, reditum in patriam ad parentes, quo saepe ipsi maioresque eorum triumphantes venissent:

9.5.10se solos sine volnere, sine ferro, sine acie victos; sibi non stringere licuisse gladios, non manum cum hoste conferre; sibi nequiquam arma, nequiquam vires, nequiquam animos datos.

9.5.11haec frementibus hora fatalis ignominiae advenit, omnia tristiora experiundo factura quam quae praeceperant animis.

9.5.12iam primum cum singulis vestimentis inermes extra vallum exire iussi, et primi traditi obsides atque in custodiam abducti.

9.5.13tum a consulibus abire lictores iussi paludamentaque detracta: id tantam inter ipsos, qui paulo ante eos exsecrantes dedendos lacerandosque censuerant, miserationem fecit,

9.5.14ut suae quisque condicionis oblitus ab illa deformatione tantae maiestatis velut ab nefando spectaculo averteret oculos.

9.6.1primi consules prope seminudi sub iugum missi; tum ut quisque gradu proximus erat ita ignominiae obiectus; tum deinceps singulae legiones.

9.6.2circumstabant armati hostes, exprobrantes eludentesque; gladii etiam plerisque intentati, et volnerati quidam necatique, si voltus eorum indignitate rerum acrior victorem offendisset.

9.6.3ita traducti sub iugum, et quod paene gravius erat, per hostium oculos, cum e saltu evasissent, etsi velut ab inferis extracti tum primum lucem aspicere visi sunt, tamen ipsa lux ita deforme intuentibus agmen omni morte tristior fuit.

9.6.4itaque cum ante noctem Capuam pervenire possent, incerti de fide sociorum et quod pudor praepediebat, circa viam haud baud procul Capua omnium egena corpora humi prostraverunt.

9.6.5quod ubi est Capuam nuntiatum, evicit miseratio iusta sociorum superbiam ingenitam Campanis.

9.6.6confestim insignia sua consulibus, arma equos vestimenta commeatus militibus, benigne mittunt;

9.6.7et venientibus Capuam cunctus senatus populusque obviam egressus iustis omnibus hospitalibus privatisque et publicis fungitur officiis.

9.6.8neque illis sociorum comitas voltusque benigni et adloquia non modo sermonem elicere sed ne ut oculos quidem attollerent aut consolantes amicos contra intuerentur efficere poterant:

9.6.9adeo super maerorem pudor quidam fugere conloquia et coetus hominum cogebat.

9.6.10postero die cum iuvenes nobiles missi a Capua ut proficiscentes ad finem Campanum prosequerentur

9.6.11revertissent vocatique in curiam percontantibus maioribus natu multo sibi maestiores et abiectiores animi visos referrent: adeo silens ac prope mutum agmen incessisse;

9.6.12iacere indolem illam Romanam, ablatosque cum armis animos; non reddere salutem salutantibus, non dare responsum, non hiscere quemquam prae metu potuisse, tamquam ferentibus adhuc cervicibus iugum sub quod missi essent;

9.6.13habere Samnites victoriam non praeclaram solum sed etiam perpetuam, cepisse enim eos non Romam, sicut ante Gallos, sed, quod multo bellicosius fuerit, Romanam virtutem ferociamque.—

9.7.1cum haec dicerentur audirenturque et deploratum paene Romanum nomen in concilio sociorum fidelium esset, dicitur A. Calavius,

9.7.2ovi filius, clarus genere factisque, tum etiam aetate verendus, longe aliter se habere rem dixisse:

9.7.3silentium illud obstinatum fixosque in terram oculos et surdas ad omnia solacia aures et pudorem intuendae lucis ingentem molem irarum ex alto animi cientis indicia esse.

9.7.4aut Romana se ignorare ingenia, aut silentium illud Samnitibus flebiles brevi clamores gemitusque excitaturum, Caudinaeque pacis aliquanto Samnitibus quam Romanis tristiorem memoriam fore;

9.7.5quippe suos quemque eorum animos habiturum, ubicumque congressuri sint; saltus Caudinos non ubique Samnitibus fore.

9.7.6iam Romae etiam sua infamis clades erat. obsessos primum audierunt; tristior deinde ignominiosae pacis magis quam periculi nuntius fuit.

9.7.7ad famam obsidionis dilectus haberi coeptus erat; dimissus deinde auxiliorum apparatus, postquam deditionem tam foede factam acceperunt, extemploque sine ulla publica auctoritate consensum in omnem formam luctus est.

9.7.8tabernae circa forum clausae, iustitiumque in foro sua sponte coeptum prius quam indictum; lati clavi, anuli aurei positi;

9.7.9paene maestior exercitu ipso civitas esse; nec ducibus solum atque auctoribus sponsoribusque pacis irasci sed innoxios etiam milites odisse et negare urbe tectisve accipiendos.

9.7.10quam concitationem animorum fregit adventus exercitus etiam iratis miserabilis. non enim tamquam in patriam revertentes ex insperato incolumes sed

9.7.11captorum habitu voltuque ingressi sero in urbem ita se in suis quisque tectis abdiderunt ut postero atque insequentibus diebus nemo eorum forum aut publicum aspicere vellet.

9.7.12consules in privato abditi nihil pro magistratu agere, nisi quod expressum senatus consulto est ut dictatorem dicerent comitiorum causa.

9.7.13Q. Fabium Ambustum dixerunt et P. Aelium Paetum magistrum equitum;

9.7.14quibus vitio creatis suffecti M. Aemilius Papus dictator. L. Valerius Flaccus magister equitum. nec per eos comitia habita; et quia taedebat populum omnium magistratuum eius anni, res ad interregnum initerregnum rediit.

9.7.15interreges Q. Fabius Maximus M. Valerius Corvus. is consules creavit Q. Publilium Philonem tertium et L. Papirium Cursorem iterum haud dubio consensu civitatis, quod nulli ea tempestate duces clariores essent.

9.8.1quo creati sunt die, eo—sic enim placuerat patribus—magistratum inierunt sollemnibusque senatus consultis perfectis de pace Caudina rettulerunt; et Publilius,

9.8.2penes quem quern fasces erant, die , Sp. Postumi, inquit. qui ubi surrexit, eodem illo vultu quo sub iugum missus erat,

9.8.3haud sum ignarus inquit, consules, ignominiae non honoris causa me primum excitatum iussumque dicere, non tamquam senatorem, sed tamquam reum qua infelicis belli, qua ignominiosae pacis.

9.8.4ego tamen, quando neque de noxa nostra neque de poena rettulistis, omissa defensione, quae non difficillima esset apud haud ignaros fortunarum humanarum necessitatiumque, sententiam de eo de quo rettulistis paucis peragam; quae sententia testis erit mihine an legionibus vestris pepercerim, cum me seu turpi seu necessaria sponsione obstrinxi;

9.8.5qua tamen, quando iniussu populi facta est, non tenetur populus Romanus, nec quicquam ex ea praeterquam corpora nostra debentur Samnitibus.

9.8.6dedamur per fetiales nudi vinctique; exsolvamus religione populum, si qua obligavimus, ne quid divini humanive obstet quo minus iustum piumque de integro ineatur bellum.

9.8.7interea consules exercitum scribere, armare, educere placet, nec prius ingredi hostium fines, quam omnia iusta in deditionem nostram perfecta erunt.

9.8.8vos , di immortales, precor quaesoque, si vobis non fuit cordi Sp. Postumium T. Veturium consules cum Samnitibus prospere bellum gerere,

9.8.9at vos satis habeatis vidisse nos sub iugum missos, vidisse sponsione infami obligates, videre nudos vinctosque hostibus deditos, omnem iram hostium nostris capitibus excipientes;

9.8.10novos consules legionesque Romanas ita cum Samnite gerere geere bellum velitis ut omnia ante nos consules bella gesta sunt.

Book 9, Part 2

9.8.11quae ubi dixit, tanta simul admiratio miseratioque viri incessit homines ut modo vix crederent illum ilium eundem esse Sp. Postumium qui auctor tam foedae pacis fuisset;

9.8.12modo miserarentur quod vir talis etiam praecipuum apud hostes supplicium passurus esset ob iram diremptae pacis.

9.8.13cum omnes laudibus modo prosequentes virum in sententiam eius pedibus irent,

9.8.14temptata paulisper intercessio est ab L. Livio et Q. Maelio tribunis plebis, qui neque exsolvi religione populum aiebant deditione sua, nisi omnia Samnitibus, qualia apud Caudium fuissent, restituerentur;

9.8.15neque se pro eo quod spondendo pacem servassent exercitum populi Romani poenam ullam meritos esse; neque ad extremum, cum sacrosancti essent, dedi hostibus violarive posse.

9.9.1tum Postumius interea dedite inquit "profanos nos, quos salva religione potestis; dedetis deinde et istos sacrosanctos, cum primum magistratu abierint,

9.9.2sed, si me audiatis, priusquam dedantur, hic in comitio virgis caesos, hanc iam ut intercalatae poenae usuram habeant.

9.9.3nam quod deditione nostra negant exsolvi religione populum, id istos magis ne dedantur quam quia ita se res habeat dicere, quis adeo iuris fetialium expers est qui ignoret?

9.9.4neque ego infitias eo, patres conscripti, tam sponsiones quam foedera sancta esse apud eos homines apud quos iuxta divinas religiones fides humana colitur; sed iniussu populi nego quicquam sanciri posse quod populum teneat.

9.9.5An , si eadem superbia qua sponsionem istam expresserunt nobis Samnites coegissent nos verba legitima dedentium urbes nuncupare, deditum populum Romanum vos tribuni diceretis et hanc urbem templa delubra fines aquas Samnitium esse?

9.9.6omitto deditionem, quoniam de sponsione agitur; quid tandem si spopondissemus urbem hanc relicturum populum Romanum? si incensurum? si magistratus, si senatum, si leges non habiturum? si sub regibus futurum? Di meliora, inquis.

9.9.7atqui non indignitas rerum sponsionis vinculum levat: si quid est in quod obligari populus possit, in omnia potest. et ne illud quidem, quod quosdam forsitan moveat, refert, consul an dictator an praetor spoponderit.

9.9.8et hoc ipsi etiam Samnites iudicaverunt, quibus non fuit satis consules spondere, sed legatos, quaestores, tribunos militum spondere coegerunt.

9.9.9nec a me nunc quisquam quaesiverit quid ita spoponderim, cum id nec consulis ius esset nec illis spondere pacem quae mei non erat arbitrii, nec pro vobis qui nihil mandaveratis possem.

9.9.10nihil ad Caudium, patres conscripti, humanis consiliis gestum est: di immortales et vestris et hostium imperatoribus mentem ademerunt.

9.9.11nec nos in bello satis cavimus, et illi male partam victoriam male perdiderunt, dum vix locis quibus vicerant credunt, dum quacumque condicione arma viris in arma natis auferre festinant.

9.9.12An , si sana mens fuisset, difficile illis fuit, dum senes ab domo ad consultandum accersunt, mittere Romam legatos? cum senatu, cum populo de pace ac foedere agere?

9.9.13tridui iter expeditis erat; interea in indutiis res fuisset, donec ab Roma legati aut victoriam illis certam aut pacem adferrent. ea demum sponsio esset quam populi iussu spopondissemus.

9.9.14sed neque vos tulissetis nec nos spopondissemus; nec fas fuit alium rerum exitum esse quam ut illi velut somnio laetiore quam quod mentes eorum capere possent

9.9.15nequiquam eluderentur et nostrum exercitum eadem quae impedierat fortuna expediret, vanam victoriam vanior inritam faceret pax, sponsio interponeretur quae neminem praeter sponsorem obligaret.

9.9.16quid enim vobiscum, patres conscripti, quid cum populo Romano actum est? quis vos appellare potest, quis se a vobis dicere deceptum? hostis an civis? hosti nihil spopondistis, civem neminem spondere pro vobis iussistis.

9.9.17nihil ergo vobis nec nobiscum est, quibus nihil mandastis, nec cum Samnitibus, cum quibus nihil egistis.

9.9.18Samnitibus sponsores nos sumus rei satis locupletes in id quod nostrum est, in id quod praestare possumus, corpora nostra et animos; in haec saeviant, in haec ferrum, in haec iras acuant.

9.9.19quod ad tribunos attinet, consulite utrum praesens deditio eorum fieri possit an in diem differatur; nos interim, T. Veturi vosque ceteri, vilia haec capita luendae sponsionis feramus et nostro supplicio liberemus Romana arma.

9.10.1movit patres conscriptos cum causa tum auctor nec ceteros solum sed tribunos etiam plebei, ut se in senatus dicerent fore potestate.

9.10.2magistratu inde se extemplo abdicaverunt traditique fetialibus cum ceteris Caudium ducendi. hoc senatus consulto facto lux quaedam adfulsisse civitati visa est.

9.10.3Postumius in ore erat; eum laudibus ad caelum ferebant, devotioni P. Deci consulis, aliis claris facinoribus aequabant:

9.10.4emersisse civitatem ex obnoxia pace illius consilio et opera; ipsum se cruciatibus et hostium irae offerre piaculaque pro populo Romano dare.

9.10.5arma cuncti spectant et bellum: en unquam futurum ut congredi armatis cum Samnite liceat?

9.10.6in civitate ira odioque ardente dilectus prope omnium voluntariorum fuit. rescriptae ex eodem milite novae legiones ductusque ad Caudium exercitus.

9.10.7praegressi fetiales ubi ad portam venere, vestem detrahi pacis sponsoribus iubent, manus post tergum vinciri. cum apparitor verecundia maiestatis Postumi laxe vinciret, quin tu inquit adduces lorum, ut iusta fiat deditio!

9.10.8tum ubi in coetum Samnitium et ad tribunal ventum Ponti est, A. Cornelius Arvina fetialis ita verba fecit:

9.10.9quandoque hisce homines iniussu populi Romani Quiritium foedus ictum iri spoponderunt atque ob eam rem noxam nocuerunt, ob eam rem quo populus Romanus scelere impio sit solutus hosce homines vobis dedo.

9.10.10haec dicenti fetiali Postumius genu femur quanta maxime poterat vi perculit et clara voce ait se Samnitem civem esse, illum legatum a se contra ius gentium violatum: eo iustius bellum gesturos.

9.11.1tum Pontius nec ego istam deditionem accipiam inquit, "nec Samnites ratam habebunt.

9.11.2quin tu, Spuri Postumi, si deos esse censes, aut omnia inrita facis aut pacto stas? Samniti populo omnes quos in potestate habuit aut pro iis pax debetur.

9.11.3sed quid ego te appello, qui te captum victori cum qua potes fide restituis? populum Romanum appello; quem si sponsionis ad furculas Caudinas factae paenitet, restituat legiones intra saltum quo saeptae fuerunt.

9.11.4nemo quemquam deceperit; omnia pro infecto sint; recipiant arma, quae per pactionem tradiderunt; redeant in castra sua; quidquid pridie habuerunt quam in conloquium est ventum habeant: tum bellum et fortia consilia placeant, tum sponsio et pax repudietur.

9.11.5ea fortuna, iis locis, quae ante pacis mentionem habuimus, geramus bellum, nec populus Romanus consulum sponsionem nec nos fidem populi Romani accusemus.

9.11.6nunquamne causa defiet cur victi pacto non stetis? obsides Porsinnae dedistis: furto eos subduxistis; auro civitatem a Gallis redemistis: inter accipiendum aurum caesi sunt;

9.11.7pacem nobiscum pepigistis, ut legiones vobis captas restitueremus: eam earn pacem inritam facitis. et semper aliquam fraudi speciem iuris imponitis.

9.11.8non probat populus Romanus ignominiosa pace legiones servatas? pacem sibi habeat, legiones captas victori restituat; hoc fide, hoc foederibus, hoc fetialibus caerimoniis dignum erat.

9.11.9ut quidem tu quod petisti per pactionem habeas tot cives incolumes, ego pacem quam hos tibi remittendo pactus sum non habeam, hoc tu, A. Corneli, hoc vos, fetiales, iuris gentibus dicitis?

9.11.10ego vero istos quos dedi simulatis nec accipio nec dedi arbitror, nec moror quo minus in civitatem obligatam sponsione commissa iratis omnibus dis, quorum eluditur numen, redeant.

9.11.11gerite bellum, quando Sp. Postumius modo legatum genu perculit. ita di credent Samnitem civem Postumium, non civem Romanum esse, et a Samnite legatum Romanum violatum: eo vobis iustum in nos factum esse bellum.

9.11.12haec ludibria religionum non pudere in lucem proferre et vix pueris dignas ambages senes ac consulares fallendae fidei exquirere!

9.11.13I, lictor, deme vincla Romanis; moratus sit nemo, quo minus ubi visum fuerit abeant. et illi quidem, forsitan et publica, sua certe liberata fide ab Caudio in castra Romana inviolati redierunt.

9.12.1Samnitibus pro superba pace infestissimum cernentibus renatum bellum, omnia quae deinde evenerunt non in animis solum sed prope in oculis esse;

9.12.2et sero ac nequiquam laudare senis Ponti utraque consilia, inter quae se media lapsos via victoriae possessionem pace incerta mutasse; et beneficii et maleficii occasione amissa pugnaturos cum eis quos potuerint in perpetuum vel inimicos tollere vel amicos facere.

9.12.3adeoque nullodum certamine inclinatis viribus post Caudinam pacem animi nutaverant, ut clariorem clarioreml inter Romanos deditio Postumium quam Pontium incruenta victoria inter Samnites faceret,

9.12.4et geri posse bellum Romani pro victoria certa haberent, Samnites simul rebellasse et vicisse crederent Romanum.

9.12.4inter haec Satricani ad Samnites defecerunt, et Fregellae colonia necopinato adventu Samnitium— fuisse et Satricanos cum iis satis constat—nocte occupata est. timor inde mutuus utrosque usque ad lucem quietos tenuit;

9.12.5lux pugnae initium fuit, quam aliquamdiu aequam et quia pro aris ac focis dimicabatur et quia ex tectis adiuvabat imbellis multitudo tamen Fregellani sustinuerunt.

9.12.6fraus deinde rem inclinavit, quod vocem audiri praeconis passi sunt, incolumem abiturum qui arma posuisset. ea spes remisit a certamine animos, et passim arma iactari coepta.

9.12.7pertinacior pars armata per aversam portam erupit, tutiorque eis audacia fuit quam incautus ad credendum ceteris pavor, quos circumdatos igni nequiquam deos fidemque invocantes Samnites concremaverunt.

9.12.8consules inter se partiti provincias, Papirius in Apuliam ad Luceriam pergit, ubi equites Romani obsides ad Caudium dati custodiebantur, Publilius in Samnio substitit adversus Caudinas legiones.

9.12.9distendit ea res Samnitium animos, quod nec ad Luceriam ire, ne ab tergo instaret hostis, nec manere, ne Luceria interim amitteretur, satis audebant.

9.12.10optimum visum est committere rem fortunae et transigere cum Publilio certamen; itaque in aciem copias educunt.

9.13.1adversus quos Publilius consul cum dimicaturus esset, prius adloquendos milites ratus contionem advocari iussit. ceterum sicut ingenti alacritate ad praetorium concursum est, ita prae clamore poscentium pugnam nulla adhortatio imperatoris audita est:

9.13.2suus cuique animus memor ignominiae adhortator aderat. vadunt igitur in proelium urgentes signiferos, et ne mora in concursu pilis emittendis stringendisque inde gladiis esset, pila velut dato ad id signo abiciunt strictisque gladiis cursu in hostem feruntur.

9.13.3nihil illic imperatoriae artis ordinibus aut subsidiis locandis fuit: omnia ira militaris prope vesano impetu egit.

9.13.4itaque non fusi modo hostes sunt, sed ne castris quidem suis fugam impedire ausi Apuliam dissipati petiere; Luceriam tamen coacto rursus in unum agmine est perventum.

9.13.5Romanos ira eadem quae per mediam aciem hostium tulerat et in castra pertulit. ibi plus quam in acie sanguinis ac caedis factum praedaeque pars maior ira corrupta.

9.13.6exercitus alter cum curn Papirio consule locis maritimis pervenerat Arpos per omnia pacata Samnitium magis iniuriis et odio quam beneficio ullo populi Romani; nam Samnites,

9.13.7ea tempestate in montibus vicatim habitantes, campestria et maritima loca contempto cultorum molliore atque, ut evenit fere, locis simili genere ipsi montani atque agrestes depopulabantur.

9.13.8quae regio si fida Samnitibus fuisset, aut pervenire Arpos exercitus Romanus nequisset, aut interiecta penuria rerum omnium exclusos a commeatibus absumpsisset.

9.13.9tum quoque profectos inde ad Luceriam, iuxta obsidentes obsessosque, inopia vexavit. omnia ab Arpis Romanis suppeditabantur, ceterum adeo exigue ut militi occupato stationibus vigiliisque et opere eques folliculis in castra ab

9.13.10Arpis frumentum veheret, interdum occursu hostium cogeretur abiecto ex equo frumento pugnare. obsessis priusquam alter consul victore exercitu advenit, et commeatus ex montibus Samnitium invecti erant et auxilia intromissa.

9.13.11artiora omnia adventus Publili fecit, qui obsidione delegata in curam collegae vacuus per agros cuncta infesta commeatibus hostium fecerat.

9.13.12itaque cum spes nulla esset diutius obsessos inopiam laturos, coacti Samnites, qui ad Luceriam castra habebant, undique contractis viribus signa cum Papirio conferre.

9.14.1per id tempus parantibus utrisque se ad proelium legati Tarentini interveniunt denuntiantes Samnitibus Romanisque ut bellum omitterent: per utros stetisset quo minus discederetur ab armis, adversus eos se pro alteris pugnaturos.

9.14.2ea legatione Papirius audita perinde ac motus dictis eorum cum collega se communicaturum respondit; accitoque eo, cum tempus omne in apparatu pugnae consumpsisset, conlocutus de re haud baud dubia signum pugnae proposuit.

9.14.3agentibus divina humanaque quae adsolent cum acie dimicandum est consulibus Tarentini legati occursare responsum exspectantes; quibus Papirius ait:

9.14.4auspicia secunda esse, Tarentini, pullarius nuntiat; litatum praeterea est egregie; auctoribus dis, ut videtis, ad rem gerendam proficiscimur.

9.14.5signa inde ferre iussit et copias eduxit, vanissimam increpans gentem quae, suarum impotens rerum prae domesticis seditionibus discordiisque, aliis modum pacis ac belli facere aequum censeret.

9.14.6Samnites ex parte altera, cum omnem curam belli remisissent, quia aut pacem vere cupiebant aut expediebat simulare, ut Tarentinos sibi conciliarent, cum instructos repente ad pugnam Romanos conspexissent,

9.14.7vociferari se in auctoritate Tarentinorum manere nec descendere in aciem nec extra vallum arma ferre; deceptos potius quodcumque casus ferat passuros quam ut sprevisse pacis auctores Tarentinos videantur.

9.14.8accipere se omen consules aiunt et eam precari mentem hostibus ut ne vallum quidem defendant.

9.14.9ipsi inter se partitis copiis succedunt hostium munimentis et simul undique adorti, cum pars fossas explerent, pars vellerent vallum atque in fossas proruerent nec virtus modo insita sed ira etiam exulceratos ignominia stimularet animos, castra invasere;

9.14.10et pro se quisque, non haec Furculas nec Caudium nec saltus invios esse, ubi errorem fraus superbe vicisset, sed Romanam virtutem, quam nec nee vallum nec fossae arcerent memorantes,

9.14.11caedunt pariter resistentes fusosque, inermes atque armatos, servos liberos, puberes impubes, homines iumentaque; nec ullum superfuisset animal,

9.14.12ni consules receptui signum dedissent avidosque caedis milites e castris hostium imperio ac minis expulissent.

9.14.13itaque apud infensos ob interpellatam dulcedinem irae confestim oratio habita est, ut doceretur miles minime cuiquam militum consules odio in hostes cessisse aut cessuros;

9.14.14quin duces sicut belli ita insatiabilis supplicii futuros fuisse, ni respectus equitum sescentorum qui Luceriae obsides tenerentur praepedisset animos,

9.14.15ne desperata venia hostes caecos in supplicia eorum ageret, perdere prius quam perire optantes.

9.14.16laudare ea milites laetarique obviam itum irae suae esse ac fateri omnia patienda potius quam proderetur salus tot principum Romanae iuventutis.

9.15.1dimissa contione consilium habitum omnibusne copiis Luceriam premerent an altero exercitu et duce Apuli circa, gens dubiae ad id voluntatis, temptarentur.

9.15.2Publilius consul ad peragrandam profectus Apuliam aliquot expeditione una populos aut vi subegit aut condicionibus in societatem accepit.

9.15.3Papirio quoque, qui obsessor Luceriae restiterat, brevi ad spem eventus respondit. nam insessis omnibus viis per quas commeatus ex Samnio subvehebantur, fame domiti Samnites qui Luceriae in praesidio erant legatos misere ad consulem Romanum, ut receptis equitibus qui causa belli essent absisteret obsidione.

9.15.4iis Papirius ita respondit: debuisse eos Pontium Herenni filium, quo auctore Romanos sub iugum misissent, consulere quid victis patiendum censeret;

9.15.5ceterum quoniam ab hostibus in se aequa statui quam in se ipsi ferre maluerint, nuntiare Luceriam iussit, arma sarcinas iumenta multitudinem omnem imbellem intra moenia relinquerent;

9.15.6militem se cum singulis vestimentis sub iugum missurum, ulciscentem inlatam, non novam inferentem inferenter ignominiam.

9.15.7nihil recusatum. septem milia militum sub iugum missa, praedaque ingens Luceriae capta receptis omnibus signis armisque quae ad Caudium amissa erant, et quod omnia superabat gaudia, equitibus reciperatis quos pignora pacis custodiendos Luceriam Samnites dederant.

9.15.8haud ferme alia mutatione subita rerum clarior victoria populi Romani est, si quidem etiam, quod quibusdam in annalibus invenio, Pontius Herenni filius, Samnitium imperator, ut expiaret consulum ignominiam, sub iugum cum ceteris est missus.

9.15.9ceterum id minus miror obscurum esse de hostium duce dedito missoque; id magis mirabile est ambigi, Luciusne Cornelius dictator cum L. Papirio Cursore

9.15.10magistro equitum eas res ad Caudium atque inde Luceriam gesserit ultorque unicus Romanae ignominiae haud sciam an iustissimo triumpho ad eam aetatem secundum Furium Camillum triumphaverit, an consulum—Papirique praecipuum—id decus sit.

9.15.11sequitur hunc errorem alius error, Cursorne Papirius proximis comitiis cum Q. Aulio Cerretano iterum ob rem bene gestam Luceriae continuato magistratu consul tertium creatus sit an L. Papirius Mugillanus et in cognomine erratum sit.

9.16.1convenit iam inde per consules reliqua belli perfecta. Aulius cum Ferentanis uno secundo proelio debellavit urbemque ipsam, quo se fusa contulerat acies, obsidibus imperatis in deditionem accepit.

9.16.2pari fortuna consul alter cum Satricanis, qui cives Romani post Caudinam cladem ad Samnites defecerant praesidiumque eorum in urbem acceperant, rem gessit.

9.16.3nam narn cum ad moenia Satrici admotus esset exercitus legatisque missis ad pacem cum precibus petendam triste responsum ab consule redditum esset, nisi praesidio Samnitium interfecto aut tradito ne ad se remearent, plus ea voce quam armis inlatis terroris colonis iniectum.

9.16.4itaque subinde exsequuntur quaerendo a consule legati quonam se pacto paucos et infirmos crederet praesidio tam valido et armato vim allaturos. ab iisdem consilium petere iussi, quibus auctoribus praesidium in urbem accepissent, discedunt aegreque impetrato ut de ea

9.16.5re consuli senatum responsaque ad se referri sineret ad suos redeunt.

9.16.6duae factiones senatum distinebant, una cuius principes erant defectionis a populo Romano auctores, altera fidelium civium; certatum ab utrisque tamen est ut ad reconciliandam pacem consuli opera navaretur.

9.16.7pars altera, cum praesidium Samnitium, quia nihil satis praeparati erat ad obsidionem tolerandam, excessurum proxima nocte esset, enuntiare consuli satis habuit, qua noctis hora quaque porta et quam in viam egressurus hostis foret;

9.16.8altera, quibus invitis descitum ad Samnites erat, eadem nocte portam etiam consuli aperuerunt armatosque clam hoste in urbem acceperunt.

9.16.9ita duplici proditione et praesidium Samnitium insessis circa viam silvestribus locis necopinato oppressum est, et ab urbe plena hostium clamor sublatus; momentoque unius horae caesus Samnis, Satricanus captus, et omnia in potestate consulis erant.

9.16.10qui quaestione habita quorum opera defectio esset facta, quos sontes comperit virgis caesos securi percussit praesidioque valido imposito arma Satricanis ademit.

9.16.11inde ad triumphum decessisse Romam Papirium Cursorem scribunt, qui eo duce Luceriam receptam Samnitesque sub iugum missos auctores sunt.

Book 9, Part 3

9.16.12et fuit vir haud dubie dignus omni bellica laude, non animi solum vigore sed etiam corporis viribus excellens.

9.16.13praecipua pedum pernicitas inerat, quae cognomen etiam dedit; victoremque cursu omnium aetatis suae fuisse ferunt, seu crurum vi seu exercitatione multa; cibi vinique eundem capacissimum; nec cum ullo asperiorem,

9.16.14quia ipse invicti ad laborem corporis esset, fuisse militiam pediti pariter equitique;

9.16.15equites etiam aliquando ausos ab eo petere ut sibi pro re bene gesta laxaret aliquid laboris; quibus ille ne nihil remissum dicatis,

9.16.16remitto, inquit, ne utique dorsum demulceatis, cum ex equis descendetis. et vis erat in eo viro imperii ingens pariter in socios civesque.

9.16.17Praenestinus praetor per timorem segnius ex subsidiis suos duxerat in primam aciem; quem cum inambulans ante tabernaculum vocari iussisset,

9.16.18lictorem expedire securem iussit, ad quam vocem exanimi stante Praenestino: agedum , lictor, excide radicem hanc inquit incommodam ambulantibus, perfusumque ultimi supplicii metu multa dicta dimisit.

9.16.19haud dubie illa aetate, qua nulla virtutum feracior fuit, nemo unus erat vir quo magis innixa res Romana staret. quin eum parem destinant animis magno Alexandro ducem, si arma Asia perdomita in Europam vertisset.

9.17.1nihil minus quaesitum a principio huius operis videri potest quam ut plus iusto ab rerum ordine declinarem varietatibusque distinguendo opere et legentibus velut deverticula amoena et requiem, animo meo quaererem;

9.17.2tamen tanti regis ac ducis mentio, quibus saepe tacitus cogitationibus volutavi animum, eas evocat in medium, ut quaerere libeat quinam eventus Romanis rebus, si cum Alexandro foret bellatum bellatumn , futurus fuerit.

9.17.3plurimum in bello pollere videntur militum copia et virtus, ingenia imperatorum, fortuna per omnia humana, maxime in res bellicas potens:

9.17.4ea et singula intuenti et universa, sicut ab aliis regibus gentibusque ita ab hoc quoque, facile praestant invictum Romanum imperium.

9.17.5iam primum, ut ordiar ab ducibus comparandis, haud baud equidem abnuo egregium ducem fuisse Alexandrum; sed clariorem tamen eum facit quod unus fuit, quod adulescens in incremento rerum, nondum alteram fortunam expertus, decessit.

9.17.6ut alios reges claros ducesque omittam, magna exempla casuum humanorum, Cyrum, quem maxime Graeci laudibus celebrant, quid nisi longa vita, sicut Magnum modo Pompeium, vertenti praebuit fortunae?

9.17.7recenseam duces Romanos, nec omnes omnium aetatium, sed ipsos eos cum quibus consulibus aut dictatoribus Alexandro fuit bellandum,

9.17.8M. Valerium Corvum C. Marcium Rutulum C. Sulpicium T. Manlium Torquatum Q. Publilium Philonem L. Papirium Cursorem Q. Fabium Maximum duos Decios L. Volumnium M'. Curium? deinceps ingentes sequuntur viri, si Punicum Romano praevertisset bellum seniorque in Italiam traiecisset.

9.17.9horum in quolibet cum indoles eadem quae in Alexandro erat animi ingeniique; tum disciplina militaris, iam inde ab initiis urbis tradita per manus, in artis perpetuis praeceptis ordinatae modum venerat.

9.17.10ita reges gesserant bella, ita deinde exactores regum Iunii Valeriique, ita deinceps Fabii Quinctii Cornelii, ita Furius Camillus, quem iuvenes ii quibus cum Alexandro dimicandum erat senem viderant.

9.17.11militaria opera pugnando obeunti Alexandro—nam ea quoque haud baud minus clarum eum faciunt—cessisset videlicet in acie oblatus par Manlius Torquatus aut Valerius Corvus,

9.17.12insignes ante milites quam duces, cessissent Decii, devotis corporibus in hostem ruentes, cessisset Papirius Cursor illo corporis robore, illo animi! victus esset consiliis iuvenis unius,

9.17.13ne singulos nominem, senatus ille, quem qui ex regibus constare dixit unus veram speciem Romani senatus cepit!

9.17.14id vero erat periculum, ne sollertius quam quilibet unus ex his quos nominavi castris locum caperet, commeatus expediret, ab insidiis praecaveret, tempus pugnae deligeret, aciem instrueret, subsidiis firmaret! non cum Dareo rem esse dixisset, quem mulierum ac spadonum agmen trahentem, inter purpuram atque aurum oneratum oneratutm fortunae apparatibus suae, praedam verius quam hostem, nihil aliud quam bene ausus vana contemnere incruentus devicit.

9.17.15longe alius Italiae quam Indiae, per quam temulento agmine comisabundus incessit, visus illi habitus esset, saltus Apuliae ac montes Lucanos cernenti et vestigia recentia domesticae cladis ubi avunculus eius nuper, Epiri rex Alexander, absumptus erat.

9.18.1et loquimur de Alexandro nondum merso secundis rebus, quarum nemo intolerantior fuit.

9.18.2qui si ex habitu novae fortunae novique, ut ita dicam,

9.18.3ingenii quod sibi victor induerat spectetur, Dareo magis similis quam Alexandro in Italiam venisset et exercitum Macedoniae oblitum degenerantemque iam in Persarum mores adduxisset.

9.18.4referre in tanto rege piget superbam mutationem vestis et desideratas humi iacentium adulationes, etiam victis Macedonibus graves, nedum victoribus, et foeda supplicia et inter vinum et epulas caedes amicorum et vanitatem ementiendae stirpis.

9.18.5quid si vini amor in dies fieret acrior? quid si trux ac praefervida ira?—Nec quicquam dubium inter scriptores refero—, nullane haec damna imperatoriis virtutibus ducimus?

9.18.6id vero periculum erat, quod levissimi ex Graecis, qui Parthorum quoque contra nomen Romanum gloriae favent, dictitare solent, ne maiestatem nominis Alexandri, quem ne fama quidem illis notum arbitror fuisse,

9.18.7sustinere non potuerit populus Romanus; et adversus quem Athenis, in civitate fracta Macedonum armis, cernentes tum maxime prope fumantes Thebarum ruinas, contionari libere ausi sunt homines—id quod ex monumentis orationum patet—adversus eum nemo ex tot proceribus Romanis vocem liberam missurus fuerit!

9.18.8quantalibet magnitudo magnitude hominis concipiatur animo; unius tamen ea magnitudo hominis erit collecta paulo plus decem annorum felicitate;

9.18.9quam qui eo extollunt quod populus Romanus etsi nullo bello multis tamen proeliis victus sit, Alexandro nullius pugnae non secunda fortuna fuerit, non intellegunt se hominis res gestas, et eius iuvenis, cum populi iam quadringentesimum bellantis annum rebus conferre.

9.18.10miremur si, cum ex hac parte saecula plura numerentur quam ex illa anni, plus in tam longo spatio quam in aetate tredecim annorum fortuna variaverit?

9.18.11quin tu hominis cum homine et ducis cum duce fortunam confers?

9.18.12quot Romanos duces nominem quibus nunquam adversa fortuna pugnae fuit! paginas in annalibus magistratuumque fastis percurrere licet consulum dictatorumque quorum nec virtutis nec fortunae ullo die populum Romanum paenituit.

9.18.13et quo sint mirabiliores quam Alexander aut quisquam rex, denos vicenosque dies quidam dictaturam, nemo plus quam annum consulatum gessit;

9.18.14ab tribunis plebis dilectus impediti sunt; post tempus ad bella ierunt, ante tempus comitiorum causa revocati sunt; in ipso conatu rerum circumegit se annus;

9.18.15collegae nunc temeritas nunc pravitas impedimento aut damno fuit; male gestis rebus alterius successum est; tironem aut mala disciplina institutum exercitum acceperunt.

9.18.16at hercule reges non liberi solum impedimentis omnibus sed domini rerum temporumque trahunt consiliis cuncta, non sequuntur.

9.18.17invictus ergo Alexander cum invictis ducibus bella gessisset et eadem fortunae pignora in discrimen detulisset;

9.18.18immo etiam eo plus periculi subisset quod Macedones unum Alexandrum habuissent, multis casibus non solum obnoxium sed etiam offerentem se, Romani multi fuissent Alexandro vel gloria vel rerum magnitudine pares, quorum suo quisque fato sine publico discrimine viveret morereturque.

9.19.1restat ut copiae copiis comparentur vel numero vel militum genere vel multitudine auxiliorum. censebantur eius aetatis lustris ducena quinquagena milia capitum.

9.19.2itaque in omni defectione sociorum Latini nominis urbano prope dilectu decem scribebantur legiones;

9.19.3quaterni quinique exercitus saepe per eos annos in Etruria, in Umbria Vmbria Gallis hostibus adiunctis, in Samnio, in Lucanis gerebant bellum.

9.19.4Latium deinde omne cum Sabinis et Volscis et Aequis et omni Campania et parte Umbriae Vmbriae Etruriaeque et Picentibus et Marsis Paelignisque ac Vestinis atque Apulis, adiuncta omni ora Graecorum inferi maris a Thuriis Neapolim et Cumas et inde Antio atque Ostiis tenus aut socios validos Romanis aut fractos bello invenisset hostes.

9.19.5ipse traiecisset mare cum veteranis Macedonibus, non plus triginta milibus hominum et quattuor milibus equitum, maxime Thessalorum; hoc enim roboris erat. persas Indos aliasque si adiunxisset gentes, impedimentum maius quam auxilium traheret.

9.19.6adde , quod Romanis ad manum domi supplementum esset, Alexandro, quod postea Hannibali accidit, alieno in agro bellanti exercitus consenuisset.

9.19.7arma clipei essent illis sarisaeque : Romano scutum, maius corpori tegumentum, et pilum, haud paulo quam hasta vehementius ictu missuque telum. statarius uterque miles, ordines servans; sed illa phalanx immobilis et unius generis, Romana acies distinctior, ex pluribus partibus constans, facilis partienti, quacumque opus esset, facilis iungenti. iam lam in opere quis par Romano miles,

9.19.8quis ad tolerandum laborem melior? uno proelio victus Alexander bello victus esset: Romanum, quem Caudium, quem Cannae non fregerunt, quae fregisset acies?

9.19.9ne ille saepe, etiam si prima prospere evenissent, Persas et Indos et imbellem Asiam quaesisset et cum feminis sibi bellum fuisse dixisset,

9.19.10quod Epiri regem Alexandrum mortifero volnere ictum dixisse ferunt, sortem bellorum in Asia gestorum ab hoc ipso iuvene cum sua conferentem.

9.19.11equidem cum per annos quattuor et viginti primo Punico bello classibus certatum cum Poenis recordor, vix aetatem Alexandri suffecturam fuisse reor ad unum bellum; et forsitan, cum et foederibus vetustis iuncta res Punica Romanae esset et timor par adversus communem hostem duas potentissimas armis virisque urbes armaret, simul Punico Romanoque obrutus bello esset.

9.19.12non quidem Alexandro duce nec integris Macedonum rebus sed experti tamen sunt Romani Macedonem hostem adversus Antiochum Philippum Persen non modo cum clade ulla sed ne cum periculo quidem suo.

9.19.13absit invidia verbo et civilia bella sileant: nunquam a pedite, nunquam aperta acie, nunquam aequis, utique nunquam nostris locis laboravimus;

9.19.14equitem sagittas, saltus impeditos, avia commeatibus loca gravis armis miles timere potest.

9.19.15mille acies graviores quam Macedonum atque Alexandri avertit avertetque, modo sit perpetuus huius qua vivimus pacis amor et civilis cura concordiae.—

9.20.1M. Folius Flaccina inde et L. Plautius Venox consules facti.

9.20.2eo anno ab frequentibus Samnitium populis de foedere renovando legati cum senatum humi strati movissent, reiecti ad populum haudquaquam tam efficaces habebant preces.

9.20.3itaque de foedere negatum; indutiae biennii, cum per aliquot dies fatigassent singulos precibus, impetratae.

9.20.4et ex Apulia Teanenses Canusinique populationibus fessi obsidibus L. Plautio consuli datis in deditionem venerunt.

9.20.5eodem anno primum praefecti Capuam creari coepti legibus ab L. Furio praetore datis, cum utrumque ipsi pro remedio aegris rebus discordia intestina petissent;

9.20.6et duae Romae additae tribus, Ufentina ac Falerna.

9.20.7inclinatis semel in Apulia rebus Teates quoque Apuli ad novos consules, C. Iunium Bubulcum Q. Aemilium Barbulam, foedus petitum venerunt, pacis per omnem Apuliam praestandae populo Romano auctores.

9.20.8id audacter spondendo impetravere, ut foedus daretur neque ut aequo tamen foedere sed ut in dicione populi Romani essent.

9.20.9Apulia perdomita —nam Forento quoque, valido oppido, Iunius potitus erat—in Lucanos perrectum; inde repentino adventu Aemili consulis Nerulum vi captum.

9.20.10et postquam res Capuae stabilitas Romana disciplina fama per socios volgavit, Antiatibus quoque, qui se sine legibus certis, sine magistratibus agere querebantur, dati ab senatu ad iura statuenda ipsius coloniae patroni; nec arma modo sed iura etiam Romana late pollebant.

9.21.1C. Iunius Bubulcus et Q. Aemilius Barbula consules exitu anni non consulibus ab se creatis, Sp. Nautio et M. Popilio, ceterum dictatori L. Aemilio legiones tradiderant.

9.21.2is cum L. Fulvio magistro equitum Saticulam oppugnare adortus rebellandi causam Samnitibus dedit.

9.21.3duplex inde terror inlatus Romanis: hinc Samnis magno exercitu coacto ad eximendos obsidione socios haud procul castris Romanorum Rornanorum castra posuit; hinc Saticulani magno cum tumultu patefactis repente portis in stationes hostium incurrerunt.

9.21.4inde pars utraque, spe alieni magis auxilii quam viribus freta suis, iusto mox proelio inito Romanos urgent, et quamquam anceps dimicatio erat, tamen utrimque tutam aciem dictator habuit, quia et locum haud facilem ad circumveniendum cepit et diversa statuit signa.

9.21.5infestior tamen in erumpentes incessit nec magno certamine intra moenia compulit, tum totam aciem in Samnites obvertit.

9.21.6ibi plus certaminis fuit; victoria sicut sera ita nec dubia nec varia fuit. fusi in castra Samnites exstinctis nocte ignibus tacito agmine abeunt et spe abiecta Saticulae tuendae Plisticam ipsi, socios Romanorum, ut parem dolorem hosti redderent, circumsidunt.

9.22.1anno circumacto bellum deinceps ab dictatore Q. Fabio gestum est; consules novi, sicut superiores, Romae manserunt; Fabius ad accipiendum ab Aemilio exercitum ad Saticulam cum supplemento supplement venit.

9.22.2neque enim Samnites ad Plisticam manserant sed accitis ab domo novis militibus multitudine freti castra eodem quo antea loco posuerunt lacessentesque proelio Romanos avertere ab obsidione conabantur.

9.22.3eo intentius dictator in moenia hostium versus id bellum tantum ducere quod urbem oppugnabat, securior ab Samnitibus agere stationibus modo oppositis ne qua in castra vis fieret.

9.22.4eo ferocius adequitare Samnites vallo neque otium pati. et cum iam prope in portis castrorum esset hostis, nihil consulto dictatore magister equitum Q. Aulius Cerretanus magno tumultu cum omnibus turmis equitum evectus summovit hostem.

9.22.5tum in minime pertinaci genere pugnae sic fortuna exercuit opes ut insignes utrimque clades et clara ipsorum ducum ederet funera.

9.22.6prior Samnitium imperator, aegre patiens quo tam ferociter adequitasset inde se fundi fugarique, orando hortandoque equites proelium iteravit;

9.22.7in quem insignem inter suos cientem pugnam magister equitum Romanus infesta cuspide ita permisit equum ut uno ictu exanimem equo praecipitaret. nec , ut fit, ad ducis casum perculsa magis quam inritata est multitudo multitude ; omnes qui circa erant in Aulium temere invectum per hostium turmas tela coniecerunt;

9.22.8fratri praecipuum decus ulti Samnitium imperatoris di dederunt. is victorem detractum ex equo magistrum equitum plenus maeroris atque irae trucidavit, nec multum afuit quin corpore etiam, quia inter hostilis ceciderat turmas, Samnites potirentur.

9.22.9sed extemplo ad pedes descensum ab Romanis est coactique idem Samnites facere; et repentina acies circa corpora ducum pedestre proelium iniit, quo haud dubie superat Romanus, reciperatumque Auli corpus mixta cum dolore laetitia victores in castra referunt.

9.22.10Samnites duce amisso et per equestre certamen temptatis viribus omissa Saticula, quam nequiquam defendi rebantur, ad Plisticae obsidionem redeunt, intraque paucos dies Saticula Romanus per deditionem, Plistica per vim Samnis potitur.

9.23.1mutata inde belli sedes est; ad Soram ex Samnio Apuliaque traductae legiones.

9.23.2Sora ad Samnites defecerat interfectis colonis Romanorum. quo cum prior Romanus exercitus ad ulciscendam civium necem reciperandamque coloniam magnis itineribus pervenisset et sparsi per vias speculatores

9.23.3sequi legiones Samnitium nec iam procul abesse alii super alios nuntiarent,

9.23.4obviam itum hosti atque ad Lautulas ancipiti proelio dimicatum est. non caedes non fuga alterius partis sed nox incertos victi victoresne essent diremit.

9.23.5invenio apud quosdam adversam eam pugnam Romanis fuisse atque in ea cecidisse Q. Aulium magistrum equitum.

9.23.6suffectus in locum Auli C. Fabius magister equitum cum exercitu novo ab Roma advenit et per praemissos nuntios consulto dictatore ubi subsisteret quove tempore et qua ex parte hostem adgrederetur, substitit occultus ad omnia satis exploratis consiliis.

9.23.7dictator cum per aliquot dies post pugnam continuisset suos intra vallum obsessi magis quam obsidentis modo,

9.23.8signum repente pugnae proposuit et efficacius ratus ad accendendos virorum fortium animos nullam alibi quam in semet ipso cuiquam relictam spem de magistro equitum novoque exercitu militem celavit,

9.23.9et tamquam nulla nisi in eruptione spes esset, locis inquit angustis, milites, deprehensi, nisi quam victoria patefecerimus viam nullam habemus.

9.23.10stativa nostra munimento satis tuta sunt, sed inopia eadem infesta; nam et circa omnia defecerunt unde subvehi commeatus poterant, et si homines iuvare velint, iniqua loca sunt.

9.23.11itaque non frustrabor ego vos castra hic relinquendo, in quae infecta victoria sicut pristino die vos recipiatis. armis munimenta, non munimentis arma tuta esse debent.

9.23.12castra habeant repetantque quibus operae est trahere bellum: nos omnium rerum respectum praeterquam victoriae nobis abscidamus.

9.23.13ferte signa in hostem; ubi extra vallum agmen excesserit, castra quibus imperatum est incendant. damna vestra, milites, omnium circa qui defecerunt populorum praeda sarcientur.

9.23.14et oratione dictatoris, quae necessitatis ultimae index erat, milites accensi vadunt in hostem, et respectus ipse ardentium castrorum, quamquam proximis tantum—ita enim iusserat dictator—ignis est subditus, haud baud parvum fuit inritamentum.

9.23.15itaque velut vecordes inlati signa primo impetu hostium turbant; et in tempore, postquam ardentia procul vidit castra, magister equitum—id convenerat signum—hostium terga invadit. ita circumventi Samnites, qua potest quisque, fugam per diversa petunt;

9.23.16ingens multitudo multitude in unum metu conglobata ac semet ipsam turba impediens in medio caesa.

9.23.17castra hostium capta direptaque, quorum praeda onustum militem in Romana castra dictator reducit, haudquaquam tam victoria laetum, quam quod praeter exiguam deformatam incendio partem cetera contra spem salva invenit.

9.24.1ad Soram inde reditum; novique consules M. Poetelius C. Sulpicius exercitum ab dictatore Fabio accipiunt magna parte veterum militum dimissa novisque cohortibus in supplementum adductis.

9.24.2ceterum cum propter difficilem urbis situm nec oppugnandi satis certa ratio iniretur et aut tempore longinqua aut praeceps periculo victoria esset,

9.24.3soranus transfuga clam ex oppido profectus, cum ad vigiles Romanos penetrasset, duci se extemplo ad consules iubet deductusque traditurum urbem promittit.

9.24.4visus inde, cum quonam modo id praestaturus esset percontantes doceret, haud vana adferre, perpulit prope adiuncta moenibus Romana castra ut sex milia ab oppido removerentur:

9.24.5fore ut minus intentae in custodiam urbis diurnae stationes ac nocturnae vigiliae essent. ipse insequenti nocte sub oppido silvestribus locis cohortibus insidere iussis decem milites delectos secum per ardua ac prope invia in arcem ducit, pluribus quam pro numero virorum missilibus telis eo conlatis;

9.24.6ad hoc saxa erant et temere iacentia, ut fit in aspretis, et de industria etiam, quo locus tutior esset, ab oppidanis congesta.

9.24.7ubi cum constituisset Romanos semitamque angustam et arduam erectam ex oppido in arcem ostendisset, hoc quidem ascensu inquit vel tres armati quamlibet multitudinem arcuerint:

9.24.8vos et decem numero, et quod plus est, Romani Romanorumque fortissimi viri estis. et locus pro vobis et nox erit, quae omnia ex incerto maiora territis ostentat. ego iam terrore omnia implebo: vos arcem intenti tenete.

9.24.9decurrit inde, quanto maxime poterat cum tumultu, ad arma! et pro vestram fidem, cives! clamitans; arx ab hostibus capta est;

Book 9, Part 4

9.24.10defendite! Haec incidens principum foribus, haec obviis, haec excurrentibus in publicum pavidis increpat. acceptum ab uno pavorem plures per urbem ferunt.

9.24.11trepidi magistratus missis ad arcem exploratoribus cum tela et armatos tenere arcem multiplicato numero audirent, avertunt animos a spe reciperandae arcis;

9.24.12fuga cuncta complentur portaeque ab semisomnis ac maxima parte inermibus refringuntur, quarum per unam praesidium Romanum clamore excitatum inrumpit et concursantes per vias pavidos caedit.

9.24.13iam Sora capta erat, cum consules prima luce advenere et quos reliquos fortuna ex nocturna caede ac fuga fecerat in deditionem accipiunt.

9.24.14ex his ducentos viginti quinque, qui omnium consensu destinabantur et infandae colonorum caedis et defectionis auctores, vinctos Romam deducunt; ceteram multitudinem incolumem praesidio imposito Sorae relinquunt.

9.24.15omnes qui Romam deducti erant virgis in foro caesi ac securi percussi, summo gaudio plebis, cuius maxime intererat tutam ubique quae passim in colonias mitteretur multitudinem esse.

9.25.1consules ab Sora profecti in agros atque urbes Ausonum bellum intulerunt.

9.25.2mota namque omnia adventu Samnitium cum apud Lautulas dimicatum est fuerant, coniurationesque circa Campaniam passim factae;

9.25.3nec Capua ipsa crimine caruit; quin Romam quoque et ad principum quosdam inquirendo ventum est. ceterum Ausonum gens proditione urbium sicut Sora in potestatem venit.

9.25.4Ausona et Minturnae et Vescia urbes erant ex quibus principes iuventutis duodecim numero in proditionem urbium suarum coniurati ad consules veniunt.

9.25.5docent suos iam pridem exoptantes Samnitium adventum, simul ad Lautulas pugnatum audierint, pro victis Romanos habuisse, iuventute armis Samnitem iuvisse:

9.25.6fugatis inde Samnitibus incerta pace agere nec claudentes portas Romanis, ne arcessant bellum, et obstinatos claudere, si exercitus admoveatur; in ea fluctuatione animorum opprimi incautos posse.

9.25.7his auctoribus mota propius castra missique eodem tempore circa tria oppida milites, partim armati, qui occulti propinqua moenibus insiderent loca, partim togati tectis veste gladiis qui sub lucem apertis portis urbes ingrederentur.

9.25.8ab his simul custodes trucidari coepti, simul datum signum armatis ut ex insidiis concurrerent. ita portae occupatae triaque oppida eadem hora eodemque consilio capta; sed quia absentibus ducibus impetus est factus,

9.25.9nullus modus caedibus fuit, deletaque Ausonum gens vix certo defectionis crimine perinde ac si internecivo bello certasset.

9.26.1eodem anno prodito hostibus Romano praesidio Luceria Samnitium facta.

9.26.2nec diu proditoribus impunita res fuit: haud procul inde exercitus Romanos erat, cuius primo impetu urbs sita in plano piano capitur. Lucerini ac Samnites ad internecionem caesi;

9.26.3eoque ira processit ut Romae quoque, cum de colonis mittendis Luceriam consuleretur senatus, multi delendam urbem censerent.

9.26.4praeter odium, quod exsecrabile in bis captos erat, longinquitas quoque abhorrere a relegandis tam procul ab domo civibus inter tam infestas gentes cogebat.

9.26.5vicit tamen sententia ut mitterentur coloni. duo milia et quingenti missi.

9.26.5eodem anno, cum omnia infida Romanis essent, Capuae quoque occultae principum coniurationes factae.

9.26.6de quibus cum ad senatum relatum esset, haudquaquam neglecta res: quaestiones decretae dictatoremque quaestionibus exercendis dici placuit. C. Maenius dictus; is M. Folium magistrum equitum dixit. ingens erat magistratus eius terror. itaque , sive is timor seu conscientia fuit, Calavios Ovium Noviumque—ea capita coniurationis fuerant—priusquam nominarentur apud dictatorem, mors haud dubie ab ipsis conscita iudicio subtraxit.

9.26.7deinde ut quaestioni Campanae materia decessit, versa Romam interpretando res: non nominatim qui Capuae sed in universum qui usquam coissent coniurassentve adversus rem publicam quaeri senatum iussisse;

9.26.8et coitiones honorum adipiscendorum causa factas adversus rem publicam esse. latiorque et re et personis quaestio fieri haud baud abnuente dictatore sine fine ulla quaestionis suae ius esse.

9.26.9postulabantur ergo nobiles homines appellantibusque tribunos nemo erat auxilio quin nomina reciperentur.

9.26.10inde nobilitas, nec ii modo in quos crimen intendebatur sed universi, simul negare nobilium id crimen esse, quibus, si nulla obstetur fraude, pateat via ad honorem, sed hominum novorum;

9.26.11ipsos adeo dictatorem magistrumque equitum reos magis quam quaesitores idoneos eius criminis esse intellecturosque ita id esse, simul magistratu abissent.

9.26.12tum enimvero Maenius, iam famae magis quam imperii memor, progressus in contionem ita verba fecit:

9.26.13et omnes ante actae vitae vos conscios habeo, Quirites, et hic ipse honos delatus ad me testis est innocentiae meae; neque enim, quod saepe alias, quia ita tempora postulabant rei publicae, qui bello clarissimus esset, sed qui maxime procul ab his coitionibus vitam egisset, dictator deligendus exercendis quaestionibus fuit.

9.26.14sed quoniam quidam nobiles homines—qua de causa vos existimare quam me pro magistratu quicquam incompertum dicere

9.26.15melius est—primum ipsas expugnare quaestiones omni ope adnisi sunt, dein postquam ad id parum potentes erant, ne causam dicerent, in praesidia adversariorum, appellationem et tribunicium auxilium, patricii confugerunt;

9.26.16postremo repulsi inde adeo omnia tutiora quam ut innocentiam suam purgarent visa—in nos inruerunt et privatis dictatorem poscere reum verecundiae non fuit;

9.26.17—ut omnes di hominesque sciant ab illis etiam quae non possint temptari ne rationem vitae reddant, me obviam ire crimini et offerre me inimicis reum, dictatura me abdico.

9.26.18vos quaeso, consules, si vobis datum ab senatu negotium fuerit, in me primum et hunc M. Folium quaestiones exerceatis, ut appareat innocentia nostra nos non maiestate honoris tutos a criminationibus istis esse.

9.26.19abdicat inde se dictatura et post eum confestim Folius magisterio equitum; primique apud consules—iis enim ab senatu mandata res est—rei facti adversus nobilium testimonia egregie absolvuntur.

9.26.20Publilius etiam Philo multiplicatis summis honoribus post res tot domi belloque gestas, ceterum invisus nobilitati, causam dixit absolutusque est.

9.26.21nec diutius, ut fit, quam dum recens erat quaestio per clara nomina reorum viguit; inde labi coepit ad viliora capita, donec coitionibus factionibusque adversus quas comparata erat oppressa est.

9.27.1earum fama rerum, magis tamen spes Campanae defectionis, in quam coniuratum erat, Samnites in Apuliam versos rursus ad Caudium revocavit,

9.27.2ut inde ex propinquo, si qui motus occasionem aperiret, Capuam Romanis eriperent.

9.27.3eo consules cum valido exercitu venerunt. et primo circa saltus, cum utrimque ad hostem iniqua via esset, cunctati sunt;

9.27.4deinde Samnites per aperta loca brevi circuitu in loca plana, Campanos campos, agmen demittunt, ibique primum castra in conspectum hostibus data,

9.27.5deinde levibus proeliis equitum saepius quam peditum utrimque periculum factum; nec aut eventus eorum Romanum aut morae, qua trahebant bellum, paenitebat.

9.27.6Samnitium contra ducibus et carpi parvis cottidie damnis et senescere dilatione belli vires suae videbantur.

9.27.7itaque in aciem procedunt equitibus in cornua divisis, quibus praeceptum erat intentiores ad respectum castrorum, ne qua eo vis fieret, quam ad proelium starent:

9.27.8aciem pedite tutam fore. consulum Sulpicius in dextro, Poetelius in laevo cornu consistunt. dextra pars, qua et Samnites raris ordinibus aut ad circumeundos hostes aut ne ipsi circumirentur constiterant,

9.27.9latius patefacta stetit: sinistris, praeterquam quod confertiores steterant, repentino consilio Poeteli consulis additae vires, qui subsidiarias cohortes, quae integrae ad longioris pugnae casus reservabantur, in primam aciem extemplo emisit universisque hostem hosted primo impetu viribus impulit.

9.27.10commota pedestri acie Samnitium eques in pugnam succedit. in hunc transverso agmine inter duas acies se inferentem Romanus equitatus concitat equos signaque et ordines peditum atque equitum confundit, donec universam ab ea parte avertit aciem.

9.27.11in eo cornu non Poetelius solus sed Sulpicius etiam hortator adfuerat, avectus ab suis nondum conserentibus manus ad clamorem a sinistra parte prius exortum.

9.27.12unde haud dubiam victoriam cernens cum ad suum cornu tenderet cum mille ducentis viris, dissimilem ibi fortunam invenit, Romanos loco pulsos, victorem hostem signa in perculsos inferentem.

9.27.13ceterum omnia mutavit repente consulis adventus; nam et conspectu ducis refectus militum est animus, et maius quam pro numero auxilium advenerant fortes viri, et partis alterius victoria audita mox visa etiam proelium restituit.

9.27.14tota deinde iam vincere acie Romanus et omisso certamine caedi capique Samnites, nisi qui Maleventum, cui nunc urbi Beneventum nomen est, perfugerunt. ad triginta milia caesa aut capta Samnitium proditum memoriae est.

9.28.1consules egregia victoria parta protinus inde ad Bovianum oppugnandum legiones ducunt;

9.28.2ibique hiberna egerunt, donec ab novis consulibus, L. Papirio Cursore quintum C. Iunio Bubulco iterum nominatus dictator C. Poetelius cum M. Folio magistro equitum exercitum accepit.

9.28.3is cum audisset arcem Fregellanam ab Samnitibus captam, omisso Boviano ad Fregellas pergit. unde nocturna Samnitium fuga sine certamine receptis Fregellis praesidioque valido imposito in Campaniam reditum maxime ad Nolam armis repetendam.

9.28.4eo se intra moenia sub adventum dictatoris et Samnitium omnis multitudo et Nolana agrestis contulerat. dictator urbis situ circumspecto,

9.28.5quo apertior aditus ad moenia esset, omnia aedificia—et frequenter ibi habitabatur—circumiecta muris incendit; nec ita multo post, sive a Poetelio dictatore sive ab C. Iunio consule—nam utrumque traditur,—Nola est capta.

9.28.6qui captae decus Nolae ad consulem trahunt, adiciunt Atinam et Calatiam ab eodem captas, Poetelium autem pestilentia orta clavi figendi causa dictatorem dictum.

9.28.7Suessa et Pontiae eodem anno coloniae deductae sunt. Suessa Auruncorum fuerat; Volsci Pontias, insulam sitam in conspectu litoris sui, incoluerant.

9.28.8et Interamnam Sucasinam ut deduceretur colonia, senati consultum factum est; sed triumviros creavere ac misere colonorum quattuor milia insequentes consules M. Valerius P. Decius.

9.29.1profligato fere Samnitium bello, priusquam ea cura decederet patribus Romanis, Etrusci belli fama exorta est.

9.29.2nec erat ea tempestate gens alia cuius secundum Gallicos tumultus arma terribiliora essent cum propinquitate agri tum multitudine hominum.

9.29.3itaque altero consule in Samnio reliquias belli persequente P. Decius, qui graviter aeger Romae restiterat, auctore senatu dictatorem C. Sulpicium Longum, is magistrum equitum C. iunium lunium Bubulcum dixit.

9.29.4is , prout rei magnitudo magnitude postulabat, omnes iuniores sacramento adigit, arma quaeque alia res poscit summa industria parat; nec tantis apparatibus elatus de inferendo bello agitat, quieturus haud dubie, nisi ultro arma Etrusci inferrent.

9.29.5eadem in comparando cohibendoque bello consilia et apud Etruscos fuere: neutri finibus egressi.

9.29.5et censura clara eo anno Ap. Claudi et C. Plauti fuit; memoriae memorial tamen felicioris ad posteros nomen Appi, quod viam munivit et aquam in urbem duxit;

9.29.7quia ob infamem atque invidiosam senatus lectionem verecundia victus collega magistratu se abdicaverat;

9.29.8Appius iam inde antiquitus insitam pertinaciam familiae gerendo solus censuram obtinuit.

9.29.9eodem Appio auctore Potitia gens, cuius ad aram maximam Herculis familiare sacerdotium fuerat, servos publicos ministerii delegandi causa sollemnia eius sacri docuerat.

9.29.10traditur inde, dictu mirabile et quod dimovendis statu suo sacris religionem facere posset, cum duodecim familiae ea ca tempestate Potitiorum essent, puberes ad triginta, omnes intra annum cum stirpe exstinctos;

9.29.11nec nomen tantum Potitiorum interisse sed censorem etiam memori deum ira post aliquot annos luminibus captum.

9.30.1itaque consules qui eum annum secuti sunt, C. Iunius Bubulcus tertium et Q. Aemilius Barbula iterum, initio anni questi apud populum deformatum ordinem prava lectione senatus,

9.30.2qua potiores aliquot lectis praeteriti essent, negaverunt eam lectionem se, quae sine recti pravique discrimine ad gratiam ac libidinem facta esset, observaturos et senatum extemplo citaverunt eo ordine qui ante censores Ap. Claudium et C. Plautium fuerat.

9.30.3et duo imperia eo anno dari coepta per populum, utraque pertinentia ad rem militarem: unum, ut tribuni militum seni deni in quattuor legiones a populo crearentur, quae antea perquam paucis suffragio populi relictis locis dictatorum et consulum ferme fuerant beneficia—tulere eam earn rogationem tribuni plebei L. Atilius C. Marcius;— alterum,

9.30.4ut duumviros navales classis ornandae reficiendaeque causa idem populus iuberet; lator huius plebi sciti fuit M. Decius tribunus plebis.

9.30.5eiusdem anni rem dictu parvam praeterirem, ni ad religionem visa esset pertinere. tibicines , quia prohibiti a proximis censoribus erant in aede Iovis vesci quod traditum antiquitus erat, aegre passi Tibur uno agmine abierunt, adeo ut nemo in urbe esset qui sacrificiis praecineret.

9.30.6eius rei religio tenuit senatum, legatosque Tibur miserunt darent operam, ut ii homines Romanis restituerentur.

9.30.7tiburtini benigne polliciti primum accitos eos in curiam hortati sunt uti reverterentur Romam; postquam perpelli nequibant, consilio haud abhorrente ab ingeniis hominum eos adgrediuntur.

9.30.8die festo alii alios per speciem celebrandarum cantu epularum invitant et vino, cuius avidum ferme id genus est,

9.30.9oneratos sopiunt atque ita in plaustra somno vinctos coniciunt ac Romam deportant. nec prius sensere quam plaustris in foro relictis plenos crapulae eos lux oppressit.

9.30.10tunc concursus populi factus, impetratoque ut manerent, datum ut triduum quotannis ornati cum cantu atque hac quae nunc sollemnis est licentia per urbem vagarentur, restitutumque in aede vescendi ius iis qui sacris praecinerent. haec inter duorum ingentium bellorum curam gerebantur.

9.31.1consules inter se provincias partiti: iunio lunio Samnites, Aemilio novum bellum Etruria sorte obvenit.

9.31.2in Samnio Cluviarum praesidium Romanum, quia nequiverat vi capi, obsessum fame in deditionem acceperant Samnites verberibusque foedum in modum laceratos lacerates occiderant deditos.

9.31.3huic infensus crudelitati Iunius, nihil antiquius oppugnatione Cluviana ratus, quo die adgressus est moenia vi cepit atque omnes puberes interfecit.

9.31.4inde victor exercitus Bovianum ductus. caput hoc erat Pentrorum Samnitium, longe ditissimum atque opulentissimum armis virisque.

9.31.5ibi quia haud tantum irarum erat, spe praedae milites accensi oppido potiuntur. minus itaque saevitum in hostes est; praedae plus paene quam ex omni Samnio unquam egestum benigneque omnis militi concessa.

9.31.6et postquam praepotentem armis Romanum nec acies subsistere ullae nec castra nec urbes poterant, omnium principum in Samnio eo curae sunt intentae ut insidiis quaereretur locus, si qua licentia populando effusus exercitus excipi ac circumveniri posset.

9.31.7transfugae agrestes et captivi quidam, pars forte, pars consilio oblati, congruentia ad consulem adferentes—quae et vera erant—pecoris vim ingentem in saltum avium compulsam esse, perpulerunt ut praedatum eo expeditae ducerentur legiones.

9.31.8ibi ingens hostium exercitus itinera occultus insederat, et postquam intrasse Romanos vidit saltum, repente exortus cum clamore ac tumultu incautos invadit.

9.31.9et primo nova res trepidationem fecit, dum arma capiunt, sarcinas congerunt in medium; dein postquam, ut quisque liberaverat se onere aptaveratque arma, ad signa undique coibant et notis ordinibus in vetere disciplina militiae iam sine praecepto ullius sua sponte struebatur acies,

9.31.10consul ad ancipitem maxime pugnam advectus desilit ex equo et iovem lovem Martemque atque alios testatur deos se nullam suam gloriam inde sed praedam militi

9.31.11quaerentem in eum locum devenisse neque in se aliud quam nimiam ditandi ex hoste militis curam reprehendi posse; ab eo se dedecore nullam rem aliam quam virtutem militum vindicaturam.

9.31.12coniterentur modo uno animo omnes invadere hostem victum acie, castris exutum, nudatum urbibus, ultimam spem furto insidiarum temptantem et loco non armis fretum.

9.31.13sed quem esse iam virtuti Romanae inexpugnabilem locum? fregellana arx Soranaque et ubicumque iniquo successum erat loco memorabantur.

9.31.14his accensus miles, omnium immemor difficultatium, vadit adversus imminentem hostium aciem. ibi paulum laboris fuit, dum in adversum clivum erigitur agmen;

9.31.15ceterum postquam prima signa planitiem summam ceperunt sensitque acies aequo se iam institisse loco, versus extemplo est terror in insidiatores easdemque latebras quibus se paulo ante texerant palati atque inermes fuga repetebant.

9.31.16sed loca difficilia diflicilia hosti quaesita ipsos tum sua fraude impediebant. itaque ergo perpaucis effugium patuit; caesa ad viginti milia hominum victorque Romanus ad oblatam ab hoste praedam pecorum discurrit.

9.32.1dum haec geruntur in Samnio, iam omnes Etruriae populi praeter Arretinos ad arma ierant, ab oppugnando Sutrio, quae urbs socia Romanis velut claustra Etruriae erat, ingens orsi bellum.

9.32.2eo alter consul Aemilius cum exercitu ad liberandos obsidione socios venit. advenientibus Romanis Sutrini commeatus benigne in castra ante urbem posita advexere.

9.32.3Etrusci diem primum consultando maturarent traherentne bellum traduxerunt. postero die, ubi celeriora quam tutiora consilia magis placuere ducibus, sole orto signum pugnae propositum est armatique in aciem procedunt.

9.32.4quod postquam consuli nuntiatum est, extemplo tesseram dari iubet ut prandeat miles firmatisque cibo viribus arma capiat.

9.32.5dicto paretur. Consul ubi armatos paratosque vidit, signa extra vallum proferri iussit et haud baud procul hoste instruxit aciem. aliquamdiu intenti utrimque steterunt exspectantes, ut ab adversariis clamor et pugna inciperet;

9.32.6et prius sol meridie se inclinavit quam telum hinc aut illinc emissum est. inde , ne infecta re abiretur, clamor ab Etruscis oritur concinuntque tubae et signa inferuntur. nec segnius a Romanis pugna initur.

9.32.7concurrunt infensis animis; numero hostis, virtute Romanus superat;

9.32.8anceps proelium multos utrimque et fortissimum quemque absumit, nec prius inclinata res est quam secunda acies Romana ad prima signa, integri fessis,

9.32.9successerunt, Etrusci, quia nullis recentibus subsidiis fulta prima acies fuit, ante signa circaque omnes ceciderunt. nullo unquam proelio fugae minus nec plus caedis fuisset, ni obstinatos mori Tuscos nox texisset,

9.32.10ita ut victores prius quam victi pugnandi finem facerent. post occasum solis signum receptui datum est; nocte utroque in castra reditum.

9.32.11nec deinde quicquam eo anno rei memoria dignae apud Sutrium gestum est, quia et ex hostium exercitu prima tota acies deleta uno proelio fuerat subsidiariis modo relictis, vix quod satis esset ad castrorum praesidium,

9.32.12et apud Romanos tantum volnerum fuit ut plures post proelium saucii decesserint quam ceciderant in acie.

Book 9, Part 5

9.33.1Q. Fabius, insequentis anni consul, bellum ad Sutrium excepit, collega Fabio C. Marcius Rutulus datus est.

9.33.2ceterum et Fabius supplementum ab Roma adduxit et novus exercitus domo accitus Etruscis venit.

9.33.3permulti anni iam erant cum inter patricios magistratus tribunosque nulla certamina fuerant, cum ex ea familia cui velut fato lis cum tribunis ac plebe erat certamen oritur.

9.33.4Ap . Claudius censor circumactis decem et octo mensibus quod Aemilia lege finitum censurae spatium temporis erat, cum C. Plautius collega eius magistratu se abdicasset, nulla vi compelli ut abdicaret potuit.

9.33.5P. Sempronius erat tribunus plebis, qui finiendae censurae intra legitimum tempus actionem susceperat, non popularem magis quam iustam nec in volgus quam optimo cuique gratiorem.

9.33.6is cum identidem legem Aemiliam recitaret auctoremque eius Mam. Aemilium dictatorem laudibus ferret, qui quinquennalem ante censuram et longinquitate potestatis dominantem intra sex mensum et anni coegisset spatium,

9.33.7dic agedum inquit, Appi Claudi, quidnam facturus fueris, si eo tempore quo C. Furius et M. Geganius censores fuerunt censor fuisses.

9.33.8negare Appius interrogationem tribuni magno opere ad causam pertinere suam;

9.33.9nam etsi tenuerit lex Aemilia eos censores quorum in magistratu lata esset, quia post illos censores creatos eam legem populus iussisset quodque postremum iussisset id ius ratumque esset, non tamen aut se aut eorum quemquam qui post eam legem latam creati censores essent teneri ea lege potuisse.

9.34.1haec sine ullius adsensu cavillante Appio en inquit, "Quirites, illius Appi progenies, qui decemvir in annum creatus altero anno se ipse creavit, tertio nec ab se nec ab ullo creatus privatus fasces et imperium obtinuit,

9.34.2nec ante continuando abstitit magistratu quam obruerent eum male parta, male gesta, male retenta imperia.

9.34.3haec est eadem familia, Quirites, cuius vi atque iniuriis compulsi extorres patria Sacrum montem cepistis; haec adversus quam tribunicium auxilium vobis comparastis;

9.34.4haec propter quam duo exercitus Aventinum insedistis; haec quae fenebres leges, haec quae agrarias semper impugnavit.

9.34.5haec conubia patrum et plebis interrupit; haec plebi ad curules magistratus iter obsaepsit. hoc est nomen multo quam Tarquiniorum infestius vestrae libertati. itane tandem, Appi Claudi?

9.34.6cum centesimus iam annus sit ab Mam. Aemilio dictatore, tot censores fuerunt, nobilissimi fortissimique viri, nemo eorum duodecim tabulas legit? nemo id ius esse, quod postremo populus iussisset, sciit?

9.34.7immo vero omnes scierunt et ideo Aemiliae potius legi paruerunt quam illi antiquae qua primum censores creati erant, quia hanc postremam iusserat populus, et quia, ubi duae contrariae leges sunt, semper antiquae obrogat nova.

9.34.8" An hoc dicis, Appi, non teneri Aemilia lege populum?

9.34.9An populum teneri, te unum exlegem esse? tenuit Aemilia lex violentos illos censores C. Furium et M. Geganium, qui quid iste magistratus in re publica mali facere posset indicarunt, cum ira finitae potestatis Mam. Aemilium , principem aetatis suae belli domique, aerarium fecerunt;

9.34.10tenuit deinceps omnes censores intra centum annorum spatium; tenet C. Plautium, collegam tuum iisdem auspiciis, eodem iure creatum.

9.34.11An hunc non ut qui optimo iure censor creatus esset populus creavit? tu unus eximius es in quo hoc praecipuum ac singulare valeat?

9.34.12quem tu regem sacrificiorum crees? amplexus regni nomen, ut qui optimo iure rex Romae creatus sit, creatum se dicet dicct . quem semestri dictatura, quem interregno quinque dierum contentum fore putes? quem clavi figendi aut ludorum causa dictatorem audacter crees?

9.34.13quam isti stolidos ac socordes videri creditis eos qui intra vicesimum diem ingentibus rebus gestis dictatura se abdicaverunt aut qui vitio creati abierunt magistratu!

9.34.14quid ego antiqua repetam? nuper intra decem annos C. Maenius dictator, quia, cum quaestiones severius quam quibusdam potentibus tutum erat exerceret, contagio eius quod quaerebat ipse criminis obiectata ab inimicis est, ut privatus obviam iret crimini, dictatura se abdicavit.

9.34.15nolo ego istam in te modestiam; ne degeneraveris a familia imperiosissima et superbissima; non die, non hora citius quam necesse est magistrate abieris, modo ne excedas finitum tempus.

9.34.16satis est aut diem aut mensem censurae adicere? triennium , inquit, et sex menses ultra quam licet Aemilia lege censuram geram et solus geram. hoc quidem iam regno simile est.

9.34.17" An collegam subrogabis, quem ne in demortui quidem locum subrogari fas est?

9.34.18paenitet enim, quod antiquissimum sollemne et solum ab ipso cui fit institutum deo ab nobilissimis antistitibus eius

9.34.19sacri ad servorum ministerium religiosus censor deduxisti, gens antiquior originibus urbis huius, hospitio deorum immortalium sancta, propter te ac tuam censuram intra annum ab stirpe exstincta est, nisi universam rem publicam eo nefario obstrinxeris quod ominari etiam reformidat animus.

9.34.20urbs eo lustro capta est quo demortuo collega C. Iulio L. Papirius Cursor, ne abiret magistratu, M. Cornelium Maluginensem collegam subrogavit.

9.34.21et quanto modestior illius cupiditas fuit quam tua, Appi! nec nee solus nec ultra finitum lege tempus L. Papirius censuram gessit; tamen neminem invenit qui se postea auctorem sequeretur; omnes deinceps censores post mortem collegae se magistratu abdicarunt.

9.34.22te nec quod dies exiit censurae nec quod collega magistratu abiit nec lex nec pudor coercet: virtutem in superbia, in audacia, in contemptu deorum hominumque ponis.

9.34.23ego te, Appi Claudi, pro istius magistratus maiestate ac verecundia quem gessisti non modo manu violatum sed ne verbo quidem inclementiori a me appellatum vellem;

9.34.24sed et haec quae adhuc egi pervicacia tua et superbia coegit me loqui, et nisi Aemiliae legi parueris,

9.34.25in vincula duci iubebo, nec cum ita comparatum a maioribus sit ut comitiis censoriis, nisi duo confecerint legitima suffragia, non renuntiato altero comitia differantur, ego te, qui solus censor creari non possis, solum censuram gerere nunc patiar.

9.34.26haec taliaque cum dixisset, prendi censorem et in vincula duci iussit. approbantibus sex tribunis actionem collegae tres appellanti Appio auxilio fuerunt; summaque invidia omnium ordinum solus censuram gessit.

9.35.1dum ea Romae geruntur, iam Sutrium ab Etruscis obsidebatur consulique Fabio imis montibus ducenti ad ferendam opem sociis temptandasque munitiones, si qua posset, acies hostium instructa occurrit;

9.35.2quorum ingentem multitudinem cum ostenderet subiecta late planities, consul, ut loco paucitatem suorum adiuvaret, flectit Hectit paululum in clivos agmen—aspreta erant strata saxis—inde signa in hostem obvertit.

9.35.3Etrusci omnium praeterquam multitudinis suae, qua sola freti erant, immemores proelium ineunt adeo raptim et avide ut abiectis missilibus,quo celerius manus consererent, stringerent gladios vadentes in hostem;

9.35.4Romanus contra nunc tela, nunc saxa, quibus eos adfatim locus ipse armabat, ingerere.

9.35.5igitur scuta galeaeque ictae cum etiam quos non volneraverant turbarent neque subire erat facile ad propiorem pugnam neque missilia habebant, quibus eminus rem gererent—stantes et expositos ad ictus cum iam satis nihil tegeret, quosdam etiam pedem referentes fluctuantemque et instabilem aciem redintegrato clamore strictis gladiis hastati et principes invadunt.

9.35.6eum impetum non tulerunt Etrusci versisque signis fuga effusa castra repetunt. sed equites Romani praevecti per obliqua campi cum se fugientibus obtulissent, omisso ad castra itinere montes petunt;

9.35.7inde inermi paene agmine ac vexato volneribus in silvam Ciminiam penetratum. Romanus multis milibus Etruscorum caesis, duodequadraginta signis militaribus captis, castris etiam hostium cum praeda ingenti potitur. tum de persequendo hoste agitari coeptum.

9.36.1silva erat Ciminia magis tum invia atque horrenda quam nuper fuere Germanici saltus, nulli ad eam diem ne mercatorum quidem adita. eam intrare haud fere quisquam praeter ducem ipsum audebat; aliis omnibus cladis Caudinae nondum memoria aboleverat.

9.36.2tum ex iis qui aderant, consulis frater M. Fabius —Caesonem alii, C. Claudium quidam, matre eadem qua consulem genitum, tradunt—speculatum se iturum professus brevique omnia certa allaturum.

9.36.3Caere educatus apud hospites, Etruscis inde litteris eruditus erat linguamque Etruscam probe noverat. habeo auctores volgo tum Romanos pueros, sicut nunc Graecis, ita Etruscis litteris erudiri solitos;

9.36.4sed propius est vero praecipuum aliquid fuisse in eo qui se tam audaci simulatione hostibus immiscuerit. servus ei dicitur comes unus fuisse, nutritus una eoque haud ignarus linguae eiusdem;

9.36.5nec quicquam aliud proficiscentes quam summatim regionis quae intranda erat naturam natural ac nomina principum in populis accepere, ne qua inter conloquia insigni nota haesitantes deprendi possent.

9.36.6iere pastorali habitu, agrestibus telis, falcibus gaesisque binis, armati. sed neque commercium linguae nec vestis armorumve habitus sic eos texit quam quod abhorrebat ab fide quemquam externum Ciminios saltus intraturum.

9.36.7usque ad Camertes Umbros penetrasse dicuntur. ibi qui essent fateri Romanum ausum; introductumque in senatum consulis verbis egisse de societate

9.36.8amicitiaque atque inde comi hospitio acceptum nuntiare Romanis iussum commeatum exercitui dierum triginta praesto fore, si ea loca intrasset, iuventutemque Camertium Umbrorum in armis paratam imperio futuram futurarm .

9.36.9haec cum relata consuli essent, impedimentis prima vigilia praemissis, legionibus post impedimenta ire iussis ipse substitit cum equitatu et luce orta postero die obequitavit stationibus hostium, quae extra saltum dispositae erant; et cum satis diu tenuisset hostem, in castra sese recepit portaque altera egressus ante noctem agmen adsequitur. postero die luce prima iuga Ciminii montis tenebat;

9.36.10inde contemplatus opulenta Etruriae arva milites emittit.

9.36.11ingenti iam abacta praeda tumultuariae agrestium Etruscorum cohortes repente a principibus regionis eius concitatae Romanis occurrunt, adeo incompositae ut vindices praedarum prope ipsi praedae fuerint.

9.36.12caesis fugatisque his, late depopulato agro victor Romanus opulentusque rerum omnium copia in castra rediit.

9.36.13eo forte quinque legati cum duobus tribunis plebis venerant denuntiatum Fabio senatus verbis ne saltum Ciminium transiret. laetati serius se quam ut impedire bellum possent venisse, nuntii victoriae Romam revertuntur.

9.37.1hac expeditione consulis motum latius erat quam profligatum bellum; vastationem namque sub Ciminii montis radicibus iacens ora senserat, conciveratque indignatione non Etruriae modo populos sed Umbriae finitima.

9.37.2itaque quantus non unquam antea exercitus ad Sutrium venit; neque e silvis tantummodo promota castra sed etiam aviditate dimicandi quam primum in campos delata acies.

9.37.3deinde instructa primo suo stare loco, relicto hostibus ad instruendum contra spatio; dein, postquam detractare hostem sensere pugnam, ad vallum subeunt.

9.37.4ubi postquam stationes quoque receptas intra munimenta sensere, clamor repente circa duces ortus, ut eo sibi e castris cibaria eius diei deferri iuberent: mansuros se sub armis et aut nocte aut certe luce prima castra hostium invasuros.

9.37.5nihilo quietior Romanus exercitus imperio ducis continetur. decima erat fere diei hora, cum cibum capere consul milites iubet; praecipit ut in armis sint quacumque diei noctisve hora signum dederit;

9.37.6paucis milites adloquitur, Samnitium bella extollit, elevat Etruscos; nec hostem hosti nec multitudinem multitudini comparandam ait; esse praeterea telum aliud occultum; scituros in tempore; interea taceri opus esse.

9.37.7his ambagibus prodi simulabat hostes, quo animus militum multitudine territus restitueretur; et, quod sine munimento consederant, veri similius erat quod simulabatur.

9.37.7curati cibo corpora quieti dant et quarta fere vigilia sine tumultu excitati arma capiunt.

9.37.8dolabrae calonibus dividuntur ad vallum proruendum fossasque implendas. intra munimenta instruitur acies, delectae cohortes ad portarum exitus conlocantur.

9.37.9dato deinde signo paulo ante lucem, quod aestivis noctibus sopitae maxime quietis tempus est, proruto vallo erupit acies, stratos passim invadit hostes; alios immobiles, alios semisomnos in cubilibus suis, maximam partem ad arma trepidantes caedes oppressit; paucis armandi se datum spatium est;

9.37.10eos ipsos non signum certum, non ducem sequentes fundit Romanus fugatosque persequitur. ad castra, ad silvas diversi tendebant. silvae tutius dedere refugium; nam castra in campis sita eodem die capiuntur. aurum argentumque iussum referri ad consulem; cetera praeda militis fuit. caesa aut capta eo die hostium milia ad sexaginta.

9.37.11eam tam claram pugnam trans Ciminiam silvam ad Perusiam pugnatam quidam auctores sunt metuque in magno civitatem fuisse ne interclusus exercitus tam infesto saltu coortis undique Tuscis Umbrisque Vmbrisque opprimeretur.

9.37.12sed ubicumque pugnatum est, res Romana superior fuit. itaque a Perusia et Cortona et Arretio, quae ferme capita Etruriae populorum ea tempestate erant, legati pacem foedusque ab Romanis petentes indutias in triginta annos impetraverunt.

9.38.1dum haec in Etruria geruntur, consul alter C. Marcius Rutulus Allifas de Samnitibus vi cepit. multa alia castella vicique aut deleta hostiliter aut integra in potestatem venere.

9.38.2per idem tempus et classis Romana a P. Cornelio, quem senatus maritimae orae praefecerat, in Campaniam acta cum adpulsa Pompeios esset, socii inde navales ad depopulandum agrum Nucerinum profecti, proximis raptim vastatis unde reditus tutus ad naves esset, dulcedine, ut fit, praedae longius progressi excivere hostes.

9.38.3palatis per agros nemo obvius fuit, cum occidione occidi possent; redeuntes agmine incauto haud procul navibus adsecuti agrestes exuerunt praeda, partem etiam occiderunt; quae superfuit caedi trepida multitudo multitude ad naves compulsa est.

9.38.4profectio Q. Fabi trans Ciminiam silvam quantum Romae terrorem fecerat, tam laetam famam in Samnium ad hostes tulerat interclusum Romanum exercitum obsideri, cladisque imaginem Furculas Caudinas memorabant:

9.38.5eadem temeritate avidam ulteriorum semper gentem in saltus invios deductam, saeptam non hostium magis armis quam locorum iniquitatibus esse.

9.38.6iam gaudium invidia quadam miscebatur, quod belli Romani decus ab Samnitibus fortuna ad Etruscos avertisset. itaque armis virisque ad opprimendum C. Marcium consulem concurrunt, protinus inde Etruriam per Marsos ac Sabinos petituri, si Marcius dimicandi potestatem non faciat. obvius iis consul fuit.

9.38.7dimicatum proelio utrimque atroci atque incerto eventu est, et cum anceps caedes fuisset, adversae tamen rei fama in Romanos vertit ob amissos quosdam equestris ordinis tribunosque militum atque unum legatum, et quod insigne maxime fuit, consulis ipsius volnus.

9.38.8ob haec etiam aucta fama, ut solet, ingens terror patres invasit dictatoremque dici placebat; nec quin Cursor Papirius diceretur in quo tum summa rei bellicae ponebatur, dubium cuiquam erat. sed nec

9.38.9in Samnium nuntium perferri omnibus infestis tuto posse nec vivere Marcium consulem satis fidebant. alter consul Fabius infestus privatim Papirio erat; quae ne ira obstaret bono publico,

9.38.10legatos ex consularium numero mittendos ad eum senatus censuit, qui sua quoque eum,

9.38.11non publica solum auctoritate moverent ut memoriam simultatium patriae remitteret.

9.38.12profecti legati ad Fabium cum senatus consultum tradidissent adiecissentque orationem convenientem mandatis, consul demissis in terram oculis tacitus ab incertis quidnam acturus esset legatis recessit; nocte deinde silentio, ut mos est, L. Papirium dictatorem dixit. cui cum ob animum egregie victum legati gratias agerent, obstinatum silentium obtinuit ac sine responso ac mentione facti sui legatos dimisit, ut appareret insignem dolorem ingenti comprimi animo.

9.38.13Papirius C. Iunium Bubulcum magistrum equitum dixit; atque ei legem curiatam de imperio ferenti triste omen diem diffidit, quod Faucia curia fuit principium, duabus insignis cladibus, captae urbis et Caudinae pacis, quod utroque anno eiusdem curiae fuerat principium.

9.38.14Macer Licinius tertia etiam clade, quae ad Cremeram accepta est, abominandam eam earn curiam facit.

9.39.1dictator postero die auspiciis repetitis pertulit legem; et profectus cum legionibus ad terrorem traducti silvam Ciminiam exercitus nuper

9.39.2scriptis ad Longulam pervenit acceptisque a Marcio consule veteribus militibus in aciem copias eduxit. nec hostes detractare visi pugnam. instructos deinde armatosque, cum ab neutris proelium inciperet, nox oppressit.

9.39.3quieti aliquamdiu nec suis diffidentes viribus nec hostem spernentes, stativa in propinquo habuere.

9.39.4interea Etrusci lege sacrata coacto exercitu, cum vir virum legisset, quantis nunquam alias ante simul copiis simul animis dimicarunt;

9.39.5tantoque irarum certamine gesta res est ut ab neutra parte emissa sint tela. gladiis pugna coepit et acerrime commissa ipso certamine, quod aliquamdiu anceps fuit, accensa est, ut non cum Etruscis totiens victis, sed cum aliqua nova gente videretur dimicatio esse.

9.39.6nihil ab ulla parte movetur fugae; cadunt antesignani, et ne nudentur propugnatoribus signa, fit ex secunda prima acies.

9.39.7ab ultimis deinde subsidiis cietur miles; adeoque ad ultimum laboris ac periculi ventum est ut equites Romani omissis equis ad primos ordines peditum per arma, per corpora evaserint. ea velut nova inter fessos exorta acies turbavit signa Etruscorum;

9.39.8secuta deinde impetum eorum, utcumque adfecta erat, cetera multitudo tandem perrumpit ordines hostium.

9.39.9tunc tune vinci pertinacia coepta et averti manipuli quidam, et, ut semel dedere hi terga, etiam ceteri item capessere fugam.

9.39.10ille primum dies fortuna vetere abundantes Etruscorum fregit opes. caesum in acie, quod roboris fuit; castra eodem impetu capta direptaque.

9.40.1pari subinde periculo gloriaeque eventu bellum in Samnitibus erat, qui praeter ceteros cetoros belli apparatus, ut acies sua fulgeret novis armorum insignibus fecerunt.

9.40.2duo exercitus erant; scuta alterius auro, alterius argento caelaverunt; forma erat scuti: summum latius, qua pectus atque umeri teguntur, fastigio aequali; ad imum cuneatior mobilitatis causa.

9.40.3spongia pectori tegumentum et sinistrum crus ocrea tectum; galeae cristatae, quae speciem speeiem magnitudini corporum adderent. tunicae auratis militibus versicolores, argentatis linteae candidae. his vaginae argenteae, baltea argentea: auratae vaginae, aurea baltea illis erant, et equorum inaurata tapeta. his dextrum cornu datum; illi in sinistro consistunt.

9.40.4notus iam Romanis apparatus insignium armorum fuerat doctique a ducibus erant horridum militem esse debere, non caelatum auro et argento sed ferro et animis fretum:

9.40.5quippe illa praedam verius quam arma esse, nitentia ante rem, deformia inter sanguinem et volnera.

9.40.6virtutem esse militis decus et omnia illa victoriam sequi et ditem hostem quamvis pauperis victoris praemium esse.

9.40.7his Cursor vocibus instinctos milites in proelium ducit. dextro ipse cornu consistit, sinistro praefecit magistrum equitum.

9.40.8simul est concursum, ingens fuit cum hoste certamen, non segnius inter dictatorem et magistrum equitum ab utra parte victoria inciperet.

9.40.9prior forte iunius lunius commovit hostem, laevo dextrum cornu, sacratos more Samnitium milites eoque candida veste et paribus candore armis insignes; eos se Orco mactare Iunius dictitans cum intulisset signa turbavit ordines et haud dubie impulit aciem.

9.40.10quod ubi sensit dictator, ab laevone cornu victoria incipiet inquit, et dextrum cornu, dictatoris acies, alienam pugnam sequetur, non partem maximam victoriae trahet?

9.40.11concitat milites; nec peditum virtuti equites aut legatorum studia ducibus cedunt.

9.40.12M. Valerius a dextro, P. Decius ab laevo cornu, ambo consulares, ad equites in cornibus positos evehuntur adhortatique eos ut partem secum capesserent decoris in transversa latera hostium incurrunt.

9.40.13is novus additus terror cum ex parte utraque circumvasisset aciem et ad terrorem hostium legiones Romanae redintegrato clamore intulissent gradum, tum fuga ab Samnitibus coepta. iam strage hominum armorumque insignium campi repleri. ac primo pavidos Samnites castra sua accepere, deinde ne ea quidem retenta; captis direptisque ante noctem iniectus ignis.

9.40.14dictator ex senatus consulto triumphavit, cuius triumpho triumph longe maximam speciem captiva arma praebuere.

9.40.15tantum magnificentiae visum in iis, ut aurata scuta dominis argentariarum ad forum ornandum dividerentur. inde natum initium dicitur fori ornandi ab aedilibus cum tensae ducerentur.

9.40.16et Romani quidem ad honorem deum insignibus armis hostium usi sunt: Campani ab superbia et odio Samnitium gladiatores, quod spectaculum inter epulas erat, eo ornatu armarunt Samnitiumque nomine compellarunt.

Book 9, Part 6

9.40.17eodem anno cum reliquiis Etruscorum ad Perusiam, quae et ipsa indutiarum fidem ruperat, Fabius consul nec dubia nec difficili victoria dimicat.

9.40.18ipsum oppidum—nam ad moenia victor accessit—cepisset, ni legati dedentes urbem exissent.

9.40.19praesidio Perusiae imposito, legationibus Etruriae amicitiam petentibus prae se Romam ad senatum missis consul praestantiore etiam quam dictator victoria triumphans urbem est invectus;

9.40.20quin etiam devictorum Samnitium decus magna ex parte ad legatos, P. Decium et M. Valerium, est versum; quos populus proximis comitiis ingenti consensu consulem alterum, alterum praetorem declaravit.

9.41.1Fabio ob egregie perdomitam Etruriam continuatur consulatus; Decius collega datur. Valerius praetor quartum creatus. consules partiti provincias: Etruria Decio, Samnium Fabio evenit.

9.41.2is profectus ad Nuceriam Alfaternam,

9.41.3cum pacem petentes, quod uti ea cum daretur noluissent, aspernatus esset, oppugnando ad deditionem subegit.

9.41.4cum Samnitibus acie dimicatum. haud magno certamine hostes victi; neque eius pugnae memoria tradita foret, ni Marsi eo primum proelio cum Romanis bellassent. secuti Marsorum defectionem Paeligni eandem fortunam habuerunt hlabuerunt .

9.41.5Decio quoque, alteri consuli, secunda belli fortuna erat. tarquiniensem metu subegerat frumentum exercitui praebere atque indutias in quadraginta annos petere.

9.41.6volsiniensium castella aliquot vi cepit; quaedam ex his diruit ne receptaculo hostibus essent; circumferendoque passim bello tantum terrorem sui fecit ut nomen omne Etruscum foedus ab consule peteret.

9.41.7ac de eo quidem nihil impetratum; indutiae annuae datae. stipendium exercitu Romano ab hoste in eum annum pensum et binae tunicae in militem exactae; ea merces indutiarum fuit.

9.41.8tranquillas res iam in Etruscis turbavit repentina defectio Umbrorum, gentis integrae a cladibus belli, nisi quod transitum exercitus ager senserat.

9.41.9ii concitata omni iuventute sua et magna parte Etruscorum ad rebellionem compulsa tantum exercitum fecerant ut relicto post se in Etruria Decio ad oppugnandam inde Romam ituros, magnifice de se ac contemptim de Romanis loquentes, iactarent.

9.41.10quod inceptum eorum ubi ad Decium consulem perlatum est, ad urbem ex Etruria magnis itineribus pergit et in agro Pupiniensi ad famam intentus hostium consedit.

9.41.11nec Romae spernebatur Umbrorum bellum, et ipsae minae metum fecerant expertis Gallica clade quam intutam urbem incolerent.

9.41.12itaque legati ad Fabium consulem missi sunt, ut si quid laxamenti a bello Samnitium esset, in Umbriam propere exercitum duceret.

9.41.13dicto paruit consul magnisque itineribus ad Mevaniam, ubi tum copiae Umbrorum erant, perrexit.

9.41.14repens adventus consulis, quem procul Umbria in Samnio bello alio occupatum crediderant, ita exterruit Umbros ut alii recedendum ad urbes munitas, quidam omittendum bellum censerent;

9.41.15plaga una —Materinam ipsi appellant—non continuit modo ceteros in armis sed confestim ad certamen egit. castra vallantem Fabium adorti sunt.

9.41.16quos ubi effusos ruere in munimenta consul vidit, revocatos milites ab opere, prout loci natura tempusque patiebatur, ita instruxit; cohortatusque praedicatione vera qua in Tuscis, qua in Samnio partorum decorum exiguam appendicem Etrusci belli conficere iubet et vocis impiae poenas expetere, qua se urbem Romanam oppugnaturos minati sint.

9.41.17haec tanta sunt alacritate militum audita ut clamor sua sponte ortus loquentem interpellaverit ducem. ante imperium, deinde concentu tubarum ac cornuum cursu effuso in hostem feruntur.

9.41.18non tamquam in viros aut armatos incurrunt; mirabilia dictu, signa primo eripi coepta signiferis, deinde ipsi signiferi trahi ad consulem, armatique milites ex acie in aciem transferri, et sicubi est certamen, scutis magis quam gladiis geritur res; umbonibus incussaque ala sternuntur hostes.

9.41.19plus capitur hominum quam caeditur, atque una vox ponere arma iubentium per totam fertur aciem.

9.41.20itaque inter ipsum certamen facta deditio est a primis auctoribus belli. postero insequentibusque diebus et ceteri Umbrorum populi deduntur; Ocriculani sponsione in amicitiam accepti.

9.42.1Fabius , alienae sortis victor belli, in suam provinciam exercitum reduxit.

9.42.2itaque ei ob res tam feliciter gestas, sicut priore anno populus continuaverat consulatum, ita senatus in insequentem annum, quo Ap. Claudius L. Volumnius consules fuerunt, prorogavit maxime Appio adversante imperium.

9.42.3appium censorem petisse consulatum comitiaque eius ab L. Furio tribuno plebis interpellata, donec se censura abdicarit, in quibusdam annalibus invenio.

9.42.4creatus consul, cum collegae novum bellum, Sallentini hostes decernerentur, Romae mansit ut urbanis artibus opes augeret quando belli decus penes alios esset.

9.42.5Volumnium provinciae haud paenituit. multa secunda proelia fecit, aliquot urbes hostium vi cepit. praedae erat largitor et benignitatem per se gratam comitate adiuvabat militemque his artibus fecerat et periculi et laboris avidum.

9.42.6Q. Fabius pro consule ad urbem Allifas cum Samnitium exercitu signis conlatis confligit. minime ambigua res fuit; fusi hostes atque in castra compulsi. nec castra forent retenta, ni exiguum superfuisset diei; ante noctem tamen sunt circumsessa et nocte custodita ne quis elabi posset.

9.42.7postero die vixdum luce certa deditio fieri coepta et pacti qui Samnitium forent ut cum singulis vestimentis emitterentur; ii omnes sub iugum missi.

9.42.8sociis Samnitium nihil cautum; ad septem milia sub corona veniere. qui se civem Hernicum dixerat seorsus in custodia habitus.

9.42.9eos omnes Fabius Romam ad senatum misit; et cum quaesitum esset dilectu an voluntarii

9.42.10pro Samnitibus adversus Romanos bellassent per Latinos populos custodiendi dantur, iussique eam earn integram rem novi consules P. Cornelius Arvina Q. Marcius Tremulus—hi enim iam creati erant—ad senatum referre.

9.42.11id aegre passi Hernici; concilium populorum omnium habentibus Anagninis in circo quem Maritimum vocant praeter Aletrinatem Ferentinatemque et Verulanum omnes Hernici nominis populo Romano bellum indixerunt.

9.43.1in Samnio quoque, quia decesserat inde Fabius, novi motus exorti. Calatia et Sora praesidiaque quae in his Romana erant expugnata et in captivorum corpora militum foede saevitum.

9.43.2itaque eo P. Cornelius cum exercitu missus; Marcio novi hostes—iam enim Anagninis Hernicisque aliis bellum iussum erat—decernuntur.

9.43.3primo ita omnia opportuna loca hostes inter consulum castra interceperunt

9.43.4ut pervadere expeditus nuntius non posset et per aliquot dies incerti rerum omnium suspensique de statu alterius uterque consul ageret, Romamque is metus manaret, adeo ut omnes iuniores sacramento adigerentur atque ad subita rerum duo iusti scriberentur exercitus.

9.43.5ceterum Hernicum bellum nequaquam pro praesenti terrore ac vetusta gentis gloria fuit.

9.43.6nihil usquam dictu dignum ausi, trinis castris intra paucos dies exuti, triginta dierum indutias ita ut ad senatum Romam legatos mitterent, pacti sunt

9.43.7bimestri stipendio frumentoque et singulis in militem tunicis. ab senatu ad Marcium reiecti, cui senatus consulto permissum de Hernicis erat, isque eam earn gentem in deditionem accepit.

9.43.8et in Samnio alter consul superior viribus, locis impeditior erat. omnia itinera obsaepserant hostes saltusque pervios ceperant, ne qua subvehi commeatus possent; neque eos, cum cottidie signa in aciem consul proferret, elicere ad certamen poterat;

9.43.9satisque apparebat neque Samnitem certamen praesens nec Romanum dilationem belli laturum.

9.43.10adventus Marci, qui Hernicis subactis maturavit collegae venire auxilio, moram certaminis hosti exemit.

9.43.11nam ut qui ne alteri quidem exercitui se ad certamen credidissent pares, coniungi utique passi duos consulares exercitus nihil crederent superesse spei, advenientem incomposito agmine Marcium adgrediuntur.

9.43.12raptim conlatae sarcinae in medium, et prout tempus patiebatur instructa acies. clamor primum in stativa perlatus, dein conspectus procul pulvis tumultum apud alterum consulem in castris fecit;

9.43.13isque confestim arma capere iussis raptimque eductis in aciem militibus transversam hostium aciem atque alio certamine occupatam invadit, clamitans

9.43.14summum flagitium fore si alterum exercitum utriusque victoriae compotem sinerent fieri nec ad se sui belli vindicarent decus.

9.43.15qua impetum dederat perrumpit aciemque per mediam in castra hostium tendit et vacua defensoribus capit atque incendit.

9.43.16quae ubi flagrantia Marcianus miles conspexit et hostes respexere, tum passim fuga coepta Samnitium fieri; sed omnia obtinet caedes, nec in ullam partem tutum perfugium est.

9.43.17iam triginta milibus hostium caesis signum receptui consules dederant colligebantque in unum copias in vicem inter se gratantes, cum repente visae procul hostium novae cohortes, quae in supplementum scriptae fuerant, integravere caedem.

9.43.18in quas nec iussu consulum nec signo accepto victores vadunt, malo tirocinio imbuendum Samnitem clamitantes.

9.43.19indulgent consules legionum ardori, ut qui probe scirent novum militem hostium inter perculsos fuga veteranos ne temptando quidem satis certamini fore.

9.43.20nec eos opinio fefellit: omnes ones Samnitium copiae, veteres novaeque, montes proximos fuga capiunt. eo et Romana erigitur acies, nec quicquam satis tuti loci victis est, et de iugis quae ceperant funduntur; iamque una voce omnes pacem petebant.

9.43.21tum trium mensum frumento imperato et annuo stipendio ac singulis in militem tunicis ad senatum pacis oratores missi.

9.43.22Cornelius in Samnio relictus: Marcius de Hernicis triumphans in urbem rediit, statuaque equestris in foro decreta est, quae ante templum Castoris posita est.

9.43.23Hernicorum tribus populis, Aletrinati Verulano Ferentinati, qui id maluerunt quam civitatem,suae leges redditae, conubiumque inter ipsos, quod aliquamdiu soli Hernicorum habuerunt, permissum.

9.43.24Anagninis quique alii arma Romanis intulerant civitas sine suffragii latione: data concilia conubiaque adempta et magistratibus praeter quam sacrorum curatione interdictum.

9.43.25eodem anno aedes Salutis a C. Iunio Bubulco censore locata est, quam consul bello Samnitium voverat. ab eodem collegaque eius M. Valerio Maximo viae per agros publica impensa factae.

9.43.26et cum Carthaginiensibus eodem anno foedus tertio renovatum, legatisque eorum, qui ad id venerant, comiter munera missa.

9.44.1dictatorem idem annus habuit P. Cornelium Scipionem cum magistro equitum P. Decio Mure.

9.44.2ab his, propter quae creati erant, comitia consularia habita, quia neuter consulum potuerat bello abesse.

9.44.3creati consules L. Postumius Ti. Minucius. hos consules Piso Q. Fabio et P. Decio suggerit biennio exempto quo Claudium Volumniumque et Cornelium cum Marcio consules factos tradidimus.

9.44.4memoriane fugerit in annalibus digerendis, an consulto binos consules, falsos ratus, transcendent, incertum est.

9.44.5eodem anno in campum Stellatem agri Campani Samnitium incursiones factae.

9.44.6itaque ambo consules in Samnium missi cum diversas regiones, Tifernum Postumius Bovianum Minucius petisset, Postumi prius ductu ad Tifernum pugnatum. alii haud dubie Samnites victos ac viginti milia hominum capta tradunt, alii Marte aequo discessum et

9.44.7Postumium metum simulantem nocturno itinere clam in montes copias abduxisse, hostes secutos duo milia inde locis munitis et ipsos consedisse.

9.44.8Consul ut stativa tuta copiosaque—et ita erant— petisse videretur, postquam et munimentis castra firmavit et omni apparatu rerum utilium instruxit, relicto firmo praesidio de vigilia tertia,

9.44.9qua duci proxime potest, expeditas legiones ad collegam, et ipsum adversus alios sedentem, ducit.

9.44.10ibi auctore Postumio Minucius cum hostibus signa confert, et, cum anceps proelium in multum diei processisset, tum Postumius integris legionibus defessam iam aciem hostium improviso invadit.

9.44.11itaque cum lassitudo ac volnera fugam quoque praepedissent, occidione occisi hostes, signa unum et viginti capta atque inde ad castra Postumi perrectum.

9.44.12ibi duo victores exercitus perculsum iam fama hostem adorti fundunt fugantque; signa militaria sex et viginti capta et imperator Samnitium Statius Gellius multique alii mortales et castra utraque capta.

9.44.13et Bovianum urbs postero die coepta oppugnari brevi capitur, magnaque gloria rerum gestarum consules triumpharunt.

9.44.14Minucium consulem, cum volnere gravi relatum in castra, mortuum quidam auctores sunt, et M. Fulvium in locum eius consulem suffectum, et ab eo, cum ad exercitum Minuci missus esset, Bovianum captum.

9.44.15eo anno Sora Arpinum Cesennia recepta ab Samnitibus. Herculis magnum simulacrum in Capitolio positum dedicatumque.

9.45.1P. Sulpicio Saverrione P. Sempronio Sopho consulibus Samnites, seu finem seu dilationem belli quaerentes, legatos de pace Romam Roman misere.

9.45.2quibus suppliciter agentibus responsum est, nisi saepe bellum parantes pacem petissent Samnites, oratione ultro citro habita de pace transigi potuisse; nunc, quando verba vana ad id locorum fuerint, rebus standum esse.

9.45.3P. Sempronium consulem cum exercitu brevi in Samnio fore; eum, ad bellum pacemne inclinent animi, falli non posse; comperta omnia senatui relaturum; decedentem ex Samnio consulem legati sequerentur.

9.45.4eo anno cum pacatum Samnium exercitus Romanus benigne praebito commeatu peragrasset, foedus antiquum Samnitibus redditum.

9.45.5ad Aequos inde, veteres hostes, ceterum per multos annos sub specie infidae pacis quietos, versa arma Romana, quod incolumi Hernico nomine

9.45.6missitaverant simul cum iis Samniti auxilia et post Hernicos subactos universa prope gens sine dissimulatione consilii publici ad hostes desciverat; et postquam icto Romae cum Samnitibus foedere fetiales venerant res repetitum,

9.45.7temptationem aiebant esse ut terrore incusso belli Romanos se fieri paterentur; quod quanto opere optandum foret Hernicos docuisse, cum quibus licuerit suas leges Romanae civitati praeoptaverint:

9.45.8quibus legendi quid mallent copia non fuerit pro poena necessariam civitatem fore. ob haec volgo in conciliis iactata populus Romanus bellum fieri Aequis iussit;

9.45.9consulesque ambo ad novum profecti bellum quattuor milia a castris hostium consederunt.

9.45.10Aequorum exercitus, ut qui suo nomine permultos annos imbelles egissent, tumultuario similis, sine ducibus certis, sine imperio, trepidare.

9.45.11alii exeundum in aciem, alii castra tuenda censent; movet plerosque vastatio futura agrorum ac deinceps cum levibus praesidiis urbium relictarum excidia.

9.45.12itaque postquam inter multas sententias una, quae omissa cura communium ad respectum suarum quemque rerum vertit,

9.45.13est audita, ut prima vigilia diversi e castris ad deportanda omnia tuendasque moenibus urbes abirent, cuncti eam sententiam ingenti adsensu accepere.

9.45.14palatis hostibus per agros prima luce Romani signis prolatis in acie consistunt, et ubi nemo obvius ibat, pleno gradu ad castra hostium tendunt.

9.45.15ceterum postquam ibi neque stationes pro portis nec quemquam in vallo nec fremitum consuetum castrorum animadverterunt, insolito silentio moti metu insidiarum subsistunt.

9.45.16transgressi deinde vallum cum deserta omnia invenissent, pergunt hostem vestigiis sequi. sed vestigia in omnes aeque ferentia partes, ut in dilapsis passim, primo errorem faciebant;

9.45.17post per exploratores compertis hostium consiliis ad singulas urbes circumferendo bello unum et triginta oppida intra dies quinquaginta, omnia oppugnando, ceperunt, quorum pleraque diruta atque incensa, nomenque Aequorum prope ad internecionem deletum.

9.45.18de Aequis triumphatum; exemploque eorum clades fuit, ut Marrucini Marsi Paeligni Frentani mitterent Romam oratores pacis petendae amicitiaeque. his populis foedus petentibus datum.

9.46.1eodem anno Cn. Flavius Cn. filius scriba, patre libertino humili fortuna ortus, ceterum callidus vir et facundus, aedilis curulis fuit.

9.46.2invenio in quibusdam annalibus, cum appareret aedilibus fierique se pro tribu aedilem videret neque accipi nomen quia scriptum faceret, tabulam posuisse et iurasse se scriptum non facturum;

9.46.3quem aliquanto ante desisse scriptum facere arguit Macer Licinius tribunatu ante gesto triumviratibusque, nocturno altero, altero coloniae deducendae.

9.46.4ceterum , id quod haud discrepat, contumacia adversus contemnentes humilitatem suam nobiles certavit;

9.46.5civile ius, repositum in penetralibus pontificum, evolgavit fastosque circa forum in albo proposuit, ut quando lege agi posset sciretur;

9.46.6aedem Concordiae in area Volcani summa invidia nobilium dedicavit; coactusque consensu populi Cornelius Barbatus pontifex maximus verba praeire, cum more maiorum negaret nisi consulem aut imperatorem posse templum dedicare.

9.46.7itaque ex auctoritate senatus latum ad populum est ne quis templum aramve iniussu senatus aut tribunorum plebei partis maioris dedicaret.

9.46.8haud memorabilem rem per se, nisi documentum sit adversus superbiam nobilium plebeiae libertatis, referam.

9.46.9ad collegam aegrum visendi causa Flavius cum venisset consensuque nobilium adulescentium, qui ibi adsidebant, adsurrectum ei non esset, curulem adferri sellam eo iussit ac de sede honoris sui anxios invidia inimicos spectavit.

9.46.10ceterum Flavium dixerat aedilem forensis factio, Ap. Claudi censura vires nacta, qui senatum primus libertinorum filiis lectis inquinaverat,

9.46.11et posteaquam eam earn lectionem nemo ratam habuit nec in curia adeptus erat quas petierat opes, urbanis humilibus per omnes tribus divisis forum et campum corrupit.

9.46.12tantumque Flavi comitia indignitatis habuerunt ut plerique nobilium anulos aureos et phaleras deponerent.

9.46.13ex eo tempore in duas partes discessit civitas: aliud integer populus, fautor et cultor bonorum, aliud forensis factio tendebat,

9.46.14donec Q. Fabius et P. Decius censores facti, et Fabius simul concordiae causa, simul ne humillimorum in manu comitia essent, omnem forensem turbam excretam in quattuor tribus coniecit urbanasque eas appellavit.

Book 9, Part 7

9.46.15adeoque eam earn rem acceptam gratis animis ferunt ut Maximi cognomen, quod tot victoriis non pepererat, hac ordinum temperatione pareret. ab eodem institutum dicitur ut equites idibus Quinctilibus transveherentur.

Book 10, Part 1

10.1.1L. Genucio Ser. Cornelio consulibus ab externis ferme bellis otium fuit. Soram atque Albam coloniae deductae. Albam in Aequos sex milia colonorum scripta:

10.1.2Sora agri Volsci fuerat, sed possederant Samnites; eo quattuor milia hominum missa.

10.1.3eodem anno Arpinatibus Trebulanisque civitas data. Frusinates tertia parte agri damnati, quod Hernicos ab eis sollicitatos compertum, capitaque coniurationis eius quaestione ab consulibus ex senatus consulto habita virgis caesi ac securi percussi.

10.1.4tamen ne prorsus imbellem agerent annum, parva expeditio in Umbriam facta est, quod nuntiabatur ex spelunca quadam excursiones armatorum in agros fieri.

10.1.5in eam earn speluncam penetratum cum signis est, et ex loco obscuro multa volnera accepta maximeque lapidum ictu, donec altero specus eius ore—nam pervius erat— invento utraeque fauces congestis lignis accensae.

10.1.6ita intus fumo ac vapore ad duo milia armatorum, ruentia novissime in ipsas flammas, dum evadere tendunt, absumpta.

10.1.7M. Livio Dentre M. Aemilio consulibus redintegratum Aequicum bellum. coloniam aegre patientes velut arcem suis finibus impositam summa vi expugnare adorti ab ipsis colonis pelluntur.

10.1.8ceterum tantum Romae terrorem fecere, quia vix credibile erat tam adfectis rebus solos per se Aequos ad bellum coortos, ut tumultus eius causa dictator diceretur C. iunius lunius Bubulcus.

10.1.9cum M. Titinio magistro equitum profectus primo congressu Aequos subegit, ac die octavo triumphans in urbem cum redisset, aedem Salutis, quam consul voverat censor locaverat, dictator dedicavit.

10.2.1eodem anno classis Graecorum Cleonymo duce Lacedaemonio ad Italiae litora adpulsa Thurias urbem in Sallentinis cepit.

10.2.2adversus hunc hostem consul Aemilius missus proelio uno fugatum compulit in naves. Thuriae redditae veteri cultori, Sallentinoque agro pax parta.

10.2.3Iunium Bubulcum dictatorem missum in Sallentinos in quibusdam annalibus invenio et Cleonymum, priusquam confligendum esset cum Romanis, Italia excessisse.

10.2.4circumvectus inde Brundisii promunturium medioque sinu Hadriatico ventis latus, cum laeva importuosa Italiae litora, dextra Illyrii Liburnique et Histri, gentes ferae et magna ex parte latrociniis maritimis infames, terrerent, penitus ad litora Venetorum pervenit.

10.2.5expositis paucis qui loca explorarent, cum audisset tenue praetentum litus esse, quod transgressis stagna ab tergo sint inrigua aestibus maritimis; agros haud procul proximos capestres cerni, ulteriora colles videri;

10.2.6esse ostium fluminis praealti, quo circumagi naves in stationem tutam possint — Meduacus amnis erat—: eo invectam classem subire flumine adverso iussit.

10.2.7gravissimas navium non pertulit alveus fluminis; in leviora navigia transgressa multitudo multitude armatorum ad frequentes agros, tribus maritimis Patavinorum vicis colentibus eam oram, pervenit.

10.2.8ibi egressi praesidio levi navibus relicto vicos expugnant, inflammant tecta, hominum pecudumque praedas agunt et dulcedine praedandi longius usque a navibus procedunt.

10.2.9haec ubi Patavium sunt nuntiata—semper autem eos in armis accolae Galli habebant—in duas partes iuventutem dividunt. altera in regionem, qua effusa populatio nuntiabatur, altera, ne cui praedonum obvia fieret, alio itinere ad stationem navium—milia autem quattuordecim ab oppido aberat—ducta.

10.2.10in naves ignaris custodibus interemptis impetus factus, territique nautae coguntur naves in alteram ripam amnis traicere. et in terra prosperum aeque in palatos praedatores proelium fuerat refugientibusque ad stationem Graecis Veneti obsistunt;

10.2.11ita in medio circumventi hostes caesique; pars capti classem indicant regemque Cleonymum tria milia abesse.

10.2.12inde captivis proximo vico in custodiam datis pars fluviatiles naves, ad superanda vada stagnorum apte planis alveis fabricatas, pars captiva navigia armatis complent profectique ad classem immobiles naves et loca ignota plus quam hostem timentes circumvadunt;

10.2.13fugientesque in altum acrius quam repugnantes usque ad ostium amnis persecuti captis quibusdam incensisque navibus hostium, quas trepidatio in vada intulerat, victores revertuntur.

10.2.14Cleonymus vix quinta parte navium incolumi, nulla regione maris Hadriatici prospere adita, discessit. Rostra navium spoliaque Laconum in aede iunonis lunonis veteri fixa multi supersunt qui viderunt Patavi.

10.2.15monumentum navalis pugnae eo die quo pugnatum est quotannis sollemne certamen navium in flumine oppidi medio exercetur.

10.3.1eodem anno Romae cum Vestinis petentibus amicitiam ictum est foedus. multiplex deinde exortus terror.

10.3.2Etruriam rebellare ab Arretinorum seditionibus motu orto nuntiabatur, ubi Cilnium genus praepotens divitiarum invidia pelli armis coeptum; simul Marsos agrum vi tueri, in quem quern colonia Carseoli deducta erat quattuor milibus hominum scriptis.

10.3.3itaque propter eos tumultus dictus M. Valerius Maximus dictator magistrum equitum sibi legit M. Aemilium Paulum.

10.3.4—Id magis credo quam Q. Fabium ea aetate atque eis honoribus Valerio subiectum; ceterum ex Maximi cognomine ortum errorem haud baud abnuerim.

10.3.5—Profectus dictator cum exercitu proelio uno Marsos fundit; compulsis deinde in urbes munitas, Milioniam, Plestinam, Fresiliam intra dies paucos cepit et parte agri multatis Marsis foedus restituit.

10.3.6tum in Etruscos versum bellum; et cum dictator auspiciorum repetendorum causa profectus Romam esset, magister equitum pabulatum egressus ex insidiis circumvenitur signisque aliquot amissis foeda militum caede ac fuga in castra est compulsus.

10.3.7—Qui terror non eo tantum a Fabio abhorret quod, si qua alia arte cognomen suum aequavit tum maxime bellicis laudibus,

10.3.8sed etiam quod memor Papirianae saevitiae nunquam ut dictatoris iniussu dimicaret adduci potuisset.

10.4.1nuntiata ea clades Romam maiorem quam res erat terrorem excivit.

10.4.2nam ut exercitu deleto ita iustitium indictum, custodiae in portis, vigiliae vicatim exactae, arma tela in muros congesta.

10.4.3omnibus iunioribus sacramento adactis dictator ad exercitum missus omnia spe tranquilliora et composita magistri equitum cura,

10.4.4castra in tutiorem locum redacta, cohortes quae signa amiserant extra vallum sine tentoriis destitutas invenit, exercitum avidum pugnae, quo maturius ignominia aboleretur.

10.4.5itaque confestim castra inde in agrum Rusellanum promovit.

10.4.6eo et hostes secuti, quamquam ex bene gesta re summam summram et in aperto certamine virium spem habebant, tamen insidiis quoque, quas feliciter experti erant, hostem temptant.

10.4.7tecta semiruta vici per vastationem agrorum deusti haud procul castris Romanorum aberant. ibi abditis armatis pecus in conspectu praesidii Romani, cui praeerat Cn. Fulvius legatus, propulsum.

10.4.8ad quam inlecebram cum moveretur nemo ab Romana statione, pastorum unus progressus sub ipsas munitiones inclamat alios, cunctanter ab ruinis vici pecus propellentes, quid cessarent cum per media castra Romana tuto agere possent.

10.4.9haec cum legato Caerites quidam interpretarentur et per omnes manipulos militum indignatio ingens esset nec tamen iniussu movere auderent, iubet peritos linguae attendere animum, pastorum sermo agresti an urbano propior esset.

10.4.10cum referrent sonum linguae et corporum habitum et nitorem cultiora quam pastoralia esse, ite igitur, dicite, inquit, detegant nequiquam conditas insidias: omnia scire Romanum nec magis iam dolo capi quam armis vinci posse.

10.4.11haec ubi audita sunt et ad eos qui consederant in insidiis perlata, consurrectum repente ex latebris est et in patentem ad conspectum undique campum prolata signa.

10.4.12visa legato maior acies quam quae ab suo praesidio sustineri posset itaque propere ad dictatorem auxilia accitum mittit; interea ipse impetus hostium sustinet.

10.5.1nuntio allato dictator signa ferri ac sequi iubet armatos. sed celeriora prope omnia imperio erant;

10.5.2rapta extemplo signa armaque, et vix ab impetu et cursu tenebantur. cum ira ab accepta nuper clade stimulabat, tum concitatior accidens clamor ab increscente certamine.

10.5.3urgent itaque alii alios hortanturque signiferos ut ocius eant. quo magis festinantes videt dictator, eo impensius retentat agmen ac sensim incedere iubet.

10.5.4Etrusci contra, principio exciti pugnae, omnibus copiis aderant; et super alios alii nuntiant dictatori omnes legiones Etruscorum capessisse pugnam nec iam ab suis resisti posse, et ipse cernit ex superiore loco in quanto discrimine praesidium esset.

10.5.5ceterum satis fretus esse etiam nunc tolerando certamini legatum nec se procul abesse periculi vindicem, quam maxime volt fatigari hostem, ut integris adoriatur viribus fessos.

10.5.6quamquam lente procedunt, iam tamen ad impetum capiundum, equiti utique, modicum erat spatium. prima incedebant signa legionum, ne quid occultum aut repentinum hostis timeret; sed reliquerat intervalla inter ordines peditum, qua satis laxo spatio equi permitti possent.

10.5.7pariter sustulit clamorem acies et emissus eques libero cum in hostem invehitur incompositisque adversus equestrem procellam subitum pavorem offundit.

10.5.8itaque , ut prope serum auxilium iam paene circumventis, ita universa requies data est. integri accepere pugnam, nec ea ipsa longa aut anceps fuit.

10.5.9fusi hostes castra repetunt inferentibusque iam signa Romanis cedunt et in ultimam castrorum partem conglobantur.

10.5.10haerent fugientes in angustiis portarum; pars magna aggerem vallumque conscendit, si aut ex superiore loco tueri se aut superare aliqua et evadere posset.

10.5.11forte quodam loco male densatus agger pondere superstantium in fossam procubuit; atque ea, cum deos pandere viam fugae conclamassent, plures inermes quam armati evadunt.

10.5.12hoc proelio fractae iterum Etruscorum vires, et pacto annuo stipendio et duum mensum frumento permissum ab dictatore ut de pace legatos mitterent Romam. pax negata, indutiae biennii datae. dictator triumphans in urbem rediit.

10.5.13—Habeo auctores sine ullo memorabili proelio pacatam ab dictatore Etruriam esse seditionibus tantum Aretinorum compositis et Cilnio genere cum plebe in gratiam reducto.

10.5.14—Consul ex dictatura factus M. Valerius. non petentem atque adeo etiam absentem creature tradidere quidam et per interregem ea comitia facta; id unum non ambigitur, consulatum cum Apuleio Pansa gessisse.

10.6.1M. Valerio et Q. Apuleio consulibus satis pacatae foris res fuere:

10.6.2Etruscum adversae belli res et indutiae quietum tenebant; Samnitem multorum annorum cladibus domitum hauddum foederis novi paenitebat. Romae quoque plebem quietam exonerata in colonias multitudo praestabat.

10.6.3tamen ne undique tranquillae res essent, certamen iniectum inter primores civitatis, patricios plebeiosque, ab tribunis plebis Q. et Cn. Ogulniis,

10.6.4qui undique criminandorum patrum apud plebem occasionibus quaesitis, postquam alia frustra temptata erant, eam actionem susceperunt qua non infimam plebem accenderent sed ipsa capita plebis,

10.6.5consulares triumphalesque plebeios, quorum honoribus nihil praeter sacerdotia, quae nondum promiscua erant, deesset.

10.6.6rogationem ergo promulgarunt ut, cum quattuor augures, quattuor pontifices ea tempestate essent placeretque augeri sacerdotum numerum, quattuor pontifices, quinque augures, de plebe omnes, adlegerentur.

10.6.7—Quemadmodum ad quattuor augurum numerum nisi morte duorum id redigi collegium potuerit, non invenio, cum inter augures constet imparem numerum debere esse, ut tres antiquae tribus, Ramnes Titienses Luceres, suum quaeque augurem habeant aut,

10.6.8si pluribus sit opus, pari inter se numero sacerdotes multiplicent, sicut multiplicati sunt cum ad quattuor quinque adiecti novem numerum, ut terni in singulas essent, expleverunt.

10.6.9ceterum , quia de plebe adlegebantur, iuxta eam rem aegre passi patres quam cum consulatum volgari viderent.

10.6.10simulabant ad deos id magis quam ad se pertinere: ipsos visuros ne sacra sua polluantur; id se optare tantum, ne qua in rem publicam clades veniat.

10.6.11minus autem tetendere, adsueti iam tali genere certaminum vinci; et cernebant adversarios non, id quod olim vix speraverint, adfectantes magnos honores sed omnia iam in quorum spem dubiam erat certatum adeptos, multiplices consulatus censurasque et triumphos.

10.7.1certatum tamen suadenda dissuadendaque lege inter Ap. Claudium maxime ferunt et inter P. Decium Murem.

10.7.2qui cum eadem ferme de iure patrum ac plebis quae pro lege Licinia quondam contraque eam dicta erant cum plebeiis consulatus rogabatur disseruissent,

10.7.3rettulisse dicitur Decius parentis sui speciem, qualem eum multi qui in contione erant viderant, incinctum Gabino cultu super telum stantem, quo se habitu pro populo ac legionibus Romanis devovisset:

10.7.4tum P. Decium consulem purum piumque deis immortalibus visum aeque ac si T. Manlius collega eius devoveretur:

10.7.5eundem P. Decium qui sacra publica populi Romani faceret legi rite non potuisse? id esse periculum, ne suas preces minus audirent di quam Ap. Claudi? castius eum sacra privata facere et religiosius deos colere quam se?

10.7.6quem paenitere votorum quae pro re publica nuncupaverint tot consules plebeii, tot dictatores, aut ad exercitus euntes aut inter ipsa bella?

10.7.7numerarentur duces eorum annorum, quibus plebeiorum ductu et auspicio res geri coeptae sint; numerarentur triumphi: iam ne nobilitatis quidem suae plebeios paenitere.

10.7.8pro certo habere, si quod repens bellum oriatur non plus spei fore senatui populoque Romano in patriciis quam in plebeiis ducibus.

10.7.9quod cum ita se habeat, cui deorum hominumve indignum videri potest inquit, "eos viros, quos vos sellis curulibus, toga praetexta, tunica palmata et toga picta et corona triumphali laureaque honoraritis, quorum domos spoliis hostium adfixis insignes inter alias feceritis, pontificalia atque auguralia insignia adicere?

10.7.10qui iovis lovis optimi maximi ornatu decoratus curru aurato per urbem vectus in Capitolium ascenderit, is non conspiciatur cum capide ac lituo, cum capite velato victimam caedet auguriumve ex arce capiet?

10.7.11cuius in imaginis titulo consulatus censuraque et triumphus aequo animo legetur, si auguratum aut pontificatum adieceritis, non sustinebunt legentium oculi?

10.7.12equidem —pace dixerim deum—eos nos iam populi Romani beneficio esse spero, qui sacerdotiis non minus reddamus dignatione nostra honoris quam quain acceperimus et deorum inagis quam nostra causa expetamus ut quos privatim colimus publice colamus.

10.8.1quid autem ego sic adhuc egi, tamquam integra sit causa patriciorum de sacerdotiis et non iam in possessione unius amplissimi simus sacerdotii?

10.8.2decemviros sacris faciundis, carminum Sibyllae ac fatorum populi huius interpretes, antistites eosdem Apollinaris sacri caerimoniarumque aliarum plebeios videmus.

10.8.3nec aut tum patriciis ulla iniuria facta est, cum duumviris sacris faciundis adiectus est propter plebeios numerus, et nunc tribunus, vir fortis ac strenuus, quinque augurum loca, quattuor pontificum adicit,

10.8.4in quae plebeii nominentur, non ut vos, Appi, vestro loco pellant sed ut adiuvent vos homines plebeii divinis quoque rebus procurandis, sicut in ceteris humanis pro parte virili adiuvant.

10.8.5noli erubescere, Appi, collegam in sacerdotio habere quem in censura quem in consulatu collegam habere potuisti, cuius tam dictatoris magister equitum quam magistri equitum dictator esse potes.

10.8.6sabinum advenam, principem nobilitatis vestrae, seu Attium Clausum seu Ap. Claudium mavoltis, illi antiqui patricii in suum numerum acceperunt: tu ne fastidieris nos in sacerdotum numerum accipere.

10.8.7multa nobiscum decora adferimus, immo omnia eadem quae vos superbos fecerunt:

10.8.8L. Sextius primus de plebe consul est factus, C. Licinius Stolo primus magister equitum, C. Marcius Rutulus primus et dictator et censor, Q. Publilius Philo primus praetor.

10.8.9semper ista audita sunt eadem, penes vos auspicia esse, vos solos gentem habere, vos solos iustum imperium et auspicium domi militiaeque;

10.8.10aeque adhuc prosperum plebeium et patricium fuit porroque erit. en umquam fando audistis patricios primo esse factos non de caelo demissos sed qui patrem ciere possent, id est nihil ultra quam ingenuos?

10.8.11consulem iam patrem ciere possum, avumque iam poterit filius meus. nihil est aliud in re, Quirites, nisi ut omnia negata adipiscamur; certamen tantum patricii petunt nec curant quem eventum certaminum habeant.

10.8.12ego hanc legem, quod bonum faustum felixque sit vobis ac rei publicae, uti rogas, iubendam censeo."

10.9.1vocare tribus extemplo populus iubebat, apparebatque accipi legem; ille tamen dies intercessione est sublatus.

10.9.2postero die deterritis tribunis ingenti consensu accepta est. pontifices creantur suasor legis P. Decius Mus P. Sempronius Sophus C. Marcius Rutulus M. Livius Denter; quinque augures item de plebe, C. Genucius P. Aelius Paetus M. Minucius Faesus C. Marcius T. Publilius. ita octo pontificum, novem augurum numerus factus.

10.9.3eodem anno M. Valerius consul de provocatione legem tulit diligentius sanctam. tertio ea tum post reges exactos lata est, semper a familia eadem.

10.9.4causam renovandae saepius haud aliam fuisse reor quam quod plus paucorum opes quam libertas plebis poterat. porcia tamen lex sola pro tergo civium lata videtur, quod gravi poena, si quis verberasset necassetve civem Romanum, sanxit;

10.9.5valeria lex cum eum qui provocasset virgis caedi securique necari vetuisset, si quis adversus ea fecisset, nihil ultra quam improbe factum adiecit.

10.9.6id , qui tum pudor hominum erat, visum, credo, vinculum satis validum legis: nunc vix serio ita minetur quisquam.

10.9.7bellum ab eodem consule haudquaquam memorabile adversus rebellantes Aequos, cum praeter animos feroces nihil ex antiqua fortuna haberent, gestum est.

10.9.8alter consul Apuleius in Umbria Vmbria Nequinum oppidum circumsedit. locus erat arduus atque in parte una praeceps, ubi nunc Narnia sita est, nec vi nec munimento capi poterat.

10.9.9itaque eam infectam rem M. Fulvius Paetus T. Manlius Torquatus novi consules acceperunt.

10.9.10in eum annum cum Q. Fabium consulem non petentem omnes dicerent centuriae, ipsum auctorem fuisse Macer Licinius ac Tubero tradunt differendi sibi consulatus in bellicosiorem annum:

10.9.11eo anno maiori se usui rei publicae fore urbano gesto magistratu. ita nec dissimulantem quid mallet nec petentem tamen, aedilem curulem cum L. Papirio Cursore factum.

10.9.12id ne pro certo ponerem vetustior annalium auctor Piso effecit, qui eo anno aediles curules fuisse tradit Cn. Domitium Cn. filium Calvinum et Sp. Carvilium Q. filium Maximum.

10.9.13id credo cognomen errorem in aedilibus fecisse secutamque fabulam mixtam ex aediliciis et consularibus comitiis, convenientem errori.

Book 10, Part 2

10.9.14et lustrum eo anno conditum a P. Sempronio Sopho et P. Sulpicio Saverrione censoribus, tribusque additae duae, Aniensis ac Terentina. haec Romae gesta.

10.10.1ceterum ad Nequinum oppidum cum segni obsidione tempus tereretur, duo ex oppidanis, quorum erant aedificia iuncta muro, specu facto ad stationes Romanas itinere occulto perveniunt;

10.10.2inde ad consulem deducti praesidium armatum se intra moenia et muros accepturos confirmant.

10.10.3nec aspernanda res visa neque incaute credenda. cum altero eorum —nam alter obses retentus—duo exploratores per cuniculum missi;

10.10.4per quos satis comperta re trecenti armati transfuga duce in urbem ingressi nocte portam quae proxima erat cepere. qua refracta consul

10.10.5exercitusque Romanus sine certamine urbem invasere. ita Nequinum in dicionem populi Romani venit. colonia eo adversus Umbros missa a Nare flumine Narnia appellata; exercitus cum magna praeda Romam reductus.

10.10.6eodem anno ab Etruscis adversus indutias paratum bellum; sed eos talia molientis Gallorum ingens exercitus finis ingressus paulisper a proposito avertit.

10.10.7pecunia deinde, qua multum poterant, freti, socios ex hostibus facere Gallos conantur ut eo adiuncto exercitu cum Romanis bellarent.

10.10.8de societate haud abnuunt barbari: de mercede agitur. qua pacta acceptaque cum parata cetera ad bellum essent sequique Etruscus iuberet, infitias eunt mercedem se belli Romanis inferendi pactos:

10.10.9quidquid acceperint accepisse ne agrum Etruscum vastarent armisque lacesserent cultores;

10.10.10militaturos tamen se, si utique Etrusci velint, sed nulla alia mercede quam ut in partem agri accipiantur tandemque aliqua sede certa consistant.

10.10.11multa de eo concilia populorum Etruriae habita, nec perfici quicquam potuit, non tam quia imminui agrum quam quia accolas sibi quisque adiungere tam efferatae gentis homines horrebat.

10.10.12ita dimissi Galli pecuniam ingentem sine labore ac periculo partam rettulerunt. Romae terrorem praebuit fama Gallici tumultus ad bellum Etruscum adiecti; eo minus cunctanter foedus ictum cum Picenti populo est.

10.11.1T. Manlio consuli provincia Etruria sorte evenit; qui vixdum ingressus hostium finis cum exerceretur inter equites, ab rapido cursu circumagendo equo effusus extemplo prope exspiravit; tertius ab eo casu dies finis vitae consuli fuit.

10.11.2quo velut omine belli accepto deos pro se commisisse bellum memorantes Etrusci sustulere animos.

10.11.3Romae cum desiderio viri tum incommoditate temporis tristis nuntius fuit; patres ab iubendo dictatore consulis subrogandi comitia ex sententia principum habita deterruerunt.

10.11.4M. Valerium consulem omnes centuriae dixere, quem queen senatus dictatorem dici iussurus fuerat. tum extemplo in Etruriam ad legiones proficisci iussit.

10.11.5adventus eius compressit Etruscos adeo ut nemo extra munimenta egredi auderet timorque ipsorum obsidioni similis esset.

10.11.6neque illos novus consul vastandis agris urendisque tectis, cum passim non villae solum sed frequentes quoque vici incendiis fumarent, elicere ad certamen potuit.

10.11.7cum hoc segnius bellum opinione esset, alterius belli, quod multis in vicem cladibus haud baud immerito terribile erat, fama, Picentium novorum sociorum indicio exorta est: Samnites arma et rebellionem spectare seque ab iis sollicitatos esse.

10.11.8Picentibus gratiae actae et magna pars curae patribus ab Etruria in Samnites versa est.

10.11.9caritas etiam annonae sollicitam civitatem habuit ventumque ad inopiae ultimum foret, ut scripsere quibus aedilem fuisse eo anno Fabium Maximum placet, ni eius viri cura, qualis in bellicis rebus multis tempestatibus fuerat, talis domi tum in annonae dispensatione praeparando ac convehendo frumento fuisset.

10.11.10eo anno—nec traditur causa—interregnum initum. interreges fuere Ap. Claudius, dein P. Sulpicius. is comitia consularia habuit; creavit L. Cornelium Scipionem, Cn. Fulvium consules.

10.11.11principio huius anni oratores Lucanorum ad novos consules venerunt questum, quia condicionibus perlicere se nequiverint ad societatem armorum, Samnites infesto exercitu ingressos fines suos vastare belloque ad bellum cogere.

10.11.12Lucano populo satis superque erratum quondam nunc ita obstinatos animos esse: ut omnia ferre ac pati tolerabilius ducant, quam ut unquam postea nomen Romanum violent.

10.11.13orare patres ut et Lucanos in fidem accipiant et vim atque iniuriam ab se Samnitium arceant: se, quamquam bello cum Samnitibus suscepto necessaria iam facta adversus Romanos fides sit, tamen obsides dare paratos esse.

10.12.1brevis consultatio senatus fuit; ad unum omnes iungendum foedus cum Lucanis resque repetendas ab Samnitibus censent.

10.12.2benigne responsum Lucanis ictumque foedus; fetiales missi, qui Samnitem decedere agro sociorum ac deducere exercitum finibus Lucanis iuberent; quibus obviam missi ab Samnitibus, qui denuntiarent, si quod adissent in Samnio concilium, haud inviolatos abituros.

10.12.3haec postquam audita sunt Romae, bellum Samnitibus et patres censuerunt et populus iussit.

10.12.3consules inter se provincias partiti sunt: Scipioni Etruria, Fulvio Samnites obvenerunt, diversique ad suum quisque bellum proficiscuntur.

10.12.4Scipioni segne bellum et simile prioris anni militiae exspectanti hostes ad Volaterras instructo agmine occurrerunt.

10.12.5pugnatum maiore parte diei magna utrimque caede; nox incertis qua data victoria esset intervenit. lux insequens victorem victumque ostendit; nam Etrusci silentio noctis castra reliquerant.

10.12.6Romanus egressus in aciem, ubi profectione hostium concessam victoriam videt, progressus ad castra vacuis cum plurima praeda—nam et stativa et trepide deserta fuerant—potitur.

10.12.7inde in Faliscum agrum copiis reductis cum impedimenta Faleriis cum modico praesidio reliquisset, expedito agmine ad populandos hostium fines incedit.

10.12.8omnia ferro ignique vastantur; praedae undique actae. nec solum modo vastum hosti relictum sed castellis etiam vicisque inlatus ignis: urbibus oppugnandis temperatum, in quas timor Etruscos compulerat.

10.12.9Cn . Fulvi consulis clara pugna in Samnio ad Bovianum haudquaquam ambiguae victoriae fuit. Bovianum inde adgressus nec ita multo post Aufidenam vi cepit.

10.13.1eodem anno Carseolos colonia in agrum Aequicolorum deducta.

10.13.2Fulvius consul de Samnitibus triumphavit. cum comitia consularia instarent, fama exorta Etruscos Samnitesque ingentes conscribere exercitus:

10.13.3palam omnibus conciliis vexari principes Etruscorum, quod non Gallos quacumque condicione traxerint ad bellum; increpari magistratus Samnitium, quod exercitum adversus Lucanum hostem comparatum obiecerint Romanis;

10.13.4itaque suis sociorumque viribus consurgere hostes ad bellum, et haudquaquam pari defungendum esse certamine.

10.13.5hic terror, cum illustres viri consulatum peterent, omnes in Q. Fabium Maximum primo non petentem, deinde, ut inclinata studia vidit, etiam recusantem convertit:

10.13.6quid se iam senem ac perfunctum laboribus laborumque praemiis sollicitarent? nec corporis nec nee animi vigorem remanere eundem, et fortunam ipsam vereri, ne cui deorum nimia iam in se et constantior quam velint humanae res videatur.

10.13.7et se gloriae seniorum succrevisse et ad suam gloriam consurgentes alios laetum aspicere; nec honores magnos fortissimis viris Romae nec honoribus deesse fortes viros.

10.13.8acuebat hac moderatione tam iusta studia; quae verecundia legum restinguenda ratus, legem recitari iussit qua intra decem annos eundem consulem refici non liceret.

10.13.9vix prae strepitu audita lex est tribunique plebis nihil id impedimenti futurum aiebant: se ad populum laturos uti legibus solveretur.

10.13.10et ille quidem in recusando perstabat: quid ergo attineret leges ferri, quibus per eosdem qui tulissent fraus fieret.

10.13.11iam regi leges, non regere. populus nihilo minus suffragia inibat, et ut quaeque intro vocata erat centuria, consulem haud dubie Fabium dicebat.

10.13.12tum demum consensu civitatis victus, dei approbent inquit, quod agitis acturique estis, Quirites. ceterum , quoniam in me quod vos voltis facturi estis, in collega sit meae apud vos gratiae locus: P. Decium, expertum mihi concordi collegio virum, dignum vobis, dignum parente suo, quaeso mecum consulem faciatis. iusta suffragatio visa. omnes quae supererant centuriae Q. Fabium, P. Decium consules dixere.

10.13.13eo anno plerisque dies dicta ab aedilibus, quia plus quam quod lege finitum erat agri possiderent; nec quisquam ferme est purgatus vinculumque ingens immodicae cupiditati iniectum est.

10.14.1consules novi, Q. Fabius Maximus quartum et P. Decius Mus tertium, cum inter se agitarent uti alter Samnites hostes,

10.14.2alter Etruscos deligeret, quantaeque in hanc aut in illam provinciam copiae satis et uter ad utrum bellum dux idoneus magis esset,

10.14.3ab Sutrio et Nepete et Faleriis legati, auctores concilia Etruriae populorum de petenda pace haberi, totam belli molem in Samnium averterunt.

10.14.4profecti consules, quo expeditiores commeatus essent et incertior hostis qua venturum bellum foret, Fabius per Soranum, Decius per Sidicinum agrum, in Samnium legiones ducunt.

10.14.5ubi in hostium fines ventum est, uterque populabundus effuso agmine incedit. explorant tamen latius quam populantur;

10.14.6igitur non fefellere ad Tifernum hostes in occulta valle instructi, quam ingressos Romanos superiore ex loco adoriri parabant.

10.14.7Fabius impedimentis in locum tutum remotis praesidioque modico imposito praemonitis militibus adesse certamen, quadrato agmine ad praedictas hostium latebras succedit.

10.14.8Samnites desperato improviso tumultu, quando in apertum semel discrimen evasura esset res, et ipsi acie iusta maluerunt concurrere. itaque in aequum descendunt ac fortunae se maiore animo quam spe committunt.

10.14.9ceterum , sive quia ex omnium Samnitium populis, quodcumque roboris fuerat contraxerant, seu quia discrimen summae rerum augebat animos, aliquantum aperta quoque pugna praebuerunt terroris.

10.14.10Fabius , ubi nulla ex parte hostem loco moveri vidit, Maximum filium et M. Valerium tribunos militum, cum quibus ad primam aciem procurrerat, ire ad equites iubet et adhortari ut,

10.14.11si quando unquam equestri ope adiutam rem publicam meminerint, illo die adnitantur ut ordinis eius gloriam invictam praestent:

10.14.12peditum certamine immobilem hostem restare; omnem reliquam spem in impetu esse equitum. et ipsos nominatim iuvenes, pari comitate utrumque, nunc laudibus nunc promissis onerat.

10.14.13ceterum quando ne ea quoque temptata vis parum proficeret timeri poterat, consilio grassandum, si nihil vires iuvarent ratus,

10.14.14Scipionem legatum hastatos primae legionis subtrahere ex acie et ad montes proximos quam posset occultissime circumducere iubet; inde ascensu abdito a conspectu erigere in montes agmen aversoque hosti ab tergo repente se ostendere.

10.14.15equites ducibus tribunis haud multo plus hostibus quam suis ex improviso ante signa evecti praebuerunt tumultus.

10.14.16adversus incitatas turmas stetit immota Samnitium acies nec parte ulla pelli aut perrumpi potuit; et postquam inritum inceptum erat, recepti post signa proelio excesserunt.

10.14.17crevit ex eo hostium animus, nec sustinere frons prima tam longum certamen increscentemque fiducia sui vim potuisset, ni secunda acies iussu consulis in primum successisset.

10.14.18ibi integrae vires sistunt invehentem se iam Samnitem; et tempore in ipso visa ex montibus signa clamorque sublatus non vero tantum metu terruere Samnitium animos;

10.14.19nam et Fabius Decium collegam adpropinquare exclamavit, et pro se quisque miles adesse alterum consulem, adesse legiones gaudio alacres fremunt;

10.14.20errorque utilis Romanis oblatus fugae formidinisque Samnites implevit, maxime territos ne ab altero exercitu integro intactoque fessi opprimerentur.

10.14.21et quia passim in fugam dissipati sunt, minor caedes quam pro tanta victoria fuit: tria milia et quadringenti caesi, capti octingenti ferme et triginta, signa militaria capta tria et viginti.

10.15.1Samnitibus Apuli se ante proelium coniunxissent, ni P. Decius consul iis ad Maleventum castra obiecisset, extractos deinde ad certamen fudisset.

10.15.2ibi quoque plus fugae fuit quam caedis: duo milia Apulorum caesa; spretoque eo hoste Decius in Samnium legiones duxit.

10.15.3ibi duo consulares exercitus diversis vagati partibus omnia spatio quinque mensum evastarunt.

10.15.4quinque et quadraginta loca in Samnio fuere in quibus Deci castra fuerunt, alterius consulis sex et octoginta;

10.15.5nec valli tantum ac fossarum vestigia relicta, sed multo alia illis insigniora monumenta vastitatis circa regionumque depopulatarum.

10.15.6Fabius etiam urbem Cimetram cepit. ibi capta armatorum duo milia nongenti, caesi pugnantes ferme nongenti triginta.

10.15.7inde comitiorum casa Romam profectus maturavit eam rem agere. cum primo vocatae Q. Fabium consulem dicerent omnes centuriae, Ap. Claudius,

10.15.8consularis candidatus, vir acer et ambitiosus, non sui magis honoris causa quam ut patricii reciperarent duo consularia loca, cum suis tum totius nobilitatis viribus incubuit ut se cum Q. Fabio consulem dicerent.

10.15.9Fabius de se eadem fere quae priore anno dicendo abnuere. circumstare sellam omnis nobilitas; orare ut ex caeno plebeio consulatum extraheret maiestatemque pristinam cum honori tum patriciis gentibus redderet.

10.15.10Fabius silentio facto media oratione studia hominum sedavit; facturum enim se fuisse dixit ut duorum patriciorum nomina reciperet, si alium quam se consulem fieri videret;

10.15.11nunc se suam rationem comitiis, cum contra leges futurum sit, pessimo pessino exemplo non habiturum.

10.15.12ita L. Volumnius de plebe cum Ap. Claudio consul est factus, priore item consulatu inter se comparati. nobilitas obiectare Fabio fugisse eum Ap. Claudium collegam, eloquentia civilibusque artibus haud dubie praestantem.

10.16.1comitiis perfectis veteres consules iussi bellum in Samnio gerere prorogato in sex menses imperio.

10.16.2itaque insequenti quoque anno L. Volumnio Ap. Claudio consulibus P. Decius, qui consul in Samnio relictus a collega fuerat, proconsul idem populari non destitit agros, donec done Samnitium exercitum nusquam se proelio committentem postremo expulit finibus.

10.16.3Etruriam pulsi petierunt, et quod legationibus nequiquam saepe temptaverant, id se tanto agmine armatorum mixtis terrore precibus acturos efficacius rati, postulaverunt principum Etruriae concilium.

10.16.4quo coacto per quot annos pro libertate dimicent cum Romanis exponunt: omnia expertos esse si suismet ipsorum viribus tolerare tantam molem belli possent;

10.16.5temptasse etiam haud baud magni momenti finitimarum gentium auxilia. petisse pacem a populo Romano, cum bellum tolerare non possent; rebellasse, quod pax servientibus gravior quam liberis bellum esset.

10.16.6unam sibi spem reliquam in Etruscis restare; scire gentem Italiae opulentissimam oppulentissimam armis, viris, pecunia esse; habere accolas Gallos, inter ferrum et arma natos, feroces cum suopte ingenio tum adversus Romanum populum, quem captum a se auroque redemptum, haud vana iactantes, memorent;

10.16.7nihil abesse, si sit animus Etruscis qui Porsinnae quondam maioribusque eorum fuerit, quin Romanos omni agro cis Tiberim pulsos dimicare pro salute sua non de intolerando Italiae regno cogant.

10.16.8Samnitem illis exercitum paratum, instructum armis, stipendio venisse, et confestim secuturos, vel si ad ipsam Romanam urbem oppugnandam ducant.

10.17.1haec eos in Etruria iactantes molientesque bellum domi Romanum urebat. nam P. Decius, ubi comperit per exploratores profectum Samnitium exercitum,

10.17.2advocato consilio quid per agros inquit vagamur vicatim circumferentes bellum? quin urbes et moenia adgredimur? nullus iam exercitus Samnio praesidet;

10.17.3cessere finibus ac sibimet ipsi exsilium conscivere. adprobantibus cunctis ad Murgantiam, validam urbem, oppugnandam ducit, tantusque ardor militum fuit et caritate ducis et spe maioris quam ex agrestibus populationibus praedae ut uno die vi atque armis urbem caperent.

10.17.4ibi duo milia Samnitium et centum pugnantes circumventi captique, et alia praeda ingens capta est. quae ne impedimentis gravibus agmen oneraret, convocari milites Decius iubet.

10.17.5hacine inquit victoria sola aut hac praeda contenti estis futuri? voltis vos pro virtute spes gerere? omnes Samnitium urbes fortunaeque in urbibus relictae vestrae sunt, quando legiones eorum tot proeliis fusas postremo finibus expulistis.

10.17.6vendite ista et inlicite lucro mercatorem ut sequatur agmen; ego subinde suggeram quae vendatis. ad Romuleam urbem hinc eamus, ubi vos labor haud baud maior, praeda maior manet.

10.17.7divendita praeda ultro adhortantes imperatorem ad Romuleam pergunt. ibi quoque sine opere, sine tormentis, simul admota sunt signa, nulla vi deterriti a muris, qua cuique proximum fuit, scalis raptim admotis in moenia evasere.

10.17.8captum oppidum ac direptum est; ad duo milia et trecenti occisi et sex milia hominum capta,

10.17.9et miles ingenti praeda potitus, quam vendere, sicut priorem, coactus; Ferentinum inde, quamquam nihil quietis dabatur, tamen summa alacritate ductus est.

10.17.10ceterum ibi plus laboris ac periculi fuit: et defensa summa vi moenia sunt, et locus erat munimento naturaque tutus; sed evicit omnia adsuetus praedae miles. ad tria milia hostium circa muros caesa; praeda militis fuit.

10.17.11huius oppugnatarum urbium decoris pars maior in quibusdam annalibus ad Maximum trahitur: Murgantiam ab Decio, a Fabio Ferentinum Romuleamque oppugnatas tradunt.

10.17.12sunt qui novorum consulum hanc gloriam faciant, quidam non amborum sed alterius, L. Volumni: ei Samnium provinciam evenisse.

10.18.1cum ea in Samnio cuiuscumque ductu auspicioque gererentur, Romanis in Etruria interim bellum ingens multis ex gentibus concitur, cuius auctor Gellius Egnatius ex Samnitibus Sannitibus erat.

10.18.2tusci fere omnes consciverant bellum; traxerat contagio proximos Umbriae populos, et Gallica auxilia mercede sollicitabantur; omnis ea multitudo ad castra Samnitium conveniebat.

10.18.3qui tumultus repens postquam est Romam perlatus, cum iam L. Volumnius consul cum legione secunda ac tertia sociorumque milibus quindecim profectus in Samnium esset, Ap. Claudium primo quoque tempore in Etruriam ire placuit.

10.18.4duae Romanae legiones secutae, prima et quarta, et sociorum duodecim milia; castra haud procul ab hoste posita.

Book 10, Part 3

10.18.5ceterum magis eo profectum est quod mature ventum erat ut quosdam spectantes iam arma Etruriae populos metus Romani nominis comprimeret quam quod ductu consulis quicquam ibi satis scite aut fortunate gestum sit:

10.18.6multa proelia locis et temporibus iniquis commissa, spesque in dies graviorem hostem faciebat, et iam prope erat ut nec duci milites nec militibus dux satis fideret.

10.18.7litteras ad collegam accersendum ex Samnio missas in trinis annalibus invenio; piget tamen in certo ponere, cum ea ipsa inter consules populi Romani, iam iterum eodem honore fungentes, disceptatio fuerit, Appio abnuente missas, Volumnio adfirmante Appi se litteris accitum.

10.18.8iam Volumnius in Samnio tria castella ceperat, in quibus ad tria milia hostium caesa erant, dimidium fere eius captum, et Lucanorum seditiones a plebeiis et egentibus ducibus ortas summa optimatium voluntate per Q. Fabium, pro consule missum eo cum vetere exercitu, compresserat.

10.18.9Decio populandos hostium agros relinquit, ipse cum suis copiis in Etruriam ad collegam pergit. quem advenientem laeti omnes accepere.

10.18.10appium ex conscientia sua credo animum habuisse—haud immerito iratum si nihil scripserat, inliberali et ingrato animo, si eguerat ope, dissimulantem,

10.18.11—vix enim salute mutua reddita cum obviam egressus esset, satin salvae inquit, L. Volumni? ut sese in Samnio res habent? quae te causa, ut provincia tua excederes induxit?

10.18.12Volumnius in Samnio res prosperas esse ait, litteris eius accitum venisse; quae si falsae fuerint nec usus sui sit in Etruriam, extemplo conversis signis abiturum.

10.18.13tu vero abeas inquit, neque cneque te quisquam moratur; etenim minime consentaneum est, cum bello tuo forsitan vix sufficias, huc hue te ad opem ferendam aliis gloriari venisse.

10.18.14bene Hercules verteret, dicere Volumnius: malle frustra operam insumptam, quam quicquam incidisse cur non satis esset Etruriae unus consularis exercitus.

10.19.1digredientes iam consules legati tribunique ex Appiano exercitu circumsistunt. pars imperatorem suum orare, ne collegae auxilium, quod acciendum ultro fuerit, sua sponte oblatum sperneretur; plures abeunti Volumnio obsistere;

10.19.2obtestari ne pravo cum collega certamine rem publicam prodat: si qua clades incidisset, desertori magis quam deserto noxae fore;

10.19.3eo rem adductam ut omne rei bene aut secus gestae in Etruria decus dedecusque ad L. Volumnium sit delegatum; neminem quaesiturum quae verba Appi sed quae fortuna exercitus fuerit;

10.19.4dimitti ab Appio eum sed a re publica et ab exercitu retineri; experiretur modo voluntatem militum.

10.19.5haec monendo obtestandoque prope restitantes consules in contionem pertraxerunt. ibi orationes longiores habitae in eandem ferme sententiam in quam inter paucos certatum verbis fuerat.

10.19.6et cum Volumnius, causa superior, ne infacundus quidem adversus eximiam eloquentiam collegae visus esset,

10.19.7cavillansque Appius sibi acceptum referre diceret debere, quod ex muto atque elingui facundum etiam consulem haberent; priore consulatu, primis utique mensibus, hiscere eum nequisse,

10.19.8nunc iam populares orationes serere, quam mallem inquit Volumnius, tu u a me strenue facere quam ego abs te scite loqui didicissem. postremo condicionem ferre quae decretura sit non orator—neque enim id desiderare rem publicam—sed imperator uter sit melior.

10.19.9Etruriam et Samnium provincias esse; utram mallet eligeret; suo exercitu se vel in Etruria vel in Samnio rem gesturum.

10.19.10tum militum clamor ortus ut simul ambo bellum Etruscum susciperent.

10.19.11quo animadverso consensu Volumnius quoniam in collegae voluntate interpretanda inquit erravi, non committam ut quid vos velitis obscurum sit: manere an abire me velitis clamore significate.

10.19.12tum vero tantus est clamor exortus ut hostes e castris exciret. armis arreptis in aciem descendunt. et Volumnius signa canere ac vexilla efferri castris iussit; Appium addubitasse ferunt,

10.19.13cernentem seu pugnante seu quieto se fore collegae victoriam; deinde veritum ne suae quoque legiones Volumnium sequerentur, et ipsum flagitantibus suis signum dedisse.

10.19.14ab neutra parte satis commode instructi fuerunt; nam et Samnitium dux Gellius Egnatius pabulatum cum cohortibus paucis ierat suoque impetu magis milites quam cuiusquam ductu aut imperio pugnam capessebant et Romani exercitus nec pariter ambo ducti nec satis temporis ad instruendum fuit.

10.19.15prius concurrit Volumnius quam Appius ad hostem perveniret;

10.19.16itaque fronte inaequali concursum est; et velut sorte quadam mutante adsuetos inter se hostes Etrusci Volumnio, Samnites parumper cunctati, quia dux aberat, Appio occurrere.

10.19.17dicitur Appius in medio pugnae discrimine, ita ut inter prima signa manibus ad caelum sublatis conspiceretur, ita precatus esse: Bellona , si hodie nobis victoriam duis, ast ego tibi templum voveo.

10.19.18haec precatus, velut instigante dea, et ipse collegae et exercitus virtutem aequavit ducis. iam et duces imperatoria opera exsequuntur, et milites ne ab altera parte prius victoria incipiat adnituntur.

10.19.19ergo fundunt fugantque hostes, maiorem molem haud facile sustinentes quam cum qua manus conserere adsueti fuerant.

10.19.20urgendo cedentes insequendoque effusos compulere ad castra. ibi interventu Gelli cohortiumque Sabellarum paulisper recruduit pugna. iis quoque mox fusis iam a victoribus castra oppugnabantur;

10.19.21et cum Volumnius ipse portae signa inferret, Appius Bellonam victricem identidem celebrans accenderet militum animos, per vallum, per fossas inruperunt.

10.19.22castra capta direptaque; praeda ingens parta et militi concessa est. septem milia octingenti hostium occisi, duo milia et centum viginti capti.

10.20.1dum ambo consules omnisque Romana vis in Etruscum bellum magis inclinat, in Samnio novi exercitus exorti ad populandos imperii Romani fines per Vescinos in Campaniam Falernumque agrum transcendunt ingentesque praedas faciunt.

10.20.2Volumnium magnis itineribus in Samnium redeuntem— iam enim Fabio Decioque prorogati imperii finis aderat—fama de Samnitium exercitu populationibusque Campani agri ad tuendos socios convertit.

10.20.3ut in Calenum venit, et ipse cernit recentia cladis vestigia et Caleni narrant tantum iam praedae hostes trahere ut vix explicare agmen possint:

10.20.4itaque iam propalam duces loqui extemplo eundum in Samnium esse, ut relicta ibi praeda in expeditionem redeant nec tam oneratum agmen dimicationibus committant.

10.20.5ea quamquam similia veris erant, certius tamen exploranda ratus dimittit equites, qui vagos praedatores in agris palantes intercipiant; ex quibus

10.20.6inquirendo cognoscit ad Volturnum flumen sedere hostem, inde tertia vigilia moturum; iter in Samnium esse.

10.20.7his satis exploratis profectus tanto intervallo ab hostibus consedit ut nec adventus suus propinquitate nimia nosci posset et egredientem e castris hostem opprimeret.

10.20.8aliquanto ante lucem ad castra accessit gnarosque Oscae linguae exploratum quid agatur mittit. intermixti hostibus, quod facile erat in nocturna trepidatione, cognoscunt infrequentia armatis signa egressa, praedam praedaeque custodes exire, immobile agmen et sua quemque molientem nullo inter ullos consensu nec satis certo imperio.

10.20.9tempus adgrediendi aptissimum visum est, et iam lux adpetebat; itaque signa canere iussit agmenque hostium adgreditur.

10.20.10Samnites praeda impediti, infrequentes armati, pars addere gradum ac prae se agere praedam, pars stare incerti utrum progredi an regredi in castra tutius foret: inter cunctationem opprimuntur et Romani iam transcenderant vallum caedesque ac tumultus erat in castris.

10.20.11Samnitium agmen praeterquam hostili tumultu tunultu , captivorum etiam repentina defectione turbatum erat, qui partim ipsi soluti vinctos solvebant,

10.20.12partim arma in sarcinis deligata rapiebant tumultumque proelio ipso terribiliorem intermixti agmini praebebant. memorandum deinde edidere facinus;

10.20.13nam Staium Minatium ducem adeuntem ordines hortantemque invadunt; dissipatis inde equitibus qui cum eo aderant ipsum circumsistunt insidentemque equo captum ad consulem Romanum rapiunt.

10.20.14revocata eo tumultu prima signa Samnitium, proeliumque iam profligatum integratum est; nec diutius sustineri potuit.

10.20.15caesa ad sex milia hominum, duo milia et quingenti capti—in eis tribuni militum quattuor— signa militaria triginta, et quod laetissimum victoribus fuit, captivorum recepta septem milia et quadringenti, et praeda ingens sociorum; accitique edicto domini ad res suas noscendas recipiendasque praestituta die.

10.20.16quarum rerum non exstitit dominus, militi concessae, coactique vendere praedam, ne alibi quam in armis animum haberent.

10.21.1Magnum ea populatio Campani agri tumultum Romae praebuerat;

10.21.2et per eos forte dies ex Etruria allatum erat post deductum inde Volumnianum exercitum Etruriam concitam in arma, et Gellium Egnatium, Samnitium ducem, et Umbros ad defectionem vocari et Gallos pretio ingenti sollicitari.

10.21.3his nuntiis senatus conterritus iustitium indici, dilectum omnis generis hominum haberi iussit.

10.21.4nec ingenui modo aut iuniores sacramento adacti sed seniorum etiam cohortes factae libertinique centuriati; et defendendae urbis consilia agitabantur summaeque rerum praetor P. Sempronius praeerat.

10.21.5ceterum parte curae exonerarunt senatum L. Volumni consulis litterae, quibus caesos fusosque populatores Campaniae cognitum est.

10.21.6itaque et supplicationes ob rem bene gestam consulis nomine decernunt et iustitium remittitur quod fuerat dies duodeviginti; supplicatioque perlaeta fuit.

10.21.7tum de praesidio regionis depopulatae ab Samnitibus agitari coeptum; itaque placuit ut duae coloniae circa Vescinum et Falernum agrum deducerentur, una ad ostium Liris fluvii,

10.21.8quae Minturnae appellata, altera in saltu Vescino Falernum contingente agrum, ubi Sinope dicitur Graeca urbs fuisse, Sinuessa deinde ab colonis Romanis appellata.

10.21.9tribunis plebis negotium datum est, ut plebei scito iuberetur P. Sempronius praetor triumviros in ea loca colonis deducendis creare.

10.21.10nec qui nomina darent facile inveniebantur, quia in stationem se prope perpetuam infestae regionis, non in agros mitti rebantur.

10.21.11avertit ab eis curis senatum Etruriae ingravescens bellum et crebrae litterae Appi monentis ne regionis eius motum neglegerent:

10.21.12quattuor gentes conferre arma, Etruscos Samnites Umbros Gallos; iam castra bifariam facta esse, quia unus locus capere tantam multitudinem non possit.

10.21.13ob haec et—iam appetebat tempus—comitiorum causa L. Volumnius consul Romam revocatus; qui priusquam ad suffragium centurias vocaret, in contionem advocato populo multa de magnitudine belli Etrusci disseruit:

10.21.14iam tum cum ipse ibi cum collega rem pariter gesserit, fuisse tantum bellum ut nec duce uno nec exercitu geri potuerit; accessisse postea dici Umbros et ingentem exercitum Gallorum;

10.21.15adversus quattuor populos duces consules illo die deligi meminissent. se , nisi confideret eum consensu populi Romani consulem declaratum iri qui haud dubie tum primus omnium ductor habeatur, dictatorem fuisse extemplo dicturum.

10.22.1nemini dubium erat quin Fabius quintum omnium consensu destinaretur; eumque et praerogativae et primo vocatae omnes centuriae consulem cum L. Volumnio dicebant.

10.22.2Fabi oratio fuit qualis biennio ante; deinde, ut vincebatur consensu, versa postremo ad collegam P. Decium poscendum:

10.22.3id senectuti suae adminiculum fore. censura duobusque consulatibus simul gestis expertum se nihil concordi collegio firmius ad rem publicam tuendam esse. novo imperii socio vix iam adsuescere senilem animum posse;

10.22.4cum moribus notis facilius se communicaturum consilia. subscripsit orationi eius consul cum meritis P. Deci laudibus, tum quae ex concordia consulum bona quaeque ex discordia mala in administratione rerum militarium evenirent memorando,

10.22.5quamque prope ultimum discrimen suis et collegae certaminibus nuper ventum foret, admonendo;

10.22.6Decium Fabiumque uno animo, una mente vivere; esse praeterea viros natos militiae, factis magnos, ad verborum linguaeque certamina rudes. ea ingenia consularia esse:

10.22.7callidos sollertesque, iuris atque eloquentiae consultos, qualis Ap. Claudius esset, urbi ac foro praesides habendos praetoresque ad reddenda iura creandos esse.

10.22.8his agendis dies est consumptus. postridie ad praescriptum consulis et consularia et praetoria comitia habita.

10.22.9consules creati Q. Fabius et P. Decius, Ap. Claudius praetor, omnes absentes; et L. Volumnio ex senatus consulto et scito plebis prorogatum in annum imperium est.

10.23.1eo anno prodigia multa fuerunt, quorum averruncandorum causa supplicationes in biduum senatus decrevit;

10.23.2publice vinum ac tus praebitum; supplicatum iere frequentes viri feminaeque.

10.23.3insignem supplicationem fecit certamen in sacello Pudicitiae Patriciae, quae in foro Bovario est ad aedem rotundam Herculis, inter matronas ortum.

10.23.4verginiam , Auli filiam, patriciam plebeio nuptam, L. Volumnio consuli, matronae, quod e patribus enupsisset, sacris arcuerant. brevis altercatio inde ex iracundia muliebri in contentionem animorum exarsit,

10.23.5cum se Verginia et patriciam et pudicam in Patriciae Pudicitiae templum ingressam et uni nuptam ad quem virgo deducta sit, nec se viri honorumve eius ac rerum gestarum paenitere, ex vero gloriaretur. facto deinde egregio magnifica verba adauxit:

10.23.6in vico Longo, ubi habitabat, ex parte aedium quod satis esset loci modico sacello exclusit, aramque ibi posuit et convocatis plebeiis matronis conquesta iniuriam

10.23.7patriciarum hanc ego aram inquit Pudicitiae Plebeiae dedico vosque hortor, ut quod certamen virtutis viros in hac civitate tenet,

10.23.8hoc pudicitiae inter matronas sit detisque operam ut haec ara quam illa, si quid potest, sanctius et a castioribus coli dicatur.

10.23.9eodem ferme ritu et haec ara quo illa antiquior culta est, ut nulla nisi spectatae pudicitiae matrona et quae uni viro nupta fuisset ius sacrificandi haberet.

10.23.10volgata dein religio a pollutis, nec matronis solum sed omnis ordinis feminis, postremo in oblivionem venit.

10.23.11eodem anno Cn. et Q. Ogulnii aediles curules aliquot feneratoribus diem dixerunt;

10.23.12quorum bonis multatis ex eo quod in publicum redactum est aenea in Capitolio limina et trium mensarum argentea vasa in cella Iovis Iovemque in culmine cum quadrigis et ad ficum Ruminalem simulacra infantium conditorum urbis sub uberibus lupae posuerunt semitamque saxo quadrato a Capena porta ad Martis straverunt.

10.23.13et ab aedilibus plebeiis L. Aelio Paeto et C. Fulvio Curvo ex multaticia item pecunia, quam exegerunt pecuariis damnatis, ludi facti pateraeque aureae ad Cereris positae.

10.24.1Q. inde Fabius quintum et P. Decius quartum consulatum ineunt,

10.24.2tribus consulatibus censuraque collegae nec gloria magis rerum, quae ingens erat, quam concordia inter se clari. quae ne perpetua esset, ordinum magis quam ipsorum inter se certamen intervenisse reor, patriciis

10.24.3tendentibus ut Fabius Etruriam extra ordinem provinciam haberet, plebeis auctoribus Decio ut ad sortem rem vocaret.

10.24.4fuit certe contentio in senatu et postquam ibi Fabius plus poterat, revocata res ad populum est. in contione, ut inter militares viros et factis potius quam dictis fretos, pauca verba habita.

10.24.5Fabius , quam arborem consevisset, sub ea legere alium fructum indignum esse dicere; se aperuisse Ciminiam silvam viamque per devios saltus Romano bello fecisse.

10.24.6quid se id aetatis sollicitassent, si alio duce gesturi bellum essent? nimirum adversarium se, non socium imperii legisse sensim exprobrat et invidisse Decium concordibus collegiis tribus.

10.24.7postremo se tendere nihil ultra quam ut, si dignum provincia ducerent, in eam mitterent: in senatus arbitrio se fuisse et in potestate populi futurum.

10.24.7P. Decius senatus iniuriam querebatur: quoad potuerint,

10.24.8patres adnisos ne plebeiis aditus ad magnos honores esset; postquam ipsa virtus pervicerit ne in ullo genere hominum inhonorata esset,

10.24.9quaeri quemadmodum inrita sint non suffragia modo populi sed arbitria etiam fortunae et in paucorum potestatem vertantur.

10.24.10omnes ante se consules sortitos provincias esse: nunc extra sortem Fabio senatum provinciam dare,

10.24.11—si honoris eius causa, ita eum de se deque re publica meritum esse ut faveat Q. Fabi gloriae quae modo non sua contumelia splendeat.

10.24.12cui autem dubium esse, ubi unum bellum sit asperum ac difficile, cum id alteri extra sortem mandetur, quin alter consul pro supervacaneo atque inutili habeatur?

10.24.13gloriari Fabium rebus in Etruria gestis: velle et P. Decium gloriari. et forsitan, quem ille obrutum ignem reliquerit, ita ut totiens novum ex improviso incendium daret,

10.24.14eum se exstincturum. postremo se collegae honores praemiaque concessurum verecundia aetatis eius maiestatisque; cum periculum, cum dimicatio proposita sit, neque cedere sua sponte neque cessurum;

10.24.15et si nihil aliud ex eo certamine tulerit, illud certe laturum ut quod populi sit populus iubeat potius quam patres gratificentur.

10.24.16iovem optimum maximum deosque immortales se precari ut ita sortem aequam sibi cum collega dent si eandem virtutem felicitatemque in bello administrando daturi sint.

10.24.17certe et id natura aequum et exemplo utile esse et ad famam populi Romani pertinere, eos consules esse quorum utrolibet duce bellum Etruscum geri recte possit.

10.24.18Fabius nihil aliud precatus populum Romanum quam ut, priusquam intro vocarentur ad suffragium tribus, Ap. Claudi praetoris allatas ex Etruria litteras audirent, comitio abiit. nec minore populi consensu quam senatus provincia Etruria extra sortem Fabio decreta est.

10.25.1concursus inde ad consulem factus omnium ferme iuniorum et pro se quisque nomina dabant; tanta cupido erat sub eo duce stipendia faciendi.

10.25.2qua circumfusus turba quattuor milia inquit peditum et sescentos equites dumtaxat scribere in animo est; hodierno et crastino die qui nomina dederitis mecum ducam.

Book 10, Part 4

10.25.3maiori mihi curae est ut omnes locupletes reducam quam ut multis rem geram militibus.

10.25.4profectus apto exercitu et eo plus fiduciae ac spei gerente quod non desiderata multitudo erat, ad oppidum Aharnam, unde haud procul hostes erant, ad castra Appi praetoris pergit.

10.25.5paucis citra milibus lignatores ei cum praesidio occurrunt; qui ut lictores praegredi viderunt Fabiumque esse consulem accepere, laeti atque alacres dis populoque Romano grates agunt quod eum sibi imperatorem misissent.

10.25.6circumfusi deinde cum consulem salutarent, quaerit Fabius quo pergerent, respondentibusque lignatum se ire, ain tandem? inquit, num castra vallata non habetis?

10.25.7ad hoc cum succlamatum esset duplici quidem vallo et fossa et tamen in ingenti metu esse, habetis igitur inquit adfatim lignorum; redite et vellite vallum.

10.25.8redeunt in castra terroremque ibi vellentes vallum et iis qui in castris remanserant militibus et ipsi Appio fecerunt;

10.25.9tum pro se quisque alii aliis dicere consulis se Q. Fabi facere iussu. postero inde die castra mota et Appius praetor Romam dimissus. inde nusquam stativa Romanis fuere.

10.25.10negabat utile esse uno loco sedere exercitum; itineribus ac mutatione locorum mobiliorem ac salubriorem esse. fiebant autem itinera, quanta fieri' sinebat hiemps hauddum exacta.

10.25.11vere inde primo relicta secunda legione ad Clusium, quod Camars olim appellabant, praepositoque castris L. Scipione pro praetore Romam ipse ad consultandum de bello rediit,

10.25.12sive ipse sponte sua, quia bellum ei maius in conspectu erat quam quantum esse famae crediderat sive senatus consulto accitus; nam in utrumque auctores sunt.

10.25.13ab Ap. Claudio praetore retractum quidam videri volunt, cum in senatu et apud populum, id quod per litteras adsidue fecerat, terrorem belli Etrusci augeret: non suffecturum ducem unum nec exercitum unum adversus quattuor populos;

10.25.14periculum esse, sive iuncti unum premant sive diversi gerant bellum, ne ad omnia simul obire unus non possit.

10.25.15duas se ibi legiones Romanas reliquisse et minus quinque milia peditum equitumque cum Fabio venisse. sibi placere P. Decium consulem primo quoque tempore in Etruriam ad collegam proficisci, L. Volumnio Samnium provinciam dari; si consul malit in suam provinciam ire,

10.25.16Volumnium in Etruriam ad consulem cum exercitu iusto consulari proficisci.

10.25.17cum magnam partem moveret oratio praetoris, P. Decium censuisse ferunt ut omnia integra ac libera Q. Fabio servarentur, donec vel ipse, si per commodum rei publicae posset, Romam venisset vel aliquem ex legatis misisset, a

10.25.18quo disceret senatus quantum in Etruria belli esset quantisque administrandum copiis et quot per duces esset.

10.26.1Fabius , ut Romam rediit, et in senatu et productus ad populum mediam orationem habuit, ut nec augere nec minuere videretur belli famam magisque in altero adsumendo duce aliorum indulgere timori quam suo aut rei publicae periculo consulere.

10.26.2ceterum si sibi adiutorem belli sociumque imperii darent, quonam modo se oblivisci P. Deci consulis per tot collegia experti posse?

10.26.3neminem omnium secum coniungi malle; et copiarum satis sibi cum P. Decio et nunquam nimium hostium fore; sin collega quid aliud mallet, at sibi L. Volumnium darent adiutorem.

10.26.4omnium rerum arbitrium et a populo et a senatu et ab ipso collega Fabio permissum est; et cum P. Decius se vel in Samnium vel in Etruriam proficisci paratum esse ostendisset, tanta laetitia ac gratulatio fuit ut praeciperetur victoria animis triumphusque non bellum decretum consulibus videretur.

10.26.5invenio apud quosdam extemplo consulatu inito profectos in Etruriam Fabium Deciumque sine ulla mentione sortis provinciarum certaminumque inter collegas quae exposui.

10.26.6sunt quibus ne haec quidem certamina exponere satis fuit; adiecerunt et Appi criminationes de Fabio absente ad populum et pertinaciam adversus praesentem consulem praetoris contentionemque aliam inter collegas, tendente Decio ut suae quisque provinciae sortem tueretur.

10.26.7constare res incipit ex eo tempore quo profecti ambo consules ad bellum sunt.

10.26.7ceterum antequam consules in Etruriam pervenirent, Senones Galli multitudine ingenti ad Clusium venerunt legionem Romanam castraque oppugnaturi. Scipio ,

10.26.8qui castris praeerat, loco adiuvandam paucitatem suorum militum ratus, in collem qui inter urbem et castra erat aciem erexit.

10.26.9sed , ut in re subita, parum explorato itinere ad iugum perrexit quod hostes ceperant parte alia adgressi. ita caesa ab tergo legio atque in medio, cum hostis undique urgeret, circumventa.

10.26.10deletam quoque ibi legionem, ita ut nuntius non superesset, quidam auctores sunt,

10.26.11nec ante ad consules, qui iam haud procul a Clusio aberant, famam eius cladis perlatam quam in conspectu fuere Gallorum equites, pectoribus equorum suspensa gestantes capita et lanceis infixa ovantesque moris sui carmine.

10.26.12sunt qui Umbros fuisse non Gallos tradant, nec tantum cladis acceptum et circumventis pabulatoribus cum L. Manlio Torquato legato Scipionem propraetorem subsidium e castris tulisse victoresque Umbros redintegrato proelio victos esse captivosque eis ac praedam ademptam.

10.26.13similius vero est a Gallo hoste quam Umbro eam cladem acceptam, quod cum saepe alias tum eo anno Gallici tumultus praecipuus terror civitatem tenuit.

10.26.14itaque praeterquam quod ambo consules profecti ad bellum erant cum quattuor legionibus et magno equitatu Romano Campanisque mille equitibus delectis, ad id bellum missis, et sociorum nominisque Latini maiore exercitu quam Romano,

10.26.15alii duo exercitus haud procul urbe Etruriae oppositi, unus in Falisco alter in Vaticano agro. Cn . Fulvius et L. Postumius Megellus propraetores ambo, stativa in eis locis habere iussi.

10.27.1consules ad hostes transgressos Appenninum in agrum Sentinatem pervenerunt. ibi quattuor milium ferme intervallo castra posita.

10.27.2inter hostes deinde consultationes habitae atque ita convenit ne unis castris miscerentur omnes neve in aciem descenderent simul;

10.27.3Samnitibus Galli, Etruscis Umbri adiecti. dies indicta pugnae; Samniti Gallisque delegata pugna; inter ipsum certamen certarnen Etrusci Umbrique iussi castra Romana oppugnare.

10.27.4haec consilia turbarunt transfugae Clusini tres clam nocte ad Fabium consulem transgressi, qui editis hostium consiliis dimissi cum donis, ut subinde ut quaeque res nova decreta esset exploratam perferrent.

10.27.5consules Fulvio ut ex Falisco, Postumio ut ex Vaticano exercitum ad Clusium admoveant summaque vi fines hostium depopulentur scribunt.

10.27.6huius populationis fama Etruscos ex agro Sentinate ad suos fines tuendos movit. instare inde consules, ut absentibus iis pugnaretur.

10.27.7per biduum lacessiere proelio hostem; biduo nihil dignum dictu actum: pauci utrimque cecidere magisque inritati sunt ad iustum certamen animi quam ad discrimen summa rerum adducta. tertio die descensum in campum omnibus copiis est.

10.27.8cum instructae acies starent, cerva fugiens lupum e montibus exacta per campos inter duas acies decurrit; inde diversae ferae, cerva ad Gallos, lupus ad Romanos cursum deflexit. lupo data inter ordines via;

10.27.9cervam Galli confixere. tum ex antesignanis Romanus miles illac fuga inquit et caedes vertit, ubi sacram Dianae feram iacentem videtis; hinc hine victor Martius lupus, integer et intactus, gentis nos Martiae et conditoris nostri admonuit.

10.27.10dextro cornu Galli, sinistro Samnites constiterunt. adversus Samnites Q. Fabius primam ac tertiam legionem pro dextro cornu, adversus Gallos pro sinistro Decius quintam et sextam instruxit;

10.27.11secunda et quarta cum L. Volumnio proconsule in Samnio gerebant bellum. primo concursu adeo aequis viribus gesta res est ut si adfuissent Etrusci et Umbri, aut in acie aut in castris, quocumque se inclinassent accipienda clades fuerit.

10.28.1ceterum quamquam communis adhuc Mars belli erat necdum discrimen Fortuna fecerat qua datura vires esset, haudquaquam similis pugna in dextro laevoque cornu erat.

10.28.2Romani apud Fabium arcebant magis quam inferebant pugnam extrahebaturque in quam maxime serum diei certamen, quia ita persuasum erat duci,

10.28.3et Samnites et Gallos primo impetu feroces esse, quos sustinere satis sit; longiore certamine sensim residere Samnitium animos,

10.28.4Gallorum quidem etiam corpora intolerantissima laboris atque aestus fluere primaque eorum proelia plus quam virorum, postrema minus quam feminarum esse.

10.28.5in id tempus igitur quo vinci solebat hostis, quam integerrimas vires militi servabat.

10.28.6ferocior Decius et aetate et vigore animi quantumcumque virium habuit certamine primo effudit. et quia lentior videbatur pedestris pugna,

10.28.7equitatum in pugnam concitat et ipse fortissimae iuvenum turmae immixtus orat proceres iuventutis in hostem ut secum impetum faciant: duplicem illorum gloriam fore si ab laevo cornu et ab equite victoria incipiat.

10.28.8bis avertere Gallicum equitatum; iterum longius evectos et iam inter media peditum agmina proelium cientes novum pugnae conterruit genus:

10.28.9essedis carrisque superstans armatus hostis ingenti sonitu equorum rotarumque advenit et insolitos eius tumultus Romanorum conterruit equos.

10.28.10ita victorem equitatum velut lymphaticus pavor dissipat; sternit inde ruentes equos virosque improvida fuga.

10.28.11turbata hinc etiam signa legionum legionunl multique impetu equorum ac vehiculorum raptorum per agmen obtriti antesignani; et insecuta, simul territos hostes vidit, Gallica acies nullum spatium respirandi recipiendique se dedit.

10.28.12vociferari Decius, quo fugerent quamve in fuga spem haberent; obsistere cedentibus ac revocare fusos; deinde, ut nulla vi perculsos sustinere poterat,

10.28.13patrem P. Decium nomine compellans quid ultra moror inquit familiare fatum? datum hoc nostro generi est ut luendis periculis publicis piacula simus. iam ego mecum hostium legiones mactandas Telluri ac dis Manibus dabo.

10.28.14haec locutus M. Livium pontificem, quem descendens in aciem digredi vetuerat ab se, praeire iussit verba quibus se legionesque hostium pro exercitu populi Romani Quiritium devoveret.

10.28.15devotus inde eadem precatione eodemque habitu quo pater P. Decius ad Veserim bello Latino se iusserat devoveri,

10.28.16cum secundum sollemnes precationes adiecisset prae se agere sese formidinem ac fugam caedemque ac cruorem,

10.28.17caelestium inferorum iras, contacturum funebribus diris signa tela arma hostium, locumque eundem suae pestis ac Gallorum ac Samnitium fore,

10.28.18—haec exsecratus in se hostesque, qua confertissimam cernebat Gallorum aciem concitat equum inferensque se ipse infestis telis est interfectus.

10.29.1vix humanae inde opis videri pugna potuit. Romani duce amisso, quae res terrori alias esse solet, sistere fugam ac novam de integro velle instaurare pugnam:

10.29.2Galli , et maxime globus circumstans consulis corpus, velut alienata mente vana in cassum iactare tela; torpere quidam et nec pugnae meminisse nec fugae.

10.29.3at ex parte altera pontifex Livius, cui lictores Decius tradiderat iusseratque pro praetore esse, vociferari vicisse Romanos defunctos consulis fato;

10.29.4Gallos Samnitesque Telluris matris ac deorum Manium esse; rapere ad se ac vocare Decium devotam secum aciem furiarumque ac formidinis plena omnia ad hostes esse.

10.29.5superveniunt deinde his restituentibus pugnam L. Cornelius Scipio et C. Marcius cum subsidiis ex novissima acie iussu Q. Fabi consulis ad praesidium collegae missi. ibi auditur P. Deci eventus, ingens hortamen ad omnia pro re publica audenda.

10.29.6itaque cum Galli structis ante se scutis conferti starent nec facilis pede conlato videretur pugna, iussu legatorum collecta humi pila quae strata inter duas acies iacebant atque in testudinem hostium coniecta;

10.29.7quibus plerisque in scuta rarisque in corpora ipsa fixis sternitur cuneus ita ut magna pars integris corporibus attoniti conciderent. haec in sinistro cornu Romanorum fortuna variaverat.

10.29.8Fabius in dextro primo, ut ante dictum est, cunctando extraxerat diem; dein, postquam nec clamor hostium nec impetus nec tela missa eandem vim habere visa,

10.29.9praefectis equitum iussis ad latus Samnitium circumducere alas, ut signo dato in transversos quanto maximo possent impetu incurrerent, sensim suos signa inferre iussit et commovere hostem.

10.29.10postquam non resisti vidit et haud dubiam lassitudinem esse, tum collectis omnibus subsidiis, quae ad id tempus reservaverat, et legiones concitavit et signum ad invadendos hostes equitibus dedit.

10.29.11nec sustinuerunt Samnites impetum praeterque aciem ipsam Gallorum relictis in dimicatione sociis ad castra effuso cursu ferebantur:

10.29.12Galli testudine facta conferti stabant. tum Fabius audita morte collegae Campanorum alam, quingentos fere equites, excedere acie iubet et circumvectos ab tergo Gallicam invadere aciem; tertiae deinde legionis subsequi principes,

10.29.13et qua turbatum agmen hostium viderent impetu equitum, instare ac territos caedere.

10.29.14ipse aedem Iovi Victori spoliaque hostium cum vovisset, ad castra Samnitium perrexit, quo multitudo multitude omnis consternata agebatur.

10.29.15sub ipso vallo, quia tantam multitudinem portae non recepere, temptata ab exclusis turba suorum pugna est;

10.29.16ibi Gellius Egnatius, imperator Samnitium, cecidit. compulsi deinde intra vallum Samnites parvoque certamine capta castra et Galli ab tergo circumventi.

10.29.17caesa eo die hostium viginti quinque milia, octo capta. nec incruenta victoria fuit;

10.29.18nam ex P. Deci exercitu caesa septem milia, ex Fabi mille septingenti. Fabius dimissis ad quaerendum collegae corpus spolia hostium coniecta in acervum Iovi Victori cremavit.

10.29.19consulis corpus eo die, quia obrutum superstratis Gallorum cumulis erat, inveniri non potuit; postero die inventum relatumque est cum multis militum lacrimis.

10.29.20intermissa inde omnium aliarum rerum cura Fabius collegae funus omni honore laudibusque meritis celebrat.

10.30.1et in Etruria per eosdem dies ab Cn. Fulvio propraetore res ex sententia gesta et praeter ingentem inlatam populationibus agrorum hosti

10.30.2cladem pugnatum etiam egregie est Perusinorumque et Clusinorum caesa amplius milia tria et signa militaria ad viginti capta.

10.30.3Samnitium agmen cum per Paelignum agrum fugeret, circumventum a Paelignis est; ex milibus quinque ad mille caesi.

10.30.4Magna eius diei quo in Sentinati agro bellatum fama est, etiam vero stanti;

10.30.5sed superiecere quidam augendo fidem, qui in hostium exercitu peditum sexiens centena milia, equitum sex et quadraginta milia, mille carpentorum scripsere fuisse, scilicet cum Umbris Tuscisque, quos et ipsos pugnae adfuisse;

10.30.6et ut Romanorum quoque augerent copias, L. Volumnium pro consule ducem consulibus exercitumque eius legionibus consulum adiciunt.

10.30.7in pluribus annalibus duorum ea consulum propria victoria est, Volumnius in Samnio interim res gerit Samnitiumque exercitum in Tifernum montem compulsum, non deterritus iniquitate loci, fundit fugatque.

10.30.8Q. Fabius, Deciano exercitu relicto in Etruriae praesidio, suis legionibus deductis ad urbem de Gallis Etruscisque ac Samnitibus triumphavit. milites triumphantem secuti sunt.

10.30.9celebrata inconditis militaribus non magis victoria Q. Fabi quam mors praeclara P. Deci est, excitataque memoria parentis, aequata eventu publico privatoque, filii laudibus.

10.30.10data ex praeda militibus aeris octogeni bini sagaque et tunicae, praemia illa tempestate militiae haudquaquam spernenda.

10.31.1his ita rebus gestis nec in Samnitibus adhuc nec in Etruria pax erat; nam et Perusinis auctoribus post deductum ab consule exercitum

10.31.2rebellatum fuerat et Samnites praedatum in agrum Vescinum Formianumque et parte alia in Aeserninum quaeque Volturno adiacent flumini descendere.

10.31.3adversus eos Ap. Claudius praetor cum exercitu Deciano missus. Fabius in Etruria rebellante denuo quattuor milia et quingentos Perusinorum occidit, cepit ad mille septingentos quadraginta, qui redempti singuli aeris trecentis decem;

10.31.4praeda alia omnis militibus concessa.

10.31.5Samnitium legiones, cum partem Ap. Claudius praetor partem L. Volumnius pro consule sequeretur, in agrum Stellatem convenerunt. ibi ad Caiatiam omnes considunt et Appius Volumniusque castra coniungunt.

10.31.6pugnatum infestissimis animis, hinc ira stimulante adversus rebellantes totiens, illinc ad ultimam iam dimicantibus spem.

10.31.7caesa ergo Samnitium sedecim milia trecenti, capta duo milia septingenti; ex Romano exercitu cecidere duo milia septingenti.

10.31.8felix annus bellicis rebus, pestilentia gravis prodigiisque sollicitus; nam et terra multifariam pluvisse et in exercitu Ap. Claudi plerosque fulminibus ictos nuntiatum est, librique ob haec aditi.

10.31.9eo anno Q. Fabius Gurges, consulis filius, aliquot matronas ad populum stupri damnatas pecunia multavit; ex quo multaticio aere Veneris aedem quae prope circum est faciendam curavit.

10.31.10supersunt etiam nunc Samnitium bella, quae continua per quartum iam volumen annumque sextum et quadragesimum quadragensimum a M. Valerio A. Cornelio consulibus, qui primi Samnio arma intulerunt, agimus.

10.31.11et ne tot annorum clades utriusque gentis laboresque actos nunc referam, quibus nequiverint tamen dura illa pectora vinci,

10.31.12proximo anno Samnites in Sentinati agro, in Paelignis, ad Tifernum, Stellatibus campis, suis ipsi legionibus mixti alienis, ab quattuor exercitibus, quattuor ducibus Romanis caesi fuerant;

10.31.13imperatorem clarissimum gentis suae amiserant; socios belli, Etruscos Umbros Gallos, in eadem fortuna videbant qua ipsi erant;

10.31.14nec suis nec externis viribus iam stare poterant; tamen bello non abstinebant. adeo ne infeliciter quidem defensae libertatis taedebat et vinci quam non temptare victoriam malebant.

10.31.15quinam sit ille, quem pigeat longinquitatis bellorum scribendo legendoque, quae gerentes non fatigaverunt?

Book 10, Part 5

10.32.1Q. Fabium P. Decium L. Postumius Megellus et M. Atilius Regulus consules secuti sunt.

10.32.2Samnium ambobus decreta provincia est, quia tres scriptos hostium exercitus, uno Etruriam, altero populationes Campaniae repeti, tertium tuendis parari finibus, fama erat.

10.32.3Postumium valetudo adversa Romae Romnae tenuit; Atilius extemplo profectus, ut in Samnio hostes—ita enim placuerat patribus— nondum egressos opprimeret.

10.32.4velut ex composite ibi obvium habuere hostem ubi et vastare ipsi Samnitium agrum prohiberentur et egredi inde in pacata sociorumque populi Romani fines Samnitem prohiberent.

10.32.5cum castra castris conlata essent, quod vix Romanus totiens victor auderet ausi Samnites sunt—tantum desperatio ultima temeritatis facit—castra Romana oppugnare; et quamquam non venit ad finem tam audax inceptum, tamen haud omnino vanum fuit.

10.32.6nebula erat ad multum diei densa adeo ut lucis usum eriperet non prospectu modo extra vallum adempto sed propinquo etiam congredientium inter se conspectu.

10.32.7hac velut latebra insidiarum freti Samnites vixdum satis certa luce et eam ipsam premente caligine ad stationem Romanam in porta segniter agentem vigilias perveniunt.

10.32.8improviso oppressis nec animi satis ad resistendum nec virium fuit. ab tergo castrorum decumana porta impetus factus;

10.32.9itaque captum quaestorium quaestorque ibi L. Opimius Pansa occisus. conclamatum inde ad arma.

10.33.1Consul tumultu excitus cohortes duas sociorum, Lucanam Suessanamque, quae proximae forte erant, tueri praetorium iubet; manipulos legionum principali via inducit.

10.33.2vixdum satis aptatis armis in ordines eunt et clamore magis quam oculis hostem noscunt nec quantus numerus sit aestimari potest.

10.33.3cedunt primo incerti fortunae suae et hostem introrsum in media castra accipiunt; inde, cum consul vociferaretur, expulsine extra

10.33.4vallum castra deinde sua oppugnaturi essent, clamore sublato conixi primo resistunt, deinde inferunt pedem urgentque et impulsos semel terrore eodem quo coeperunt expellunt extra portam vallumque.

10.33.5inde pergere ac persequi, quia turbida lux metum circa insidiarum faciebat, non ausi, liberatis castris contenti receperunt se intra vallum trecentis ferme hostium occisis.

10.33.6Romanorum stationis primae et eorum qui circa quaestorium oppressi periere ad septingentos triginta.

10.33.7animos inde Samnitibus non infelix audacia auxit et non modo proferre inde castra Romanum sed ne pabulari quidem per agros suos patiebantur; retro in pacatum Soranum agrum pabulatores ibant.

10.33.8quarum rerum fama, tumultuosior etiam quam res erant, perlata Romam coegit L. Postumium consulem vixdum validum proficisci ex urbe.

10.33.9prius tamen quam exiret, militibus edicto Soram iussis convenire ipse aedem Victoriae, quam aedilis curulis ex multaticia pecunia faciendam curaverat, dedicavit.

10.33.10ita ad exercitum profectus, ab Sora in Samnium ad castra collegae perrexit. inde postquam Samnites diffisi duobus exercitibus resisti posse recesserunt, diversi consules ad vastandos agros urbesque oppugnandas discedunt.

10.34.1Postumius Milioniam oppugnare adortus vi primo atque impetu, dein, postquam ea parum procedebant, opere ac vineis demum iniunctis muro cepit.

10.34.2ibi capta iam urbe ab hora quarta usque ad octavam fere horam omnibus partibus urbis diu incerto eventu pugnatum est; postremo potitur oppido Romanus.

10.34.3Samnitium caesi tria milia ducenti, capti quattuor milia septingenti praeter praedam aliam.

10.34.4inde Feritrum ductae legiones, unde oppidani omnibus rebus suis quae ferri agique potuerunt nocte per aversam portam silentio excesserunt.

10.34.5igitur , simul advenit consul, prino ita compositus instructusque moenibus successit, tamquam idem quod ad Milioniam fuerat certaminis foret;

10.34.6deinde, ut silentium vastum in urbe nec arma nec viros in turribus ac muris vidit, avidum invadendi deserta moenia militem detinet, ne quam occultam in fraudem incautus rueret;

10.34.7duas turmas sociorum Latini nominis circumequitare moenia atque explorare omnia iubet. equites portam unam alteramque eadem regione in propinquo patentes conspiciunt itineribusque iis vestigia nocturnae hostium fugae.

10.34.8adequitant deinde sensim portis urbemque ex tuto rectis itineribus perviam conspiciunt et consuli referunt excessum urbe; solitudine haud dubia id perspicuum esse et recentibus vestigiis fugae ac strage rerum in trepidatione nocturna relictarum passim.

10.34.9his auditis consul ad eam earn partem urbis quam adierant equites circumducit agmen. constitutis haud procul porta signis quinque equites iubet intrare urbem et modicum spatium progressos progresses tres manere eodem loco, si tuta videantur, duos explorata ad se referre.

10.34.10qui ubi redierunt rettuleruntque eo se progressos progresses unde in omnes partes circumspectus esset longe lateque silentium ac solitudinem vidisse,

10.34.11extemplo consul cohortes expeditas in urbem induxit, ceteros interim castra communire iussit.

10.34.12ingressi milites refractis foribus paucos graves aetate aut invalidos inveniunt relictaque quae migratu difficilia essent.

10.34.13ea direpta; et cognitum ex captivis est communi consilio aliquot circa urbes conscisse fugam; suos prima vigilia profectos; credere eandem in aliis urbibus solitudinem inventuros.

10.34.14dictis captivorum fides exstitit, desertis oppidis consul potitur.

10.35.1alteri consuli M. Atilio nequaquam tam facile bellum fuit. cum ad Luceriam duceret legiones, quam oppugnari ab Samnitibus audierat, ad finem Lucerinum ei hostis obvius fuit. ibi ira vires aequavit;

10.35.2proelium varium et anceps fuit, tristius tamen eventu Romanis, et quia insueti erant vinci et quia digredientes magis quam in ipso certamine senserunt quantum in sua parte plus volnerum ac caedis fuisset.

10.35.3itaque is terror in castris ortus, qui si pugnantes cepisset, insignis accepta clades foret; tum quoque sollicita nox fuit iam invasurum castra Samnitem credentibus aut prima luce cum victoribus victorious conserendas manus.

10.35.4minus cladis ceterum non plus animorum ad hostes erat. ubi primum inluxit, abire sine certamine cupiunt; sed via una et ea ipsa praeter hostes erat, qua ingressi praebuere speciem recta tendentium ad castra oppugnanda.

10.35.5Consul arma capere milites iubet et sequi se extra vallum; legatis tribunis praefectis sociorum imperat quod apud quemque facto opus est.

10.35.6omnes adfirmant se quidem omnia facturos, sed militum iacere animos; tota nocte inter volnera et gemitus morientium vigilatum esse;

10.35.7si ante lucem ad castra ventum foret, tantum pavoris fuisse ut relicturi signa fuerint; nunc pudore a fuga contineri, alioqui pro victis esse.

10.35.8quae ubi consul accepit, sibimet ipsi circumeundos adloquendosque milites ratus, ut ad quosque venerat, cunctantes arma capere increpabat:

10.35.9quid cessarent tergiversarenturque? hostem in castra venturum nisi illi extra castra exissent, et pro tentoriis suis pugnaturos si pro vallo nollent. armatis ac dimicantibus dubiam victoriam esse;

10.35.10qui nudus atque inermis hostem maneat, ei aut mortem aut servitutem patiendam.

10.35.11haec iurganti increpantique respondebant confectos se pugna hesterna esse, nec virium quicquam nec sanguinis superesse; maiorem multitudinem hostium apparere quam pridie fuerit. inter haec appropinquabat agmen;

10.35.12et iam breviore intervallo certiora intuentes, vallum secum portare Samnitem adfirmant nec dubium esse quin castra circumvallaturi sint.

10.35.13tunc enimvero consul indignum facinus esse vociferari tantam contumeliam ignominiamque ab ignavissimo accipi hoste.

10.35.14etiamne circumsedebimur inquit in castris, ut fame potius per ignominiam quam ferro, si necesse est, per virtutem moriamur? Di bene verterent; facerent quod se dignum quisque ducerent:

10.35.15consulem M. Atilium vel solum, si nemo alius sequatur, iturum adversus hostes casurumque inter signa Samnitium potius quam circumvallari castra Romana videat.

10.35.16dicta consulis legati tribunique et omnes turmae equitum et centuriones primorum ordinum approbavere.

10.35.17tum pudore victus miles segniter arma capit, segniter e castris egreditur longo agmine nec continenti; maesti ac prope victi procedunt adversus hostem nec spe nec animo certiorem.

10.35.18itaque simul conspecta sunt Romana signa, extemplo a primo Samnitium agmine ad novissimum fremitus perfertur, exire, id quod timuerint, ad impediendum iter Romanos;

10.35.19nullam inde ne fugae quidem patere viam; illo loco aut cadendum esse aut stratis hostibus per corpora eorum evadendum.

10.36.1in medium sarcinas coniciunt; armati suis quisque ordinibus instruunt aciem.

10.36.2iam exiguum inter duas acies erat spatium, et stabant exspectantes dum ab hostibus prius impetus prius clamor inciperet.

10.36.3neutris animus est ad pugnandum, diversique integri atque intacti abissent, ni cedenti instaturum alterum timuissent. sua sponte inter invitos tergiversantesque segnis pugna clamore incerto atque impari coepit; nec vestigio quisquam movebatur.

10.36.4tum consul Romanus, ut rem excitaret, equitum paucas turmas extra ordinem immisit; quorum cum plerique delapsi ex equis essent et alii turbati, et a Samnitium acie ad opprimendos eos qui ceciderant et ad suos tuendos ab Romanis procursum est.

10.36.5inde paulum inritata pugna est; sed aliquanto et impigre magis et plures procurrerant Samnites et turbatus eques sua ipse subsidia territis equis proculcavit.

10.36.6hinc fuga coepta totam avertit aciem Romanam; iamque in terga fugientium Samnites pugnabant, cum consul equo praevectus ad portam castrorum ac

10.36.7statione equitum ibi opposita edictoque ut quicumque ad vallum tenderet, sive ille Romanus sive Samnis esset, pro hoste haberetur, haec ipse minitans obstitit profuse tendentibus tendentious suis in castra.

10.36.8quo pergis inquit, miles? et hic arma et viros invenies nec vivo consule tuo nisi victor castra intrabis; proinde elige, cum cive an hoste pugnare malis.

10.36.9haec dicente consule equites infestis cuspidibus circumfunduntur ac peditem in pugnam redire iubent. non virtus solum consulis sed fors etiam adiuvit, quod non institerunt Samnites spatiumque circumagendi signa vertendique aciem a castris in hostem fuit. tum alii alios hortari ut repeterent pugnam;

10.36.10centuriones ab signiferis rapta signa inferre et ostendere suis paucos et ordinibus inconpositis effuse venire hostes.

10.36.11inter haec consul manus ad caelum attollens voce clara, ita ut exaudiretur, templum Iovi Statori vovet, si constitisset a fuga Romana acies redintegratoque proelio cecidisset vicissetque legiones Samnitium.

10.36.12omnes undique adnisi ad restituendam pugnam, duces milites, peditum equitumque vis. numen etiam deorum respexisse nomen Romanum visum; adeo facile inclinata res repulsique a castris hostes, mox etiam redacti ad eum locum in quo commissa pugna erat.

10.36.13ibi obiacente sarcinarum cumulo, quas coniecerant in medium, haesere impediti; deinde, ne diriperentur res, orbem armatorum sarcinis circumdant.

10.36.14tum vero eos a fronte urgere pedites, ab tergo circumvecti equites; ita in medio caesi captique. captivorum numerus fuit septem milium octingentorum, qui omnes nudi sub iugum missi; caesos rettulere ad quattuor milia octingentos. ne Romanis quidem laeta victoria fuit;

10.36.15recensente consule biduo acceptam cladem amissorum militum numerus relatus septem milium octingentorum.

10.36.16dum haec in Apulia gerebantur, altero exercitu Samnites Interamnam, coloniam Romanam, quae via Latina est, occupare conati urbem non tenuerunt; agros depopulati,

10.36.17cum praedam aliam inde mixtam hominum atque pecudum colonosque captos agerent, in victorem incidunt consulem ab Luceria redeuntem; nec praedam solum amittunt sed ipsi longo atque impedito agmine incompositi caeduntur.

10.36.18Consul Interamnam edicto dominis ad res suas noscendas recipiendasque revocatis et exercitu ibi relicto comitiorum causa Romam est profectus.

10.36.19cui de triumpho agenti negatus honos et ob amissa tot milia militum et quod captivos sine pactione sub iugum misisset.

10.37.1Consul alter Postumius, quia in Samnitibus materia belli deerat, in Etruriam transducto exercitu primum pervastaverat Volsiniensem agrum; dein cum egressis ad tuendos fines.

10.37.2haud procul moenibus ipsorum depugnat; duo milia octingenti Etruscorum caesi; ceteros propinquitas urbis tutata est.

10.37.3in Rusellanum agrum exercitus traductus; ibi non agri tantum vastati sed oppidum etiam expugnatum; capta amplius duo milia hominum, minus duo milia circa muros caesa.

10.37.4pax tamen clarior maiorque quam bellum in Etruria eo anno fuerat parta est. tres validissimae urbes, Etruriae capita, Volsinii Perusia Arretium, pacem petiere;

10.37.5et vestimentis militum frumentoque pacti cum consule, ut mitti Romam oratores liceret, indutias in quadraginta annos impetraverunt. multa praesens quingentum milium aeris in singulas civitates imposita.

10.37.6ob hasce res gestas consul cum triumphum ab senatu moris magis causa quam spe impetrandi

10.37.7petisset videretque alios quod tardius ab urbe exisset, alios quod iniussu senatus ex Samnio in Etruriam transisset, partim suos inimicos, partim collegae amicos ad solacium aequatae repulsae sibi quoque negare triumphum,

10.37.8non ita inquit, patres conscripti, vestrae maiestatis meminero, ut me consulem esse obliviscar. eodem iure imperii quo bella gessi, bellis feliciter gestis, Samnio atque Etruria subactis, victoria et pace parta triumphabo.

10.37.9ita senatum reliquit. inde inter tribunos plebis contentio orta; pars intercessuros, ne novo exemplo triumpharet aiebat, pars auxilio se adversus collegas triumphanti futuros.

10.37.10iactata res ad populum est vocatusque eo consul cum M. Horatium L. Valerium consules, C. Marcium Rutulum nuper, patrem eius qui tunc censor esset, non ex auctoritate senatus sed iussu populi triumphasse diceret,

10.37.11adiciebat se quoque laturum fuisse ad populum, ni sciret mancipia nobilium, tribunos plebis, legem impedituros; voluntatem sibi ac favorem consentientis populi pro omnibus iussis esse ac futura.

10.37.12posteroque die auxilio tribunorum plebis trium adversus intercessionem septem tribunorum et consensum senatus celebrante populo diem triumphavit.

10.37.13et huius anni parum constans memoria est. Postumium auctor est Claudius in Samnio captis aliquot urbibus in Apulia fusum fugatumque saucium ipsum cum paucis Luceriam compulsum: ab Atilio in Etruria res gestas eumque triumphasse.

10.37.14Fabius ambo consules in Samnio et ad Luceriam res gessisse scribit traductumque in Etruriam exercitum—sed ab utro consule non adicit —et ad Luceriam utrimque

10.37.15multos occisos inque ea pugna Iovis Statoris aedem votam, ut Romulus ante voverat; sed fanum tantum, id est locus templo effatus, fuerat.

10.37.16ceterum hoc demum anno ut aedem etiam fieri senatus iuberet bis eiusdem voti damnata re publica in religionem venit.

10.38.1sequitur hunc annum et consul insignis, L. Papirius Cursor, qua paterna gloria qua sua, et bellum ingens victoriaque quantam de Samnitibus nemo ad eam diem praeter L. Papirium patrem consulis pepererat.

10.38.2et forte eodem conatu apparatuque omni opulentia insignium armorum bellum adornaverant, et deorum etiam adhibuerant opes, ritu quodam sacramenti vetusto velut initiatis militibus, dilectu per omne Samnium habito nova lege,

10.38.3ut qui iuniorum non convenisset ad imperatorum edictum quique iniussu abisset eius caput Iovi sacraretur.

10.38.4tum exercitus omnis Aquiloniam est indictus. ad quadraginta milia militum, quod roboris in Samnio erat, convenerunt.

10.38.5ibi mediis fere castris locus est consaeptus cratibus pluteisque et linteis contectus, patens ducentos maxime pedes in omnes pariter partis.

10.38.6ibi ex libro vetere linteo lecto sacrificatum sacerdote Ovio Paccio quodam, homine magno natu, qui se id sacrum petere adfirmabat ex vetusta Samnitium religione, qua quondam usi maiores eorum fuissent, cum adimendae Etruscis Capuae clandestinum cepissent consilium.

10.38.7sacrificio perfecto per viatorem imperator acciri iubebat nobilissimum quemque genere factisque; singuli introducebantur.

10.38.8erat cum alius apparatus sacri qui perfundere religione animum posset, tum in loco circa omni contecto arae in medio victimaeque circa caesae et circumstantes centuriones strictis gladiis.

10.38.9admovebatur altaribus magis ut victima quam ut sacri particeps adigebaturque iure iurando quae visa auditaque in eo loco essent, non enuntiaturum.

10.38.10dein iurare cogebant diro quodam carmine, in exsecrationem capitis familiaeque et stirpis composite, nisi isset in—proelium quo imperatores duxissent et si aut ipse ex acie fugisset aut si quem fugientem vidisset non extemplo occidisset.

10.38.11id primo quidam abnuentes iuraturos se obtruncati circa altaria sunt; iacentes deinde inter stragem victimarum documento ceteris fuere ne abnuerent.

10.38.12primoribus Samnitium ea detestatione obstrictis, decem nominatis ab imperatore, eis dictum ut vir virum legerent donec sedecim milium numerum confecissent. ea legio linteata ab integumento consaepti, in quo sacrata nobilitas erat, appellata est; his arma insignia data et cristatae galeae, ut inter ceteros eminerent.

10.38.13paulo plus viginti milium alius exercitus fuit nec corporum specie nec gloria belli nec apparatu linteatae legioni dispar. hic hominum numerus, quod roboris erat, ad Aquiloniam consedit.

10.39.1consules profecti ab urbe, prior Sp. Carvilius, cui veteres legiones quas M. Atilius superioris anni consul in agro Interamnati reliquerat decretae erant.

10.39.2cum eis in Samnium profectus, dum hostes operati superstitionibus concilia secreta agunt, Amiternum oppidum de Samnitibus vi cepit.

10.39.3caesa ibi milia hominum duo ferme atque octingenti, capta quattuor milia ducenti septuaginta.

10.39.4Papirius novo exercitu—ita enim decretum erat—scripto Duroniam urbem expugnavit; minus quam collega cepit hominum, plus aliquanto occidit; praeda opulenta utrobique est parta.

10.39.5inde pervagati Samnium consules, maxime depopulato Atinate agro, Carvilius ad Cominium, Papirius ad Aquiloniam, ubi summa rei Samnitium erat, pervenit.

10.39.6ibi aliquamdiu nec cessatum ab armis est neque naviter pugnatum; lacessendo quietos, resistentibus cedendo comminandoque magis quam inferendo pugnam dies absumebatur.

Book 10, Part 6

10.39.7quodcumque inciperetur remittereturque, omnium rerum etiam parvarum eventus perferebatur inde in altera Romana castra, quae viginti milium spatio aberant, et absentis collegae consilia omnibus gerendis intererant rebus, intentiorque Carvilius, quo in maiore discrimine res vertebatur, in Aquiloniam quam ad Cominium, quod obsidebat, erat.

10.39.8L. Papirius, iam per omnia ad dimicandum satis paratus, nuntium ad collegam mittit sibi in animo esse postero die,

10.39.9si per auspicia liceret, confligere cum hoste; opus esse et illum quanta maxima vi posset Cominium oppugnare, ne quid laxamenti sit Samnitibus ad subsidia Aquiloniam mittenda.

10.39.10diem ad proficiscendum nuntius habuit; nocte rediit, approbare collegam consulta referens.

10.39.11Papirius nuntio misso extemplo contionem habuit; multa de universo genere belli, multa de praesenti hostium apparatu, vana magis specie quam efficaci ad eventum eventurn , disseruit:

10.39.12non enim cristas volnera facere, et per picta atque aurata scuta transire Romanum pilum, et candore tunicarum fulgentem aciem, ubi res ferro geratur, cruentari.

10.39.13auream olim atque argenteam Samnitium aciem a parente suo occidione occisam spoliaque ea honestiora victori hosti quam ipsis arma fuisse.

10.39.14datum hoc forsan nomini familiaeque suae, ut adversus maximos conatus Samnitium opponerentur duces spoliaque ea referrent quae insignia publicis etiam locis decorandis essent.

10.39.15deos immortales adesse propter totiens petita foedera, totiens rupta;

10.39.16si qua coniectura mentis divinae sit, nulli unquam exercitui fuisse infestiores quam qui nefando sacro mixta hominum pecudumque caede respersus, ancipiti deum irae devotus, hinc foederum cum Romanis ictorum testes deos,

10.39.17hinc iuris iurandi adversus foedera suscepti exsecrationes horrens, invitus iuraverit, oderit sacramentum, uno tempore deos cives hostes metuat.

10.40.1haec comperta perfugarum indiciis cum apud infensos iam sua sponte milites disseruisset, simul divinae humanaeque spei pleni clamore consentienti pugnam poscunt; paenitet in posterum diem dilatum certamen; moram diei noctisque oderunt.

10.40.2tertia vigilia noctis, iam relatis litteris a collega, Papirius silentio surgit et pullarium in auspicium mittit.

10.40.3nullum erat genus hominum in castris intactum cupiditate pugnae, summi infimique aeque intenti erant; dux militum, miles ducis ardorem spectabat.

10.40.4is ardor omnium etiam ad eos qui auspicio intererant pervenit; nam cum pulli non pascerentur, pullarius auspicium mentiri ausus tripudium solistimum consuli nuntiavit.

10.40.5Consul laetus auspicium egregium esse et deis auctoribus rem gesturos pronuntiat signumque pugnae proponit.

10.40.6exeunti iam forte in aciem nuntiat perfuga viginti cohortes Samnitium—quadringenariae ferme erant—Cominium profectas. quod ne ignoraret collega, extemplo nuntium mittit; ipse signa ocius proferri iubet;

10.40.7subsidia suis quaeque locis et praefectos subsidiis attribuerat; dextro cornu L. Volumnium, sinistro L. Scipionem, equitibus legatos alios, C. Caedicium et T. Trebonium, praefecit;

10.40.8Sp . Nautium mulos detractis clitellis cum tribus cohortibus alariis in tumulum conspectum propere circumducere iubet atque inde inter ipsam dimicationem quanto maxime posset moto pulvere se ostendere.

10.40.9dum his intentus imperator erat, altercatio inter pullarios orta de auspicio eius diei exauditaque ab equitibus Romanis, qui rem haud spernendam rati Sp. Papirio, fratris fratis filio consulis, ambigi de auspicio renuntiaverunt.

10.40.10iuvenis ante doctrinam deos spernentem natus rem inquisitam, ne quid incompertum deferret, ad consulem detulit.

10.40.11cui ille: tu quidem macte virtute diligentiaque esto! ceterum qui auspicio adest si quid falsi nuntiat, in semet ipsum religionem recipit: mihi quidem tripudium nuntiatum; populo Romano exercituique egregium auspicium est.

10.40.12centurionibus deinde imperavit uti pullarios inter prima signa constituerent. promovent et Samnites signa; insequitur acies ornata armataque, ut hostium quoque magnificum spectaculum esset.

10.40.13priusquam clamor tolleretur concurrereturque, emisso temere pilo ictus pullarius ante signa cecidit. quod ubi consuli nuntiatum est, Di in proelio sunt inquit; habet poenam noxium caput!

10.40.14ante consulem haec dicentem corvus voce clara occinuit; quo laetus augurio consul, adfirmans nunquam humanis rebus magis praesentes interfuisse deos, signa canere et clamorem tolli iussit.

10.41.1proelium commissum atrox, ceterum longe disparibus animis: Romanos ira spes ardor certaminis avidos hostium sanguinis in proelium rapit; Samnitium magnam partem necessitas ac religio invitos magis resistere quam inferre pugnam cogit.

10.41.2nec sustinuissent primum clamorem atque impetum Romanorum, per aliquot iam annos vinci adsueti, ni potentior alius metus insidens pectoribus a fuga retineret.

10.41.3quippe in oculis erat omnis ille occulti paratus sacri et armati sacerdotes et promiscua hominum pecudumque strages et respersae fando nefandoque sanguine arae et dira exsecratio ac furiale carmen, detestandae familiae stirpique compositum; iis vinculis fugae obstricti stabant, civem magis quam hostem timentes.

10.41.4instare Romanus a cornu utroque, a media acie, et caedere deorum hominumque attonitos metu; repugnatur segniter, ut ab iis quos timor moraretur a fuga.

10.41.5iam prope ad signa caedes pervenerat, cum ex transverse pulvis velut ingentis agminis incessu motus apparuit; Sp. Nautius—Octavium Maecium quidam eum tradunt—cum auxiliaribus cohortibus erat;

10.41.6pulverem maiorem quam pro numero excitabant; incidentes mulis calones frondosos ramos per terram trahebant. arma signaque per turbidam lucem in primo apparebant; post altior densiorque pulvis equitum speciem cogentium agmen dabat fefellitque non Samnites modo sed etiam Romanos;

10.41.7et consul adfirmavit errorem clamitans inter prima signa, ita ut vox etiam ad hostis accideret, captum Cominium, victorem collegam adesse: adniterentur vincere, priusquam gloria alterius exercitus fieret. haec insidens equo;

10.41.8inde tribunis centurionibusque imperat, ut viam equitibus patefaciant; ipse Trebonio Caedicioque praedixerat, ubi se cuspidem erectam quatientem vidissent, quanta maxima vi possent concitarent equites in hostem.

10.41.9ad nutum omnia, ut ex ante praeparato, fiunt; panduntur inter ordines viae; provolat eques atque infestis cuspidibus in medium agmen hostium ruit perrumpitque ordines quacumque impetum dedit. instant Volumnius et Scipio et perculsos sternunt.

10.41.10tum iam deorum hominumque victa vi, funduntur linteatae cohortes; pariter iurati iniuratique fugiunt nec quemquam praeter hostes metuunt.

10.41.11peditum quod superfuit pugnae in castra aut Aquiloniam compulsum est; nobilitas equitesque Bovianum perfugerunt. equites eques sequitur, peditem pedes; diversa cornua dextrum ad castra Samnitium, laevum ad urbem tendit.

10.41.12prior aliquanto Volumnius castra cepit; ad urbem Scipioni maiore resistitur vi, non quia plus animi victis est sed melius muri quam vallum armatos arcent; inde lapidibus propulsant hostem.

10.41.13Scipio , nisi in primo pavore priusquam colligerentur animi transacta res esset, lentiorem fore munitae urbis oppugnationem ratus, interrogat milites satin aequo animo paterentur ab altero cornu castra capta esse, se victores pelli a portis urbis.

10.41.14reclamantibus universis primus ipse scuto super caput elato pergit ad portam; secuti alii testudine facta in urbem perrumpunt deturbatisque Samnitibus quae circa portam erant muri occupavere; penetrare in interiora urbis, quia pauci admodum erant, non audent.

10.42.1haec primo ignorare consul et intentus recipiendo exercitui esse; iam enim praeceps in occasum sol erat et appetens nox periculosa et suspecta omnia etiam victoribus faciebat.

10.42.2progressus longius ab dextra capta castra videt, ab laeva clamorem in urbe mixtum pugnantium ac paventium fremitu esse; et tum forte certamen ad portam erat.

10.42.3advectus deinde equo propius, ut suos in muris videt nec iam integri quicquam esse, quoniam temeritate paucorum magnae rei parta occasio esset, acciri quas receperat copias signaque in urbem inferri iussit.

10.42.4ingressi proxima ex parte quia nox appropinquabat, quievere. nocte oppidum ab hostibus desertum est.

10.42.5caesa illo die ad Aquiloniam Samnitium milia viginti trecenti quadraginta, capta tria milia octingenti et septuaginta, signa militaria nonaginta septem.

10.42.6ceterum illud memoriae traditur, non ferme alium ducem laetiorem in acie visum seu suopte ingenio seu fiducia bene gerundae rei.

10.42.7ab eodem robore animi neque controverso auspicio revocari a proelio potuit et in ipso discrimine quo templa deis immortalibus voveri mos erat voverat Iovi Victori, si legiones hostium fudisset, pocillum mulsi priusquam temetum biberet, sese facturum. id votum dis cordi fuit et auspicia in bonum verterunt.

10.43.1eadem fortuna ab altero consule ad Cominium gesta res. prima luce ad moenia omnibus copiis admotis corona cinxit urbem subsidiaque firma, ne qua eruptio fieret, portis opposuit.

10.43.2iam signum dantem eum nuntius a collega trepidus de viginti cohortium adventu et ab impetu moratus est et partem copiarum revocare instructam intentamque ad oppugnandum coegit.

10.43.3D. Brutum Scaevam legatum cum legione prima et decem cohortibus alariis equitatuque ire adversus subsidium hostium iussit:

10.43.4quocumque in loco fuisset obvius, obsisteret ac moraretur manumque, si forte ita res posceret, conferret, modo ne ad Cominium eae copiae admoveri possent.

10.43.5ipse scalas ferri ad muros ab omni parte urbis iussit ac testudine ad portas successit; simul et refringebantur portae et vis undique in muros fiebat. Samnites sicut antequam in muris viderent armatos satis animi habuerunt ad prohibendos urbis aditu hostes,

10.43.6ita, postquam iam non ex intervallo nec missilibus sed comminus gerebatur res et qui aegre successerant ex plano piano in muros, loco quem magis timuerant victo, facile in hostem imparem ex aequo pugnabant,

10.43.7relictis turribus murisque in forum omnes compulsi paulisper inde temptaverunt extremam pugnae fortunam;

10.43.8deinde abiectis armis ad undecim milia hominum et quadringenti in fidem consulis venerunt; caesa ad quattuor milia octingenti octoginta.

10.43.9sic ad Cominium, sic ad Aquiloniam gesta res; in medio inter duas urbes spatio, ubi tertia exspectata erat pugna, hostes non inventi. septem milia passuum cum abessent a Cominio, revocati ab suis neutri proelio occurrerunt.

10.43.10primis ferme tenebris, cum in conspectu iam castra, iam Aquiloniam habuissent, clamor eos utrimque par accidens sustinuit;

10.43.11deinde regione castrorum, quae incensa ab Romanis erant, flamma late fusa certioris cladis indicio progredi longius prohibuit;

10.43.12eo ipso loco temere sub armis strati passim inquietum omne tempus noctis exspectando timendoque lucem egere.

10.43.13prima luce incerti quam in partem intenderent iter repente in fugam consternantur conspecti ab equitibus, qui egressos nocte ab oppido Samnites persecuti viderant multitudinem non vallo, non stationibus firmatam.

10.43.14conspecta et ex muris Aquiloniae ea multitudo erat iamque etiam legionariae cohortes sequebantur; ceterum nec pedes fugientes persequi potuit et ab equite novissimi agminis ducenti ferme et octoginta interfecti; arma multa pavidi ac signa militaria duodeviginti reliquere;

10.43.15alio agmine incolumi, ut ex tanta trepidatione, Bovianum perventum est.

10.44.1laetitiam utriusque exercitus Romani auxit et ab altera parte feliciter gesta res. uterque ex alterius sententia consul captum oppidum diripiendum militi dedit,

10.44.2exhaustis deinde tectis ignem iniecit; eodemque die Aquilonia et Cominium deflagravere et consules cum gratulatione mutua legionum suaque castra coniunxere.

10.44.3in conspectu duorum exercituum et Carvilius suos pro cuiusque merito laudavit donavitque; et Papirius, apud quem multiplex in acie, circa castra, circa urbem fuerat certamen, Sp. Nautium, Sp. Papirium, fratris filium, et quattuor centuriones manipulumque hastatorum armillis aureisque coronis donavit:

10.44.4nautium propter expeditionem qua magni agminis modo terruerat hostes, iuvenem Papirium propter navatam cum equitatu et in proelio operam et nocte qua fugam infestam Samnitibus ab Aquilonia clam egressis fecit,

10.44.5centuriones militesque quia primi portam murumque Aquiloniae ceperant; equites omnes ob insignem multis locis opera corniculis armillisque argenteis donat.

10.44.6consilium inde habitum iamne tempus esset deducendi de Samnio exercitus aut utriusque aut certe alterius,

10.44.7optimum visum, quo magis fractae res Samnitium essent, eo pertinacius et infestius agere cetera et persequi ut perdomitum Samnium insequentibus consulibus tradi posset.

10.44.8quando iam nullus esset hostium exercitus, qui signis conlatis dimicaturus videretur, unum superesse belli genus, urbium oppugnationes, quarum per excidia militem locupletare praeda et hostem pro aris ac focis dimicantem conficere possent.

10.44.9itaque litteris missis ad senatum populumque Romanum de rebus ab se gestis diversi Papirius ad Saepinum, Carvilius ad Veliam oppugnandam legiones ducunt.

10.45.1litterae consulum ingenti laetitia et in curia et in contione auditae, et quadridui supplicatione publicum gaudium privatis studiis celebratum est.

10.45.2nec populo Romano magna solum sed peropportuna etiam ea victoria fuit, quia per idem forte tempus rebellasse Etruscos allatum est.

10.45.3subibat cogitatio animum quonam modo tolerabilis futura Etruria fuisset si quid in Samnio adversi evenisset, quae coniuratione Samnitium erecta, quoniam ambo consules omnisque Romana vis aversa in Samnium esset, occupationem populi Romani pro occasione rebellandi habuisset.

10.45.4legationes sociorum, a M. Atilio praetore in senatum introductae, querebantur uri ac vastari agros a finitimis Etruscis quod desciscere a populo Romano nollent,

10.45.5obtestabanturque patres conscriptos ut se a vi atque iniuria communium hostium tutarentur. responsum legatis curae senatui futurum ne socios fidei suae paeniteret: Etruscorum propediem eandem fortunam quam Samnitium fore.

10.45.6segnius tamen, quod ad Etruriam attinebat, acta res esset, ni Faliscos quoque, qui per multos annos in amicitia fuerant, allatum foret arma Etruscis iunxisse.

10.45.7huius propinquitas populi acuit curam patribus, ut fetiales mittendos ad res repetendas censerent; quibus non redditis ex auctoritate

10.45.8patrum iussu populi bellum Faliscis indictum est iussique consules sortiri uter ex Samnio in Etruriam cum exercitu transiret.

10.45.9iam Carvilius Veliam et Palumbinum et Herculaneum ex Samnitibus ceperat, Veliam intra paucos dies, Palumbinum eodem quo ad muros accessit.

10.45.10ad Herculaneum etiam signis conlatis ancipiti proelio et cum maiore sua quam hostium iactura dimicavit; castris deinde positis moenibus hostem inclusit; oppugnatum oppidum captumque.

10.45.11in his tribus urbibus capta aut caesa ad decem milia hominum, ita ut parvo admodum plures caperentur. sortientibus provincias consulibus Etruria Carvilio evenit secundum vota militum, qui vim frigoris iam in Samnio non patiebantur.

10.45.12Papirio ad Saepinum maior vis hostium restitit. saepe in acie, saepe in agmine, saepe circa ipsam urbem adversus eruptiones hostium pugnatum. nec obsidio sed bellum ex aequo erat; non enim muris magis se Samnites quam armis ac viris moenia tutabantur.

10.45.13tandem pugnando in obsidionem iustam coegit hostes obsidendoque vi atque operibus urbem expugnavit.

10.45.14itaque ab ira plus caedis editum capta urbe; septem milia quadringenti caesi, capta minus tria milia hominum. praeda , quae plurima fuit congestis Samnitium rebus in urbes paucas, militi concessa est.

10.46.1nives iam omnia oppleverant nec durari extra tecta poterat; itaque consul exercitum de Samnio deduxit.

10.46.2venienti Romam triumphus omnium consensu est delatus. triumphavit in magistratu, insigni, ut illorum temporum habitus erat, triumpho.

10.46.3pedites equitesque insignes donis transiere ac transvecti sunt; multae civicae coronae vallaresque ac murales conspectae;

10.46.4inspectata spolia Samnitium et decore ac pulchritudine paternis spoliis, quae nota frequenti publicorum ornatu locorum erant, comparabantur; nobiles aliquot captivi, clari suis patrumque factis, ducti.

10.46.5aeris gravis travecta viciens centum milia et quingenta triginta tria milia; id aes redactum ex captivis dicebatur; argenti quod captum ex urbibus erat pondo mille octingenta triginta. omne aes argentumque in aerarium conditum, militibus nihil datum ex praeda est;

10.46.6auctaque ea invidia est ad plebem quod tributum etiam in stipendium militum conlatum est, cum, si spreta gloria fuisset captivae pecuniae in aerarium inlatae, et militi tum donum dari ex praeda et stipendium militare praestari potuisset.

10.46.7aedem Quirini dedicavit—quam in ipsa dimicatione votam apud neminem neminen veterem auctorem invenio neque hercule tam exiguo tempore perficere potuisset—ab dictatore patre votam filius consul dedicavit exornavitque hostium spoliis;

10.46.8quorum tanta multitudo fuit ut non templum tantum forumque iis ornaretur sed sociis etiam coloniisque finitimis ad templorum locorumque publicorum ornatum dividerentur.

10.46.9ab triumpho exercitum in agrum Vescinum, quia regio ea infesta ab Samnitibus erat, hibernatum duxit.

10.46.10inter haec Carvilius consul in Etruria Troilum primum oppugnare adortus quadringentos septuaginta ditissimos, pecunia grandi pactos ut abire inde liceret, dimisit;

10.46.11ceteram multitudinem oppidumque ipsum vi cepit. inde quinque castella locis sita munitis expugnavit.

10.46.12caesa ibi hostium duo milia quadringenti, minus duo milia capta. et Faliscis pacem petentibus annuas indutias dedit, pactus centum milia gravis aeris et stipendium eius anni militibus.

10.46.13his rebus actis ad triumphum decessit, ut minus clarum de Samnitibus quam collegae triumphus fuerat ita cumulo Etrusci belli aequatum.

10.46.14aeris gravis tulit in aerarium trecenta octoginta milia; reliquo aere aedem Fortis Fortunae de manubiis faciendam locavit prope aedem eius deae ab rege Ser. tullio dedicatam,

10.46.15et militibus ex praeda centenos binos asses et alterum tantum centurionibus atque equitibus, malignitate collegae gratius accipientibus munus, divisit.

10.46.16favor consulis tutatus ad populum est L. Postumium legatum eius, qui dicta die a M. Scantio tribuno plebis fugerat legatione, ut fama ferebat, populi iudicium; iactarique magis quam peragi accusatio eius poterat.

10.47.1exacto iam anno novi tribuni plebis magistratum inierant; bisque ipsis, quia vitio creati erant, quinque post dies alii suffecti.

10.47.2lustrum conditum eo anno est a P. Cornelio Arvina C. Marcio Rutulo censoribus; censa capitum milia ducenta sexaginta duo trecenta viginti unum. censores vicesimi sexti a primis censoribus, lustrum undevicesimum fuit.

10.47.3eodem anno coronati primum ob res bello bene gestas ludos Romanos spectarunt palmaeque tum tun primum translato e Graeco more victoribus datae.

10.47.4eodem anno ab aedilibus curulibus qui eos cos ludos fecerunt damnatis aliquot pecuariis, via a Martis silice ad Bovillas perstrata est. comitia consularia L. Papirius habuit;

10.47.5creavit consules Q. Fabium Maximi filium Gurgitem et D. Iunium Brutum Scaevam. ipse Papirius praetor factus.

10.47.6multis rebus laetus annus vix ad solacium unius mali, pestilentiae urentis simul urbem atque agros, suffecit; portentoque iam similis clades erat, et libri aditi quinam finis aut quod remedium eius mali ab dis daretur.

Book 10, Part 7

10.47.7inventum in libris Aesculapium ab Epidauro Romam arcessendum; neque eo anno, quia bello occupati consules erant, quicquam de ea re actum, praeterquam quod unum diem Aesculapio supplicatio habita est.